Over the last few years, the debate on what a secularized state is, and should be have been increasing in both spread and aggression. One of the many topics triggering this debate is the question if call to prayer should be allowed or not. The Islamic call to prayer is a phenomenon that awakes strong emotions and reactions in western society, and it has been well debated in media. The aim of this thesis is thus to investigate this debate and what ideological standpoints the arguments are based upon. sing the theories of Jürgen Habermas and José Casanova, on the theories of secularization, the debate on the permission of call to prayer in Växjö have been analysed. To give a fair representation of the debate, articles from four different, well established Swedish newspapers have been used.    It has been found that one of the most frequently used arguments against a permission is the fear that the allowance of one call to prayer a day will lead to more extreme, and eventually radical, Islamic elements in the Swedish society.  The study shows that the view of what a secularized state is, is diverse but can generally be divided into two categories, the view that proclaims positive or negative freedom of religion.  Among the arguments against the permission, most part are solely emotional, whereas the arguments supporting the permission often are more rational.     The conclusion is that main part of the arguments is based on liberal and democratic values but how they are interpreted varies. On the side supporting the permission, the arguments are based on equality, the importance of the freedom of speech and the belief that multicultural is enriching. On the opposite side, the arguments are based on the conservation of the Swedish heritage, the Christian faith and effective integration. Many arguments against a permission are problematic since they are constructed on an emotional basis. In a secular state, this type of questions should be handled rational, based on the law of freedom of religion.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze award-winning author Ray Bradbury’s novel Fahrenheit 451 through the lens of postmodernism. The focus will be on identifying symbols and signs of the hyperreal when it comes to freedom of speech, censorship, and technology through Jean Baudrillard’s orders of simulacra from his book Simulacra and Simulation. The images of Ray Bradbury’s dystopian society in Fahrenheit 451 are analyzed, as well as the main characters and their relationship to technology, books, censorship, and freedom of speech. This essay also argues that the hyperreal is relevant today and has been throughout history if knowledge is suppressed or controlled by society as presented in Fahrenheit 451.

The thesis focuses on discussions under news articles shared by news servers on the social network Facebook. The aim of this work is to summarize the existing understanding of the topic. Therefore, theoretical concepts connected to the topic are summarized. The thesis focuses on communication, online communication and the presence of news servers on social networks, as well as on the topic of anonymity on social networks and how anonymity can affect discussions. A chapter of the thesis focuses on the spiral of silence and its possible occurrence in discussions. Further, the thesis focuses on the freedom of speech as well as the new ways social networks are trying to fight disinformation and hate online. The empirical part focuses on how Facebook users view the use of social networks by news servers. Another part of the thesis focuses on a group of volunteers called #jsmetu. This group tries to make sure discussions are factual and are free from personal attacks and vulgarity. Three discussions are analysed - discussions #jsmetu took part in. The thesis investigates the influence #jsmetu has on discussions. Due to the topic of the thesis being a very current one, the thesis suggests more areas for further research.

博士(法学) / Doctor of Laws / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

Entrepreneurship is often linked to some of the most compelling economic and social issues of our time and can therefore be emphasised as essential and relevant. This thesis puts entrepreneurial behaviour in the spotlight and adopts the theoretical lens that enterprises may act as rent-seekers, striving to influence the distribution of income and wealth at the political level for their personal benefit. Because the resources expended on political influence can be seen as non-productive, this entrepreneurial behaviour harms innovation, competitiveness, and the economy as a whole. This work is based on two case studies from two institutionally, politically and socially different contexts and aims to understand the rent-seeking behaviour of enterprises under conditions of governance. Accordingly, cases of Anaklia Deep Sea Port in Georgia and Nord Stream 2 in Germany are brought up for further scrutiny and analysis. The study emphasises the relevance of entrepreneurship as a contextual phenomenon and concludes that governance conditions of a country can have different influences on the rent-seeking behaviour of enterprises. Moreover, this study develops a conceptual generalisation and provides opportunities for further studies.

[pt] As manifestações de pensamento e opinião passaram a ocorrer de forma mais intensa após o advento da internet, considerando que qualquer pessoa conectada à rede pode realizar uma publicação de mensagem e esta ter difusão e amplitude antes inimaginável - como, por exemplo, enviar um conteúdo para uma ou mais pessoas que estão do outro lado do mundo em tempo real e essa publicação ter visualizações na casa dos milhões. A própria relação empregatícia está sendo impactada nesse aspecto. O direito à liberdade de expressão passou a ser invocado de maneira recorrente por empregados que têm sofrido represálias decorrentes de manifestações na internet. Por outro lado, os empregadores têm como principal respaldo legal para justificar suas atitudes o argumento que essas manifestações lesam sua honra, e, com base no artigo 482, alínea K, da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho (1943), que expressamente prevê que constitui motivo suficiente para justa causa ato lesivo da honra ou da boa fama ou ofensas físicas praticadas contra o empregador e superiores hierárquicos (...), aplicam a justa causa. Portanto, há claramente colisão de dois direitos garantidos constitucionalmente em uma relação marcada pela subordinação jurídica do empregado ao empregador em virtude do contrato de trabalho. Desse modo, torna-se fundamental entender o que determina a preponderância de um ou outro direito quando estão em colisão, pois a consequência da manifestação neste caso pode ser bem mais gravosa que se fosse feita em uma relação entre comuns: o empregado pode ser dispensado por justa causa, o que elimina não somente o seu sustento a curto prazo, mas também uma série de direitos trabalhistas. Para compreender essa colisão, além da pesquisa doutrinária, investiga-se como a liberdade de expressão do empregado em manifestações na internet tem sido decidida pelos Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da Terceira Região - Minas Gerais (TRT-3), Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da Segunda Região - São Paulo (TRT-2) e Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da Primeira Região - Rio de Janeiro (TRT-1), através de análise dos acórdãos proferidos no período de 01/01/2015 até 31/12/2021. / [en] Manifestations of thought and opinion began to occur more intensely after the advent of the internet, considering that anyone connected to the network can write a message and share to everyone in a way previously unimaginable - for example, nowadays it is possible sending a messagem to one or more people who is on the other side of the world in real time and this publication reached a thousand views quickly. The employment relationship itself is also impacted in this aspect. The right to freedom of expression started to be used as argument by employees who have suffered reprisals as a result of manifestations on the internet. On the other hand, employers justify their attitudes with the answer that these manifestations harm their honor, and, based on article 482, K, of the Consolidation of Labor Laws (1943) in Brazil, which expressly provides that it constitutes sufficient reason to dismiss from the job act harmful to honor or good reputation or physical offenses committed against the employer and hierarchical superiors (...), to dimiss. Therefore, clearly there is a collision of two constitutional rights in a relationship marked by the legal subordination of the employee to the employer by employment contract. In this way, it is essential to understand what determines the preponderance of one or another right when they are in collision, since the consequence of the manifestation in this case can be much more serious than if it were made in a relationship between two common people: the employee can be dismissed for just cause, which eliminates not only their long-term support, but also a series of labor rights. In order to understand this collision, in addition to doctrinal research, it investigates how the employee s freedom of expression in internet demonstrations has been decided by the Regional Labor Court of the Third Region - Minas Gerais (TRT-3), Regional Labor Court of the Second Region - São Paulo (TRT-2) and Regional Labor Court of the First Region - Rio de Janeiro (TRT-1), through analysis of the judgments handed down from 01/01/2015 to 12/31/2021.

The purpose of this essay was to investigate how Quran burning is portrayed in Aftonbladet's reporting. The study is intended to examine three Quran burnings with each other in order to compare Aftonbladet's reporting. In addition to the portrayal of Quran burning, the study has investigated how the practitioners of Quran burning are portrayed in Aftonbladet. Using a thematic content analysis, the study's text material has been analyzed to produce a result. How an event is portrayed in the media in turn affects how the news is perceived by its audience. ​Therefore, we believe that it is socially relevant to investigate how Quran burning is portrayed, because in Sweden everyone has the right to express themselves freely. Based on the study's thematic analysis, we can see a connection in Aftobladet's reporting on Quran burning. Generally, violent protests and reactions are presented as a consequence of the Quran burnings. In Aftonbladets culture-, editorial- and commentary texts, the Quran burnings are portrayed as a hate crime, more than the right to express oneself freely. As Quran burning appears as a hate crime, the audience's attitude towards Quran burning tends to become more negative In the reporting about Rasmus Paludan and Salwan Momika, who both burned the Quran, Aftonbladet has made different choices in its presentation. Paludan is portrayed as a provocateur who uses freedom of speech in Sweden to provoke. His political affiliation is prominent in Aftonbladet's reporting and his gatherings are portrayed as provocative. Salwan Momika's nationality is not prominent and his Quran burning is not portrayed as provocative.

My aim with this essay is to investigate if Australia's approach; implementation of lockdown, vaccine passport and restriction of the right of assembly and the impact on public protest is compatible with John Stuart Mill's harm principle. I found a conflict between the individual freedom and harm to others. One the one hand, to implement restrictions intervenes with the autonomy of an individual; of one’s body, freedom to move around freely and with freedom of speech. But on the other hand, not implementing these restrictions could potentially harm others by letting the virus spread in the society. My interpretation of Mill's harm principle is that liberty originates from the individual as a progressive being, hence I claim that allowing people to live their life as they chose -”experiment of living”, will lead to a better and happier society. I argue that the Australian government's approaches during the Covid 19 pandemic was not compatible with the harm principle’s individualistic core as I claim Australia neglected individual freedom. However, I argue that some restrictions might be compatible to the harm principle if they are proportional, time limited and properly scrutinised.

This study aims to examine the argumentation regarding freedom of speech and the statement “je suis Charlie” (“I am Charlie”) in eight opinion articles from different Swedish web magazines. Two doctotral dissertations who’s main topics are the freedom of speech and different types of arguments regarding freedom of speach, was used in this study. The study also uses the actual Swedish law surrounding the freedom of speech, as well as the freedom of the press and breaches of these laws. Also mentioned as different types of theories are; utilitarianism and journalism ethics and standards. This is a qualitative study using rhetorical analysis as a main method, but the study also uses some tools from the field of argument analysis, such as theses and main arguments. The results from this study shows, amongst other things, that various arguments can be used when trying to get your view surrounding the freedom of speech across. However there seems to be a clear difference between the writers who argue that the freedom of speech is more important than the right to not having to be discriminated by a statement or an utterance, and the writers who argue that the right to not having to be discriminated by a statement is more important than the right to potentially disciminate someone while uttering something. The writers who share the first view presented here, that the freedom of speech is more important, are also the ones who support the expression ”I am Charlie”, and the writers who don’t think that the freedom of speech is of more importance than the right to not having to be discriminated, does not support the expression ”I am Charlie”. However, while looking at this study, it’s imoportant that the reader bares in mind that the results from it doesn’t say anythning about anything else apart from the articles studied.

Denna uppsats utforskar den intrikata dynamiken av sociala och kulturella kontroverser inom populärmusikalisk diskurs med specifikt fokus på kränkningar och deras konsekvenser. Genom en kvalitativ låttextanalys av fyra låtar från Parents Music Resource Centers (PMRC) ”The Filthy Fifteen”, diskuterar denna studie samspelet mellan kränkning, moralpanik, kulturkrig och yttrandefrihet ur kritiska perspektiv. Genom att utforska dessa spridda men sammanhängande ämnen med hermeneutik och intersektionalitet som teoretiska verktyg, eftersträvar uppsatsen att synliggöra utmaningarna som artister, organisationer och musiklyssnare står inför, den känsliga balansen mellan individuella och kollektiva uttryck av kränkningar.