[pt] A censura à arte fez-se presente nos diversos momentos históricos do Brasil, até ser formalmente extinta pela Constituição de 1988. A proibição de censura prévia, porém, não impediu que obras de arte fossem submetidas ao crivo dos Poderes constituídos, instados a manifestar-se acerca dos limites da liberdade de expressão artística. Em setembro de 2017, ocorreu um “estopim” administrativo, judiciário e midiático com a ocorrência de quatro casos de censura em apenas um mês, que tomaram notoriedade em todo o país, especialmente a exposição Queermuseu e a performance La Bête. Esses casos são considerados como o marco inicial do período estudado neste trabalho. A partir desses quatro episódios, a tônica do debate público e da atuação dos Poderes constituídos mudou de foco, representando indício de uma possível mudança estrutural do comportamento das instituições e do público no que toca à liberdade de expressão artística e à censura no Brasil. Com intuito de analisar essa mudança, foram feitos estudos de caso de doze obras de arte que sofreram ao menos um ato de censura entre setembro de 2017 e março de 2020, quando ocorreu o fechamento dos espaços culturais devido à pandemia de COVID-19. O trabalho abordará as peculiaridades da censura no período estudado, que tem por característica negar a si mesma. Também serão abordadas as ferramentas jurídicas e administrativas disponíveis aos artistas e ao público para impugnar os atos censórios emanados dos Poderes constituídos. / [en] Artistic censorship has been constant in brazilian history, until its formal extincion after 1988 Constitution. Although previous censorship is prohibited, works of art have been submited to the constitutional Powers, since then, in order to determine the limits of artistic freedom of expression. In september 2017, four episodes of censorship occurred in the same month and became notorious all over Brazil, specially the Queermuseu exhibition and the performance La Bête. This cases are the starting point to this research. This four episodes unleashed a conservative turning point in the behaviour of the institutions and the public debate concerning freedom of speech. In order to analyze this change, case studies will be carried out, comparing the most notorious episodes of the period. The time frame has been restricted from the cases Queermuseu and La Bête, that took place in september, 2017, until the closure of cultural spaces during the COVID-19 pandemic, in march 2020. This paper approaches the peculiarities of censorship in this time frame, featuring the tendency to deny itself. Also, this research will expose some of the legal and administrative tools available to the artists and the citizens to fight censorship by constituted Powers.

Quran burning is a new phenomenon in Sweden first executed by Rasmus Paludan, the leader of a far-right, anti-immigrant political party - Stram Kurs. These burnings are still a subject of debates and cause a lot of controversy due to the vandalism caused by the local muslim protesters and because many muslims and non-muslims believe that it should be categorized as incitement of hatred against muslims. The purpose of this study is to illuminate how young muslims in Skania, Sweden, perceive the Quran burnings that are protected by the Swedish Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression. The purpose of this study is also to get a picture of how the burnings affect them and to show how this demonstration of freedom of speech affects their freedom of religion. Five semi structured interviews were done to conduct this study. The chosen relevant theories that were used were stigma, islamophobia, the argument from truth and the argument from autonomy. The most important findings of this study are that the interviewed young Swedish muslims believe that there is an error in the Swedish system where laws against incitement of hatred are only applied in some cases, but not other. And that the interviewees feel angry about the police protecting a man who is trying to provoke them by mocking them and their religion. They also question whether they belong in Sweden and are convinced that the Quran burnings will only cause further division in the society of which muslims are a large part of. Another problem that they pointed out is that the media uses the pictures of the vandalizing protesters to spread a negative image of muslims and Islam. Another finding is that the interviewed young Swedish muslims feel that the Quran burnings are a new and legitimate way for islamophobes to attack and offend them. They also feel, however, that their freedom of religion remains unaffected. The last finding is that based on the argument from truth and the argument from autonomy, the Quran burnings do not justify limiting the freedom of expression. The conclusion is that these islamophobic attacks in the form of Quran burnings are a consequence of a tribal stigma that, according to the interviewed young Swedish muslims, muslims in Sweden have to live with. This stigma can even be found in how the interviewed muslims feel the government and the media are treating them. Even if the Quran burnings don’t justify limiting freedom of expression, the problem remains that the interviewees feel that freedom of expression is being used against them. / <p>Mångfaldsstudier</p>

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marco Antonio Marcondes Pereira.pdf: 1480347 bytes, checksum: b307b079d2871a83048c85db80ef8da6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-04 / Comparative Advertising is theme presented in their constituent aspects, as social phenomenon with reflexes in the economy, in the culture and in the Brazilian system of laws. The exam of the history of the advertising and the several ways as it has been conceived in the last years contribute to delimit the comparative method as a specific technique. Technique marked by the line of the aggressiveness in the formulation of the advertising messages that, under excuse of being mere fruit of the imagination and of the professionals' creativity in it involved, it has the unequivocal purpose of invigoration the economic function. The use of the technique, though, it is absent-minded of concerns with their effects in the sphere of the rights of the contestants, of the own professionals of the area of the publicity, of the consumers and of the citizens in general. The form how the advertising is collected by the legal system ― in the constitutional plan and in the statutory law plan ― it comes as vector to incite inquiries on the licitness of the comparative advertising in Brazil. The possible answer is among the many themes developed in the work, among the ones which, for instance, the fundamental rights, the freedom of expression and communication, the repression rules to the disloyal competition, the prohibition of the right abuse and the respect to the copyright. Starting from those juridical categories, the text shows the perplexity between professionals of the marketing areas and jurists on that aggressive advertising technique. Defenders and opponents of Comparative Advertising are characters of that plot of trade and consumerism of the current communication order. Strong and convincing arguments developed by those characters, solitary of the experience and of conflicts of interests, they allow the choice of an answer to the inquiry on the licitness of the comparative advertising in the Brazilian law / Publicidade Comparativa é tema apresentado em seus aspectos constitutivos, como fenômeno social com reflexos na economia, na cultura e na ordem jurídica brasileira. O exame da história da publicidade e as várias maneiras como vem sendo concebida nos últimos anos contribuem para delimitar a publicidade comparativa como uma técnica específica. Técnica marcada pelo traço da agressividade na formulação das mensagens publicitária que, sob pretexto de ser mero fruto da imaginação e da criatividade dos profissionais nela envolvidos, tem o inequívoco propósito de fortalecimento da sua função econômica. O uso da técnica, todavia, é abstraído de preocupações com os seus efeitos na esfera dos direitos dos concorrentes, dos próprios profissionais da área da publicidade, dos consumidores e dos cidadãos em geral. A forma como a publicidade é recolhida pelo ordenamento jurídico ― no plano constitucional e no plano infraconstitucional ― apresenta-se como vetor para incitar indagações sobre a licitude da publicidade comparativa no Brasil. A resposta possível está entre os muitos temas enfeixados no trabalho, dentre os quais, por exemplo, os direitos fundamentais, a liberdade de expressão e comunicação, as regras de repressão à concorrência desleal, a proibição do abuso de direito e o respeito ao direito autoral. A partir dessas categorias jurídicas, o texto mostra a perplexidade reinante entre profissionais das áreas de marketing e publicidade e juristas sobre essa técnica publicitária agressiva. Defensores e opositores dela ― Publicidade Comparativa ― são personagens dessa trama mercadológica e consumista da atual ordem comunicacional. Argumentos fortes e convincentes desenvolvidos por essas personagens, retirados da experiência e de conflitos de interesses, permitem a escolha de uma resposta à indagação sobre a licitude da publicidade comparativa no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro

Trying to overcome the traditional analytic nihilism of papers dealing with Czechoslovakia in 1968, which arises from the military occupation, the author puts the fact of freedom of speech into his work's central interest. In a comparative study this work studies the different interpretations of its role and meaning, including: the dogmatic point of view concerning the freedom of speech being a source of organized counterrevolution; the effort of the reformers to include the freedom of speech into their reform and meanwhile to make it an instrument of it and the way it instead became an autonomous control of their politics; the realistic criticism concentrated on the manifestations of irresponsibility in the press endangering the reform on the one side and not being able to exit the temporary system imagination on the other; it equally pays attention to the 'unnamed', non-members of the Party, who process their self- establishment as an opposing political current, who however rest being no less than a source of interesting subversion; and finally examines the radical democrat approach understanding the freedom of speech as an obligatory condition of their politics together projecting the reconstitution of the society as an autonomous political subject. The work uses contemporary documents and texts...

The aim of this thesis is to study how the international media CNN frame their news reporting with the change of presidency in America, after a year of being accused of spreading fake news by president Trump. By using a Critical Discourse Analysis, CDA and a rhetorical analysis I examined a selection of articles published in CNN. In total I examined ten articles from 2015 focusing on how CNN choose to portray the identity of the president at the time Barack Obama. I also selected ten articles from 2017 to analyze how the CNN choose to construct Trumps identity a year after his ascent to the president office. The result show that Barack Obama is portrayed as an inspiring president always there for his people. Donald Trump is instead portrayed as a bad leader for the country while CNN started to focus on regaining the trust of the public. In 2015 CNN also used more pathos and ethos arguments than in 2017 when they instead focus on arguments through logos. CNN show that they stand by their goal to control and oversee the power of governments in democracy. Media and governments in a democracy work together to balance their power. / Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att studera hur det internationella mediet CNN gestaltar sin nyhetsrapportering, med förändringen av olika presidenter, efter ett år att ha blivit anklagade att sprida falska nyheter av president Trump. Genom att använda en kritisk diskursanalys och en retorisk analys undersökte jag ett urval av artiklar publicerade i CNN. Totalt studerade jag tio artiklar från 2015 som handlade om Barack Obama som var president det året. Sedan valde jag tio artiklar från 2017 för att analysera hur CNN valde att gestalta Trumps identitet, ett år efter han blivit president. Resultatet visade att Barack Obama gestaltas som en inspirerande ledare som alltid finns där för sitt folk. Donald Trump gestaltades istället som en sämre ledare för landet och CNN fokuserade på att vinna tillbaka förtroendet från allmänheten. 2015 använde CNN också mer patos och etosargument än 2017 då de istället fokuserade på logosargument. CNN visar att de står fast vid sitt uppdrag att kontrollera och bevaka demokratiska länders regeringar. Medierna och regeringar arbetar tillsammans för att balansera sin makt.

Sammanfattning Yttrandefriheten utgör en av grundbultarna i en demokratisk rättsstat. I svensk rätt är den grundlagsskyddade yttrandefriheten, reglerad i TF och YGL, starkt förankrad. De inskränkningar som får göras i denna bygger på noggranna överväganden. Att utpeka annan fysisk person såsom brottslig, klandervärd i sitt levnadssätt eller eljest lämna uppgift som är ägnad att utsätta denna för andras missaktning utgör förtal. Förtal är såväl ett yttrandefrihetsbrott enligt 7 kap. 4 § p. 14 TF, som ett brott mot person enligt 5 kap. 1–2 §§ BrB. Det som den svenska förtalsregleringen syftar till att skydda är den objektiva äran: anseendet, det goda namnet och ryktet hos det potentiella offret.   I svensk rätt har intagits en ståndpunkt om att juridiska personer inte är berättigade till ett rättsligt skydd vid förtal, eftersom förtalet inte anses angripa någons anseende. Införandet av ett straffrättsligt ansvar vid förtal mot juridisk person har föreslagits, men avfärdats med motiveringen att det skulle utgöra en omotiverad inskränkning i yttrandefriheten. I vissa utländska rättssystem, vilka upprätthåller en stark yttrandefrihet, åtnjuter juridiska personer dock ett rättsligt skydd mot förtal genom straffrättslig eller civilrättslig lagstiftning. Juridiska personer åtnjuter därtill flertalet grundläggande ekonomiska och personliga fri- och rättigheter inom unions- och konventionsrätten. Av nämnda fri- och rättigheter är rätten till effektiva rättsmedel av särskild betydelse. Därtill är medlemsstater i Europeiska unionen (EU) skyldiga att tillhandahålla effektiva rättsmedel till enskilda för att säkra ett effektivt domstolsskydd. Det har ännu inte prövats huruvida en särskild civilrättslig skadeståndsreglering vid förtal mot juridisk person bör införas i svensk rätt, i syfte att skapa ett effektivt rättsmedel som är mindre benäget att inskränka yttrandefriheten.   I förevarande framställning konstateras att juridiska personer åtnjuter ett kommersiellt anseende och ett rykte som kan bli föremål för kränkningar genom förtal. Skadeverkningarna av förtal är i huvudsak ekonomiska. Svensk rätt, avseende bristen på rättsmedel vid förtal mot juridisk person, är oförenlig med unions- och konventionsrätten, eftersom den riskerar att direkt kränka juridiska personers grundläggande fri- och rättigheter. I svensk rätt existerar en möjlighet att reglera förtal mot juridisk person i skadeståndslagen (1972:207). Direkta ingrepp i den grundlagsskyddade yttrandefriheten undviks därigenom. Det särskilda civilrättsliga skyddet som i förevarande framställning föreslås, bör omfatta ogrundade uppgifter som utgör anklagelser om brott vilka har begåtts inom den juridiska personens verksamhet eller i dennas namn, eller eljest ogrundade uppgifter om specifik omständighet. Det nämnda skyddet mot förtal bör kunna göras effektivt genom införandet av en särskild skadeståndsregel.

Ce mémoire cherche à déterminer si la logique de la majorité de la Cour suprême dans l’arrêt Harper c. Canada (Procureur général) demeure valide aujourd’hui, près de deux décennies après que cet arrêt, qui avalise le régime de plafonnement des dépenses électorales des tierces parties, ait été rendu. À cette fin, le régime de plafonnement prévu par la Loi électorale du Canada est examiné en détail, de même que les motifs de la majorité. Ces préliminaires achevés, le cœur de l’analyse est entamé. Trois phénomènes sont étudiés pour déterminer si le raisonnement de la majorité dans Harper doit être remis ou non en question : l’avènement d’une dynamique de « campagne permanente », la monté des technologies de l’information et le déclin des partis politiques. Il est conclu que la logique déployée dans l’arrêt Harper demeure valide, mais qu’elle appelle certains changements à la Loi électorale actuelle. À cet effet, les plafonds préélectoraux des tiers devraient être éliminés et l’usage de sites internet personnels ou de compte de médias sociaux devrait être assujetti à un régime de plafonnement. / This work seeks to determine whether the reasoning of the Supreme Court majority in Harper v. Canada (Attorney General), which validates third parties’ spending limits during the election period,still avails almost two decades after being rendered. The limits on third parties' spending as established by the Canada Election Act are examined in detail. The majority’s reasons are also discussed at length. Then, the core analysis begins. Three new social phenomena are examined to determine whether the Court’s reasoning in Harper should be called into question. These phenomena are: the advent of a “permanent campaign” in Canada, the rise of new information technologies and the decline of political parties. It is concluded that Harper’s logic remains highly compelling, though it may entail some modifications to the current electoral law, such as the abolition of pre-electoral spending limits and the application of some form of limitation to electoral spending regarding personal web sites and social media account.

L’approche juridique de la notion de création est confuse. Elle est traditionnellement envisagée à travers les droits de propriété intellectuelle (droit d’auteur, brevet, dessins et modèles, etc.). Mais cette approche est insuffisante. Les droits fondamentaux permettent de s’en apercevoir. En effet, la création constitue à la fois une activité humaine (un acte créatif) et un objet de propriété (un bien créatif). L’acte créatif est garanti par la liberté de création. La nature de cette dernière demeure toutefois incertaine. Elle oscille entre un rattachement à la liberté d’expression ou à la liberté du commerce et de l’industrie. De plus, le test de proportionnalité conduit à examiner les limites de la liberté de création à l’aune des « lois du genre créatif ». Les droits fondamentaux invitent alors à dépasser la conception de l’acte créatif compris comme un message.Le bien créatif est protégé par le droit de propriété. Les droits fondamentaux conduisent cependant à remettre en cause la conception française des biens créatifs en soulignant davantage leur dimension économique. De plus, le test de proportionnalité implique de redessiner les limites du droit de propriété en tenant compte de ses fonctions sociales. En définitive, les droits fondamentaux brouillent la frontière entre le droit de propriété et le droit de la concurrence déloyale. / The legal approach to the notion of creation is vague. It is traditionally considered in the light of intellectual property rights (copyright, patent, design, etc.), but this approach is insufficient. Fundamental rights show us this. They let us distinguish between its different dimensions: creation as both a human activity (a creative act) and an object of property (a creative good). The freedom of creation protects and ensures the creative act. However, the nature of the former remains unclear. It fluctuates between falling within the freedom of expression and the freedom to conduct a business. Furthermore, the proportionality test leads to the limits of creative freedom being examined in terms of “laws of the creative type”. Fundamental rights then require us to go beyond the concept of the creative act as a message.The creative good is protected by property law. Fundamental rights, however, bring into question the French concept of a creative good by further emphasising their economic aspect. Moreover, the proportionality test means retracing the boundaries of property law by taking into account its social functions. Fundamental rights therefore blur the line between property law and unfair competition law.

言論分級的辦法，特別是與性有關的言論分級，往往持著「保護未成年人」的立場落實於政策中。將這種對未成年人的言論限制手段，透過個人道德的論述，建構成一個對於未成年人之人格及人身安全的保護措施。然而在這個巧妙的論述之下，卻掩蓋不住底下騷動不已的權力角逐。 回顧二十世紀八○年代的反色情女性主義論述，麥金儂直接指出「色情」的問題從來就不只是一個道德問題，而是關於政治、關於權力、關於社會結構的問題。事實是，種種對於未成年人可以接觸的資訊、言論施加之限制，也從來都不只是道德問題，而是（如女性主義者尖銳而正確的見解指出的）一個關於政治、權力、結構的問題。言論不只是意見，言論是具有能動性（agency）的。麥金儂表示言論對於社會現實的建構有著莫大的影響力，藍騰更使用奧斯汀的行動（performativity）理論來說明言論的能力。而巴特勒儘管在結論上反對反色情女性主義推動言論管制，卻也是基於肯定言論的行動力，對於言論管制往往剝奪傷害性言論的受害者在言說場域裡能夠自我賦權的機會，更透過公權力對此類言論與歧視結構的肯認，而有強化這個受害者結構的危機。 我將從巴特勒對言論管制手段的批判，以及對於如何透過言說關係的再利用，來試圖顛覆既有的權力關係。現有的所謂「保護」未成年人之言論限制政策，其實一方面是鞏固成年人對未成年人之權力關係，另一方面也是將未成年人的教育視為成年人彼此爭奪權力的場域。我將論證言論的管制策略不僅無法達到「保護」的效果，更是對未成年人之主體性建立的直接傷害：如果言論有建構社會結構，以及建構主體在社會結構中的位置之能力，剝奪這項能力，就是在剝奪未成年人透過性言論與現實世界進行交互辯證的能力，並剝奪其建立以及發展自我主體性之重要工具。