Le droit pénal ne contient, certes, aucune infraction de prosélytisme intellectuel nommée comme telle, mais il connaît, depuis longtemps, la conversion idéologique et s’y intéresse par le moyen de plusieurs types d’incriminations. En effet, s’il demeure, au nom du respect des libertés fondamentales, complètement indifférent à l’appropriation d’une idéologie par le prosélyte, il intervient à chaque fois que l’expression de celle-ci porte atteinte aux valeurs sociales qu’il protège. C’est notamment le cas lorsqu’une idéologie agressive est diffusée : elle échappe à tout contrôle possible par le prosélyte, si bien que sa propagation est source de trouble pour l’ordre public et justifie ainsi sa répression par une infraction d’idéologie. En outre, le droit pénal s’intéresse au comportement du prosélyte : lorsque l’acte qu’il réalise en vue de convertir autrui à une idéologie heurte les valeurs protégées par le législateur pénal, des infractions par idéologie existent pour limiter le prosélytisme intellectuel. Elles ont vocation à réprimer non pas la conversion idéologique en tant que telle, mais les moyens utilisés par le prosélyte au cours du processus de conversion et qui constituent, eux, une menace pour l’ordre et la sécurité publics. Par conséquent, que ce soit à travers des infractions d’idéologie ou par idéologie, le droit pénal contient déjà la réponse pour combattre le prosélytisme intellectuel qui risque de menacer la tranquillité sociale. Dès lors, en dépit de la tendance actuelle qui privilégie le recours à l’arme répressive pour combattre le terrorisme, les sectes dites dangereuses et l’homme criminel – dangereux, à son tour –, aucune intervention législative qui irait dans le sens de la création d’une nouvelle incrimination de prosélytisme intellectuel n’est la bienvenue. En revanche, l’étude du prosélytisme intellectuel a permis de mettre en évidence une particularité propre au délinquant prosélyte qui devrait être prise en compte aussi bien par le législateur que par le juge pénal : animé par une idéologie, le prosélyte devrait être toujours traité comme un délinquant politique et les infractions de prosélytisme intellectuel innommées devraient alors, elles aussi, recevoir cette qualification. / Criminal law does not explicitly incorporate criminal offenses directly related to intellectual proselytism per se. Nevertheless, references to ideological conversion have long been cited in several types of criminal offenses. Criminal law holds that each person has the fundamental human right of freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, and does not interfere in the act of a proselyte adopting an ideology. However, the law is implicated whenever an ideology is conveyed in such a manner that threatens the social values the law is bound to protect. For instance, an aggressive ideology is a real danger to the public order, and can spread and spin out of control. In such cases, it is justified and necessary to consider ideological conversion as a crime named ideological offense.Furthermore, the behavior of the proselyte is of concern, whenever an action to convert a person to an ideology is in conflict with the values that criminal legislators are protecting. Specific offenses induced by an ideology are in place to impede intellectual proselytism. These types of offenses aim to penalize the methods used by the proselyte during conversion, rather than prohibit the ideological conversion itself, as the methods themselves constitute a danger to the public order and safety.Consequently, criminal law already encompasses offenses based on ideological ground or induced by ideology, and which constrain intellectual proselytism that is at risk of disturbing the social order. Any new draft law and intervention to propose additional incrimination related to intellectual proselytism are questionable, in spite of the recent tendency to eradicate terrorism, dangerous sects, or criminals by means of repressive weapons.Interestingly, the study completed on intellectual proselytism has shown that there exist particularities of an intellectual proselyte which are analogous to a political delinquent. And this fact must be taken into account by both prosecutors and criminal judges. A proselyte who is supporting a strong ideology is similar to a political delinquent and thereby, offenses related to intellectual proselytism should be treated in the same manner as infractions of a political delinquent.

Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The objective of this thesis is to provide an overview of general part of the protection of personality in the Czech legal system, as well as a detailed analysis of selected aspects of personal rights. The thesis focuses on protection provided by the Act Nr. 89/2012 Sb., Civil Code, and the European Convention on Human Rights. Initial chapters of the general part of the thesis deal with brief introduction to the historical background of personality rights in the Czech legal environment, as well as with the definition of personality and personality rights as such, together with a demonstrative list of values protected by the general right of personality. The subsequent chapter provides an overview of Czech and international sources of law concerning personality protection. Chapter four deals with lawful and unlawful interferences with personality rights. The final chapter of the general part outlines legal means of protection of personal rights available according to the Czech law. The special part of the thesis is dedicated to a deeper analysis of three aspects of protection of personal rights. Chapter six deals with one of the most important personal rights, the right to privacy. This chapter aims to introduce the broad concept of privacy, including case law of the European Court of Human Rights...

La liberté d’expression est aujourd’hui considérée comme l’un des éléments essentiels d’une société démocratique. Sous l’impulsion de la jurisprudence européenne et interaméricaine des droits de l’homme, elle a acquis une dimension nouvelle et bénéficie d’une large protection. Cependant, et malgré son importance, cette liberté n’est pas absolue, elle doit être conciliée avec d’autres droits de valeur équivalente et des impératifs juridiques qui méritent aussi d’être protégés.Traditionnellement le moyen de régulation et de sanction des abus de la liberté d’expression a été le droit pénal. Cependant, le renforcement de la liberté a produit, de manière inversement proportionnelle, un phénomène de «retrait progressif» du droit pénal, lequel est considéré de moins en moins comme un mode «strictement nécessaire» etproportionnel de sanction par rapport au but poursuivi. Cette thèse analyse la pertinence du recours au droit pénal dans le domaine judiciaire, où la liberté d’expression se trouve souvent confrontée au droit à la présomption d’innocence, droit à la réputation, et aux impératifs de protection de l’autorité et de l’impartialité du pouvoir judiciaire. La question est abordée à partir d’une approche de politique criminelle, laquelle nous permet de déborder le champ du droit pénal, pour fairedes propositions de régulation et de sanction nouvelles, d’une nature autre que pénale. / Freedom of speech is now considered one of the essential elements of a democratic society. Driven by the European and Inter-American Court of Human Rights, it has acquired a new dimension and has an extensive protection. However, despite its importance, this freedom is not absolute, it must be balanced with other rights of equal value and legal imperatives which also deserve protection. Traditionally the way of regulating and sanctioning abuses of freedom of speech was criminal law. However, the strengthening of the freedom has produced, inversely, a phenomenon of " gradual withdrawal " of criminal law, which is considered less and less as "strictly necessary" and is often viewed as a disproportionate mode of sanction in regards to the goal pursued. This thesis analyzes the relevance of the use of criminal law in the judiciary field, where freedom of expression is often confronted with the right to presumption of innocence, right to reputation, and the need to protect the authority and impartiality of the judiciary. The issue is studied from a criminal policy approach, which allows us to go beyond the field of criminal law to make proposals for new regulation and punishment by other means than criminal.

During Zimbabwe’s 2008 harmonised elections the country’s media laws had a direct impact on the way editorial cartoonists expressed themselves. Although the online newspapers were unregulated and the print media published under Zimbabwe’s media laws, Public Order and Security Act and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy act - the editorial cartoons from both sources show deliberate bias towards one candidate and contempt towards the main rival. The study contextualises the understanding of the editorial cartoon, as practised in an environment of freedom of speech and defined by the four categories identified by Press (1981) and Manning and Phiddian (2004), and delineates the effect of media laws on the newspaper industry in Zimbabwe. The four categories of editorial cartoons identified are descriptive editorial cartoons, laughing satirical editorial cartoons, destructive satirical editorial cartoons, and savage indignation editorial cartoons. The study reviews eight editorial cartoons, read using a semiotic framework investigating non-verbal communication, as defined and suggested by Du Plooy (1996), and a text and language grid, as suggested by Leech (1974), according to the criteria of symbols/metaphors, exaggeration/distortion, stereotypes, caricature, irony, captions, and background knowledge, as developed by Fetsko (2001). A comparative analysis of the cartoons reveals that objectives and functions of the unregulated zimonline.co.za and the regulated the Herald newspapers are the same. They constitute propagandistic representations of Zimbabwean politics that are more an extension of political ideology than they are a reflection of the country’s sociopolitical landscape.

In the light of overall democratic and normative values for Swedish education, including freedom of expression, the aim of this study was to examine how teachers’ critical comments on a school organization at upper secondary level (post-16 education) can be received and possible implications for teachers who express such criticism and for the school organization. The questions focused on criticism in relation to the core values of education and freedom of expression, in a policy context of marketization of the Swedish school system. The study was conducted as a qualitative case study; empirical data were collected from depth interviews with five teachers in two different municipalities in different parts of the country. The theoretical framework regarding criticism as a Phenom is based on the model of the whistle-blowing process by Miceli & Near (1992) and Hedin et. al. (2008). The informants’ statements are interpreted from two normative ethical theories: a deontological and a teleological perspective. Possibilities and limitations for criticism are looked upon in relation to the economic management ideology of New Public Management. The study identifies a critic process which is linked to the ideology and the school governance; in particular, in relation to the school and the school's Educational Marketization adjustment. It also shows on retaliation for the teachers - in this case study, among others, negative salary developments, redeployment but also shutdowns and buyouts. The interviewed teachers often had high confidence and high status within the school but the whistle-blowing process changed their position as self-confidence and hollowed working drive. Critical implications regarding the school's organization remained unchanged in four of five cases. The study notes, finally, that in today's school there seem to be two parallel discourses; one of speaking up and another of silence. Furthermore, the study indicates that the two discourses shape different kinds of loyalty structures in a kind of reward and punishment system. / Den här studiens övergripande syfte var att mot bakgrund av gymnasieskolans generella normativa värden undersöka hur lärares kritiska synpunkter på en skolorganisation kan mottas och eventuella konsekvenser för lärare som framför sådan kritik och för skolorganisationen. Frågeställningarna fokuserarkritikiförhållandetillskolansvärdegrundochyttrandefriheti kontextenavettmarknadsutsatt skolsystem. Studien genomfördes som en kvalitativ fallstudie; empirisk data insamlades i djupintervjuer med fem lärare i två olika kommuner i olika delar av landet. Det teoretiska ramverk vad gäller kritik som fenomen utgår ifrån modellen kritikerprocessen (Miceli &Near 1992; Hedin et. al. 2008); därtill tolkas informanternas utsagor utifrån två normativa etiska teorier: ett deontologiskt och ett teleologiskt perspektiv. Möjligheter och begränsningar för kritik kopplas därutöver till den ekonomiska förvaltningsideologin New Public Management. Resultaten i undersökningen identifierar en kritikerprocess som vidare kan kopplas till ideologi och skolans styrning; framför allt i relation till skolans kommunalisering och skolans marknadsanpassning. Resultaten visar även på repressalier för de kritiska lärarna - i denna fallstudie bl.a. negativ löneutveckling, omplaceringar men också avstängning och utköp. De intervjuade lärarna hade ofta ett högt förtroendekapital och hög status inom skolan men i och med repressalieprocessen förändrades deras position samtidigt som både självförtroendet och arbetslusten urholkades. Kritikens konsekvenser vad gäller skolans organisation föreföll i fyra av fem fall oförändrad. Studien konstaterar avslutningsvis att det i dagens skola, inom ramen för de normativa värdena om demokrati och yttrandefrihet, förefaller finnas två parallella diskurser, den ena talandets – och den andra tigandets diskurs. Studien tyder vidare på att de två diskurserna formar olika slags lojalitetsstrukturer i ett slags belönings- och bestraffnings-system.

The diploma thesis is focused on the phenomena of political correctness. The topic is studied at three levels which correspond to the three chapters. The first chapter analyses the development of the term political correctness and the discussion which took place in the USA. The second chapter presents the main philosophical and ethical basis of political correctness, the third chapter describes its particular diplays.

This study is an analysis of musical lyrics which express oppression and discrimination of the African American community and encourage potential action for individuals to make a claim on their rights. This analysis will be done methodologically as a content analysis. Song texts are examined in the context of oppression and discrimination and how they relate to social movements. This study will examine different social movements occurring during a timeline stretching from the era of slavery to present day, and how music gives frame to collective identities as well as potential action. The material consisting of song lyrics will be theoretically approached from different sociological and musicological perspectives. This study aims to examine what interpretative frame for social change is offered by music. Conclusively, this study will show that music functions as an informative tool which can spread awareness and encourage people to pressure authorities and make a claim on their Human Rights.

La responsabilité civile délictuelle a longtemps servi de fondement pour obtenir une réparation des préjudices causés par un écrit imprudent, une parole désobligeante ou la diffusion d’une information confidentielle. Alors qu’elle continue à être utilisée en Belgique et au Grand-Duché du Luxembourg, les juges français de la Cour de cassation ont tenté de supprimer cette possibilité par des arrêts d’Assemblée Plénière le 12 juillet 2000. Seize années d’insécurité juridique viennent de s’écouler. La présente étude tente de démontrer que la France a fait fausse route et qu’il est souhaitable –et souhaité- que la responsabilité civile délictuelle retrouve sa place en droit français et permette de fonder la sanction des abus de la liberté d’expression. La France est souvent condamnée pour sa gestion de la liberté d’expression. Jusqu’à présent, aucun recours n’a été déposé au sujet de l’éviction de la responsabilité civile mais plusieurs arguments autorisent à croire qu’une condamnation de l’exception française serait probable par la Cour de Strasbourg. / Tortious liability or Torts are useful to obtain compensation for damages of Speech : a careless paper, an unkind word or the disclosure of confidential informations. Tortious liability is currently used by the States of Belgium and Luxembourg. However, in France, on July 12th 2000, Cassation Court judges took several decisions to prevent tort law to be used in Freedom of Speech processes. Since then, France has been on a wrong path. This dissertation attempts to prove necessary the return of tortious liability in the media industry and law. France is often targeted by the ECHR for violation of article 10 (freedom of speech rights). So far, noone dared to form a request to the Strasbourg Court on the French Tort law ban. However, several reasons and arguments are available to the reader in order to expect that eventually France will be found wrong to keep on the ban of civil liability in speech freedom cases.

Fifty journalists worldwide lost their lives while doing their job last year. Many others are in prison, face death threats and other kinds of imminence. With the spread of the internet and social media a lot of communication moved into cyberspace therefore many threats and attacks towards journalists are taking place there. This thesis called Investigative Journalists in Danger in Czech Media Environment deals with the threats investigative journalists are facing. This paper also analyses how they are protecting themselves while doing their job. For a better understanding of the whole topic, this paper also presents to the reader the history, development and role of investigative journalism in the Czech Republic. The research presents interviews with twelve established Czech investigative journalists who shared their experiences and opinions on the state of security in the Czech Republic, the threats they are facing and how they are protecting themselves. The answers of the respondents confirmed the general opinion that being an investigative journalist is often a dangerous job where the reporters face all kinds of threats and pressure.