Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ClaudomiroBOJ.pdf: 1129988 bytes, checksum: 8f385c74c4cf27fb8609416e9bdcb6e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-20 / This dissertation focus, as main objective, to address the issue of fundamental rights and political freedoms of the individuals, guaranteed by the Constitution of 1988, with emphasis of study in the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech, as well as in national related constitutional law institutions and its derivatives, and the connection with the historical and political affirmation of fundamental human rights and its importance for the construction, maintenance and consolidation of constitutional democracy in the Federative Republic of Brazil. This paper mainly deals with aspects of juspostive nature, focused mainly within its doctrinal aspect, making, for such, references both to the patrian doctrine and the foreign one, without forgetting the necessary jurisprudencial focus and analysis of the positive patrian planning with references to comparative law, in order to describe and analyze the emergence, evolution and dissemination of the institute, both in the major countries of the Western World and along the Brazilian constitutional history. / A presente disserta??o tem como objetivo principal, abordar a tem?tica dos direitos fundamentais e das liberdades pol?ticas da pessoa humana garantidos pela Constitui??o Federal de 1988, com ?nfase do estudo na garantia constitucional da liberdade de express?o, bem como nos institutos de direito constitucional correlatos e derivados do mesmo e a liga??o destes com a afirma??o hist?rica e pol?tica dos direitos humanos fundamentais e da sua import?ncia para a constru??o, manuten??o e consolida??o da democracia constitucional dentro da Rep?blica Federativa do Brasil. Este trabalho aborda principalmente os aspectos de natureza juspositiva, com foco principalmente no seu ?mbito doutrin?rio, fazendo para tanto remiss?es tanto ? doutrina p?tria quanto a estrangeira, sem deixar de lado o necess?rio enfoque jurisprudencial e a an?lise do ordenamento positivo p?trio com refer?ncias ao direito comparado, com o objetivo de descrever e analisar o surgimento, a evolu??o e a difus?o do instituto, tanto nos principais pa?ses do Mundo Ocidental, como ao longo da hist?ria constitucional brasileira.

This paper concerns the freedom of speech in our democracy and the principles underlying the restrictions. The study is aimed at using a descriptive theory to provide a useful basis for analyzing a justification of the role behind freedom of speech and its limitations. The analysis is made on the basis of the Swedish parliament debate in the form of motions and the non-governmental organization Swedish Helsinki Committee's report. The study has a focus on the law of hate speech and will be done with an idea centred analysis. On the basis of democratic theory, the central role of freedom of speech was clarified on the basis of a clear need for a reliable communication. An absence of this process could disrupt the democratic order. The theoretical function of restrictions is to maintain that reliable communication process where, for example, special circumstances, threats of violence and certain types of information were seen as examples of situations where the process could be in danger. The empirical result was largely in line with the theoretical conclusions. The ability to argue and keep open debates was seen as important building blocks in a democratic society and therefore implies the benefits of a reliable communication process. Justification for the restrictions was made with regard to harmful information, threatening circumstances and xenophobic organizations, who were examples of counter-productive expressions to the democratic order. However, the study showed that parliamentary motions and the Swedish Helsinki Committee often focused their justifications on different fundamental views which partly could be explained by the concepts of positive and negative freedom and the perception of minority rights. The findings indicated that the issue of restrictions on freedom of speech is extremely complex because of the varied opinions in the drafting of the law of hate speech. The dilemma of freedom of expression can therefore be seen as relevant up to this day.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o financiamento da política no Brasil por pessoas jurídicas, a fim de evocar os riscos que gera para o processo de escolha dos governantes e a fase governamental. A análise dessas questões dá-se por meio de quatro chaves. A primeira trata da capitalização dos partidos políticos e candidatos, a qual demanda fixação de limites por meio de ferramentas de regulação que buscam equilíbrio nas campanhas eleitorais e no financiamento das atividades dos partidos. A segunda versa sobre os dados de eleições nacionais e de pesquisas empíricas sobre o resultado da participação de pessoas jurídicas, correlacionando-o com os efeitos colaterais do financiamento, quais sejam, a corrupção e a influência do poder econômico. O exame de alguns escândalos tem relevância na atualidade, sobretudo diante da possibilidade de subsidiarem reformas que se apresentam necessárias. A terceira aborda soluções encontradas em outros países para equacionar os efeitos da participação das pessoas jurídicas, com destaque para o debate da questão atinente à liberdade de expressão. A pesquisa revela que a Justiça Eleitoral e a jurisdição constitucional brasileira tiveram papel decisivo na conformação do financiamento da política. A quarta consiste na análise crítica das regras do ordenamento brasileiro, inclusive as decorrentes da reforma política, que visam equacionar os problemas diagnosticados no estudo, e das decisões da jurisprudência que lidaram com o princípio da igualdade. Ao final, alinham-se vantagens e desvantagens do financiamento da política por pessoas jurídicas. / The present work aims to analyze the political financing by legal entities in Brazil in order to evoke the risks for the process of choosing the rulers and the period of governorship. The analysis of the issues considers four keys. The first is about the capitalization of the political parties and the candidates, which demands the fixing of limits through regulation tools to seek the balance in the electoral campaigns and in the financing of the parties activities. The second one concerns the data of the national elections and the empirical researches on the result of the participation of legal entities, correlating it with the side effects of financing, in other words corruption and the influence of the economic power. The exam of some scandals is relevant in the present time mainly considering the possibility of subsidizing reforms that are presented as necessary. The third point considers the other countries solutions to balance the effects of the legal entities contributions especially the discussion of the issue pertaining to freedom of expression. The research reveals that the Electoral Courts and the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction had a decisive role shaping the political financing. The fourth key is the critical analyses of the Brazilian legal system, including the rules resulting from the political reform, which intended to solve the problems identified in the study, and the case law which dealt with principle of equality. In the end, there is an evaluation of the advantages and disadvantages of political financing by legal entities.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Paulo de Mattos Donadelli.pdf: 531803 bytes, checksum: 48e5527d5a698547fd47df0daee620e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-14 / Democracy demands isonomic participation in the process of collective decision making. To this purpose it is necessary that the messages of mass media be plural, presenting multiple points of view and a sort of sources. The State must ensure that the citizens get access to multiple points of view and information, as well as the ideas of the main social actors be represented in the communicative environment - comprised by the media in which is the ensemble of communication of certain circle, as an analogy to natural environment . In practice, not every social group has the same access to the mass media. There is a distortion in the so-called free market ideas which is under the thumb of few senders, the major broadcast companies. This can be noted mainly in the scope of concessions of radio and television broadcast, which requires political support, in addition to technological structure, human, and financial resources, whose resources only the major broadcast groups have access to. The regulation of mass media, according to the Brazilian Constitution, must to pursue the democratization of mass media, the pluralism of its actors and to fight monopolies and oligopolies of communication. The Federal Constitution of 1988 envisaged, in the article 224, the creation of Social Communication Council (National), created by Law nº 8.389/91. Such rules aim to establish participation of civil society, in the context of making political decision regarding Social Communication likewise other constitutionally predicted councils, such as Health Council (article 77, Paragraph 3, of Federal Constitution), or the Advisory Board of the Fighting and Eradication Poverty Fund (article 79, sole paragraph of Federal Constitution and Supplementary Law 111 from 2001). This organism has a plural composition. It s composed by representatives of the main different media, technical members, and civil society representatives. Its constitutional function is to assist the National Congress in regulation of Communication. The Communication Social Council would be the mechanism to improve the pluralism of Social Communication in order to minimize the distortions caused by Communications Oligopoly and Monopoly. However, this Council faces juridical and practical issues. The Council was inoperative since the beginning of 2007, its activation happened just on August 2012. Moreover, it s limited to provide opinions that have no effect on decision made in the Social Communication scope. The opinions are considered as mere recommendation; most of the time it is not take in account by political organs. It is necessary to question the legal purposes of Legislative and Executive decisions taken with no consideration of Council position, in other hand the Council will never meet its Constitution role. This dissertation addresses these regulation issues of Social Communication by analyzing the legal power of decisions made by Social Communication Council. / A democracia exige isonomia de participação na formação das decisões coletivas. Para tanto é necessário que as mensagens na comunicação sejam plurais, refletindo diversos pontos de vista e diversos emissores. Deve-se garantir tanto que os cidadãos tenham acesso à diversidade de opiniões e informações, quanto que as ideias dos principais grupos estejam representadas no ambiente comunicativo - entendido como o conjunto da comunicação em determinado âmbito, numa analogia ao meio ambiente . Na prática nem todos os grupos têm o mesmo acesso aos meios de Comunicação Social, existindo uma distorção no chamado livre mercado das ideias que é dominado por poucos emissores, as grandes empresas de comunicação. Isso se vê principalmente no âmbito das concessões de rádio e televisão, que exige apoio político além de estrutura tecnológica, humana e financeira a que só os grandes grupos de comunicação têm acesso. A regulamentação da Comunicação Social, por força da Constituição de 1988, deve buscar a democratização dos meios de comunicação social, o pluralismo dos agentes e combater os monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. A Constituição de 1988 previu, no artigo 224, a criação do Conselho de Comunicação Social (Nacional), órgão regulamentado pela Lei nº 8.389/91. Tais normas visam estabelecer a participação da sociedade civil, na tomada de decisões políticas no âmbito da Comunicação Social a exemplo de outros conselhos constitucionalmente previstos, como os Conselhos de Saúde (artigo 77, § 3º da CF), ou o Conselho Consultivo e de Acompanhamento do Fundo de Combate e Erradicação da Pobreza (artigo 79, parágrafo único da CF e Lei Complementar 111 de 2001). Esse órgão tem uma constituição plural. É composto de representantes dos principais meios de comunicação, além de representantes técnicos e da sociedade civil. Sua função constitucional é auxiliar o Congresso Nacional na normatização da Comunicação Social. O Conselho de Comunicação Social seria um mecanismo para aprimorar o pluralismo da comunicação social de forma a amenizar as distorções causadas pelos monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. No entanto, enfrenta problemas de ordem prática e jurídica. O Conselho encontrava-se desativado desde o início de 2007 e só foi reativado em agosto de 2012. Ademais, é limitado a dar pareceres que não têm qualquer efeito sobre as decisões tomadas no âmbito da Comunicação Social. Os pareceres são vistos como meras recomendações por vezes nem levados em conta pelas instâncias de decisão política. É necessário questionar a validade jurídica das decisões legislativas e executivas tomadas sem consideração da posição do Conselho, caso contrário o Conselho nunca chegará a cumprir sua função Constitucional. O trabalho aborda essas questões de regulamentação da Comunicação Social analisando a força jurídica das decisões do Conselho de Comunicação Social.

The thesis deals with student participation in the life of the school and more specifically with the work of student self-administration. The goal of the theoretical part is to define the concept of student participation and all its accessible forms. To outline the life of students self-administrations and present a current picture of the issue of student participation in the Czech Republic. To compare international experience with the work of student self-administration, as mainly in the course of the last couple of years there have been changes in thinking about student participation. The theoretical context serves as a basis for the empirical part of the paper. The main goal of the investigation is to analyze and describe the work of student self-administration at a chosen high school. The research also describes what possibilities and limits students as well as the management and teachers feel there are in relation to successful operation of student self-administration. The research was realized using a mixed qualitative/quantitative model (QUAN - QVAL scheme). The sample comprises of students, members of the student self-administration, teachers and management of a chosen high school.

This graduation thesis, entitled "Results of libel in press in the relation to the relevant moral rights especially in the area of private law in the Czech Republic" examines press interference into relevant moral rights. The first chapter describes the historical foundations of personal rights protection, as well as their international and European connections. The second chapter discusses the power of media, and the means used for its maintenance and strengthening. In the third chapter, an outline of motivations for publication of news press, which balance between righteousness and libel. In the fourth chapter, an assessment of the clash between freedom of speech and protection of privacy, which are categories guaranteed in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The content of the fifth chapter is fundamental because it provides a thorough analysis of the law which governs personal rights, with a focus on the civil code, press law and procedural rules. The sixth chapter brings sight of rules established by autoregulation. It deals with self- censorship, the journalist's code of ethics, self-controlling authorities and so on. In the seventh chapter, the author examines the motivation behind submitting an accusation for the breach of personal rights. The motivation can be a real and legitimate defence...

Cette thèse porte sur la presse clandestine au Liban, celle qui – non autorisée par l’État–fut publiée et véhiculée par les partis politiques belligérants durant la guerre au Libanentre 1975 et 1982.Elle étudie dans son ensemble la nature d’une sélection significative, non exhaustive,des publications les plus représentatives de cette époque, ses messages, pour aboutirà la compréhension du public et des moyens de distribution de ces écrits.Travail de première main, cette étude se base sur une recherche d’archives, qui seraplus tard approfondie par l’analyse de contenu, du langage, et de la sémiologiequand la publication le permet. Ainsi, nous repasserons en vue les périodiquesFalastine Assawra, Al Qaeda, Al Marouni, Loubnan et Sawt El Hakika pour mieuxsonder les points de vue sur les sujets traités ainsi que la façon de faire selon lavision de chacun.Ainsi, nous avons affaire à des instruments qui témoignent d’une étape cruciale etfondamentale dans l’évolution de la presse libanaise, notamment celle qui s’occupeessentiellement des zones de crise et des manifestations les plus humaines de laliberté de penser.On en conclura que la guerre est aussi bien médiatique qu’armée quand il s’agit d’unaffrontement d’idéologies, et que dans un pays multi confessionnel comme le Liban,l’histoire est non seulement un point de vue, mais une lutte de construction d'imagequi va plus loin que les faits. Michel Foucault le dit bien : "on a beau dire ce que l'onvoit, ce que l'on voit ne tient pas dans ce que l'on dit". / This thesis focuses on the underground press, or what is known as the clandestine press inLebanon, that was published and promoted by the belligerant political parties during thewar in Lebanon between 1975 and 1982. Noteworthy, these publications were notauthorized by the Lebanese authorities at that time.It analyses the nature of a significant selection of 5 of the most representative publicationsof that period, along with their messages, their readers and their different means ofdistribution.As a first study of its kind, this research is based on archival documents, which contect waslater handled with depth, thus analysing the language and the semiotics when thepublication permitted so. Accordingly, we chose to reflect the views of Falastine Assawra,Al Qaeda, Al Marouni, Loubnan and Sawt Al Hakika, examining the direction of thecommunication in each.Noteworthy, this reseatch deals with instruments that reflect a fundamental and crucialstep in the evolution of the Lebanese press. It is essentialy a means of communication usedduring times of crisis, serving political propaganda, sometimes agendas. Nevertheless,these publication a manifestation of the freedom of speech.We conclude that war is made with both arms and media, especially when it involves aclash of ideologies. It also teaches us tha in a multi- confessional country like Lebanon,history is not only a point of view, but also a clash for image-building that goes beyondfacts. Michel Foucault said it quite well: "we may say what you see, what we see does notalways stand out in what we say."

In Tinker v. Des Moines Independent School District, the Supreme Court ruled that students have speech rights in the school environment unless the speech causes or is likely to cause 1) a substantial disruption, or 2) interferes with the rights of others. The Supreme Court has yet to hear a case involving school officials' authority to regulate electronically-delivered derogatory student speech, and no uniform standard currently exists for determining when school authorities can discipline students for such speech when it occurs off campus without violating students' First Amendment rights. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine 19 federal and state court decisions in which school authorities were sued for disciplining students for electronically delivered, derogatory speech. Eighteen of these cases involved student speech that demeaned or defamed school teachers or administrators. Only one involved speech that demeaned another student. Each case was analyzed to identify significant factors in court holdings to provide a basis for the construction of a uniform legal standard for determining when school authorities can discipline students for this type of speech. The full application of Tinker's first and second prongs will provide school officials the authority needed to address this growing problem while still protecting legitimate off-campus student cyber expression. Predictions of future court holdings and policy recommendations are included.

This master thesis examines the political and particular media situation in 1832, with the stress on spreading the liberal ideas and their attempt to influence the public via one typical German journal for this period. Over six months, there was an extraordinary situation in Baden, when the censorship was restricted and suddenly there arose, for this period, unexpected possibilities for journalists. As a reaction to reduction of censorship, the journal Der Freisinnige was established. Although its existence was short-lived, manifestation of liberal values and reflection of contemporary opinions is evident. This journal was more important and powerful than any other because of the cooperation with one of the main initiators of liberalism, Karl von Rotteck, who was also active in politics. This connection of two roles was very powerful. Freedom of speech, understood as one of the major liberal demands, allowed the practical promotion of liberal ideas among citizens. This case study pays attention to this particular year, within the political inclinations and tendencies over the period 1815-1832 of the Grand Duchy of Baden and former German Confederation. There were clear connections to the events in the first third of the nineteen century, that made the short-time fall of censorship happen. At the...

The purpose of this study is based on a implementation theoretical perspective, to understand, want, and be able to study the conditions for social studies and science teachers at the upper secondary school level to implement the content of The Instrument of Government on freedom of speech, freedom of opinion and discrimination. The study is based on the political scientist Lennart Lundqvist’s implementation theory of understanding, will and ability. To fulfill this purpose, we have conducted eight semi-structured interviews, which consists of four social studies teachers and four science teachers. Based on the material we received through the eight interviews, we can conclude that not all teachers that participated in this study understand the content on freedom of speech, freedom of opinion and discrimination. All teachers described through their self- image a will to implement the content of The Instrument of Government on freedom of speech, freedom of opinion and discrimination when they handle value conflicts. Even though many teachers haven’t experienced discrimination in value conflicts it is still important to work with it. The teachers had the knowledge in common as the main factor which enabled them to implement.