O objetivo principal desta pesquisa é analisar o problema da liberdade nas obras de Paulo Freire escrita até 1970, compreendendo o percurso de apropriação que este educador fez da Psicologia Humanista de Erich Fromm. Trata-se de uma pesquisa histórica, circunscrita no âmbito da História da Educação e da Psicologia do Século XX. Como fontes, utilizamos as obras dos autores em questão focando-nos em dois aspectos: a) na apreensão dos problemas que interessavam ambos os autores e nas soluções dadas pelos mesmos naquele contexto histórico; b) no entendimento das hipóteses e expectativas que consideravam como válidas. O estudo realizado evidenciou-nos que ambos os autores partiram de suas realidades, transformando suas reflexões em contribuições concretas para interpretar o problema da liberdade. Ambos viveram a crise profunda do mundo contemporâneo causada pelo terror do totalitarismo e da ideologia, cuja perversidade ameaçou a liberdade humana e o funcionamento de uma sociedade democrática e que se traduziu no campo intelectual pelo esfacelamento da tradição filosófica e religiosa. Ambos utilizaram novos métodos para justificarem a busca da resposta ao problema da liberdade em um século marcado pela violência. Embora a matriz ontológica do conceito de liberdade de Freire seja diferente de Fromm, contrariando nossa hipótese inicial de trabalho, Freire, encontra na psicologia humanista de Fromm uma possibilidade de reflexão sobre a questão educacional brasileira, partindo da história de sua tradição educacional e da inexperiência democrática do povo brasileiro, numa ótica interdisciplinar, com base filosófica antropológica e oferece categorias psicológicas para análise da formação da consciência dos indivíduos, ponto chave da liberdade humana, extremamente necessária para a educação de uma sociedade democrática. / The main objective of this research paper is to analyze the problem of freedom in Paulo Freire\'s works written until 1970, encompassing the trajectory of appropriation that this educator does upon Erich Fromm\'s Humanist Psychology. It is about a historical research, circumscribed in the scope of History of Education and Psychology and 20th Century. As sources, works of the authors mentioned have been used focusing primarily on two aspects: a) apprehension of the problems that were of interest to both authors and the solutions provided by both of them in that historical context; b) understanding of the hypotheses and expectations that were considered valid. The study has evidenced that both authors had as a starting point their own realities, transforming their reflections in concrete contributions to interpret the problem of freedom. Both lived the profound crisis of the contemporary world caused by the terror of totalitarianism and ideology, whose perversity threatened human freedom and functionalism of a democratic society and that translated itself in the intellectual field by the shredding of philosophical and religious tradition. Both used new methods to justify the search for the answer to the problem of freedom in a century stained by violence. Even though the ontological matrix of Freire\'s concept of freedom is different from Fromm\'s, contradicting the initial hypothesis of this paper, not only does Freire find in Fromm\'s humanist psychology a possibility to reflect upon the Brazilian educational problem, starting from the history of its educational tradition and the democratic inexperience from the Brazilian people, under an interdisciplinary view, with its anthropological philosophical foundation, but he also offers psychological categories to the human analysis for the formation of consciousness in individuals, key fact to the human freedom, extremely necessary to the education of a democratic society.

Este trabalho busca inspiração na teoria política de Hannah Arendt com vistas a formular uma noção de política da psicanálise de orientação lacaniana. Os conceitos da teoria arendtiana que servem, especialmente, a esse diálogo são: ação política, estabelecimento de compromissos e pluralidade política. Do aporte teórico de Jacques Lacan comparecem, com especial destaque: o ato psicanalítico, a transmissão e a lógica da sexuação feminina. O princípio que reuniu ambos os autores foi o de que a ação é o dispositivo máximo de superação da repetição seja no âmbito político, seja no do sujeito do inconsciente. Ao localizar a ação política no espaço público, Arendt chama a atenção para o fato de ela ser realizada pelos homens, no plural, e em condições de igualdade; e, ainda, de ser lócus da liberdade enquanto capacidade de iniciar. Em contrapartida, a autora postula que aquilo que foi fundado pela ação conjunta adquire permanência no corpo político a partir do compromisso que se estabelece entre os indivíduos políticos, o que dá origem ao mundo. Em suma, temos que a concepção arendtiana de política tem em seu centro as noções de ação e de mundo. Do lado da psicanálise, encontramos no ato um dispositivo capaz de promover um novo início na vida subjetiva. Contudo, o ato em si mesmo não é capaz de constituir uma dimensão política, já que nem implica uma coletividade, nem o engendramento do mundo. Nesse sentido, nossa tese propõe que seja preciso acrescentar a noção de transmissão à de ato para se formular uma política da psicanálise. Isso requer que, juntamente com a categoria da verdade, seja levada em conta a do saber, já que, ao contrário da primeira, é o último que carrega uma exigência de transmissibilidade. A noção de transmissão, ainda, se mostra fundamental para nosso argumento, ao colocar em jogo uma transferência de trabalho entre vários sendo esse o significante com o qual nomeamos a coletividade que é engendrada pela dimensão política da psicanálise. Assim, ato e transmissão se colocam como categorias capazes de sustentar uma noção de política da psicanálise. Além disso, aproximamos a pluralidade política arendtiana da lógica da sexuação feminina lacaniana, com vistas a situar o tipo de coletividade que decorre dessa concepção de política em relação a outras que prezam pela unificação do corpo político. Nesse debate, consideramos como mecanismos que causam a unificação do corpo político o antagonismo e a representação, tal como encontrada na soberania e no populismo. Destacamos, ainda, que esse percurso de investigação nos permitiu refletir diretamente sobre dois importantes temas da teoria política, a partir de uma perspectiva psicanalítica, nomeadamente: a liberdade e a autoridade. Por fim, demarcamos que a pesquisa toma alguns princípios da teoria psicanalítica como fundamento de sua metodologia, a saber: a leitura e a escrita enquanto atos que concernem ao real; a consideração da dimensão transferencial da investigação e a noção de inspiração enquanto guia para posicionar os parceiros nessa interlocução sendo a última uma recomendação de Lacan quando trata da política de sua Escola / This work seeks inspiration in Hannah Arendts political theory in order to formulate a notion of politics of Lacanian psychoanalysis. The Arendtian concepts that are mainly used in this dialogue are: political action, compromise, and political plurality. From Lacanian theory, we especially use: psychoanalytic act, transmission, and the feminine logic of sexuation. Arendt and Lacan have a common ground on considering that action overcomes the repetition, in political or in the unconscious subject spheres, respectively. The Arendtian political action is performed by men in the plural, and it is the locus of freedom as new beginnings. Besides promoting new beginnings, the action is supposed to assure the existence of what was brought into life, being the latter the function of compromise between political individuals. Arendt calls the world a space created between men through the action of compromise. In sum, the Arendtian conception of politics is based on the notions of action and world. In its turn, psychoanalysis affirms that the act performs new beginnings in subjective life. However, the act itself is not able to constitute a political dimension since it neither implies a collectivity, nor creates a world between individuals. In this sense, we propose that it is necessary to put together the notions of act and transmission (of knowledge) in order to formulate a psychoanalysis notion of politics, since the latter brings people together, in causing the work transference. Thus, act and transmission sustain the politics of psychoanalysis. Moreover, we put together the Arendtian political plurality and the Lacanian feminine logic of sexuation for the sake of formulating a conception of politics that works against the unification of the political body. So, we contrast this conception of politics with the ones that lead to the political bodys unification. In this debate, we consider antagonism and representation, as we found in the sovereignty the populism, to be ways of political bodys unification. This investigation also addresses two major political theory topics from the psychoanalysis point of view, namely, freedom and authority. Finally, the research considers some psychoanalytical propositions as guidelines to its methodology, namely, reading and writing as operations concerning the Real, the transferential level of the research process, and the notion of inspiration as a principle to guide the dialogue between theories

Orientador: Monica Graciela Zoppi-Fontana / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T13:38:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_JorgeViana_D.pdf: 1385239 bytes, checksum: 58c4a21620f0918be0630a1bd68ac53e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Este trabalho investiga os conceitos de liberdade circulantes em cartas de alforria no Brasil durante o período de 1830 a 1888. Procura-se responder à questão O que significa liberdade no contexto histórico da escravidão. Para tanto, mobilizando pressupostos da Semântica Argumentativa, aliados a alguns princípios da Semântica do Acontecimento, analisa-se um corpus de cartas de alforria originais de Vitória da Conquista - Bahia, complementado por leis abolicionistas, visando comprovar três hipóteses: a) as cartas de alforria, historicamente consideradas instrumentos legais de libertação, funcionavam, paradoxalmente, como instrumentos lingüístico-históricos de "libertação-dominação"; b) nas cartas de liberdade circulava um conceito específico de liberdade aplicável apenas ao negro escravo liberto e que, por contraste, revelava um segundo conceito de liberdade aplicável apenas ao branco senhor livre; c) as cartas, enquanto documentos costumeiros, tinham sua eficácia complementada por leis positivas, também elas materializadoras de dois conceitos específicos de liberdade: um para o liberto, outro para o senhor. Demonstra-se que havia funcionando no período investigado dois tipos de liberdade: uma transitiva, a do liberto; outra, intransitiva, a do senhor de escravos. / Abstract: This work examines concepts of freedom materialized in cartas de alforria (a kind of prospect of manumission) in Brazil from 1830 until 1888. We try to answer the question: What means freedom in historical context of slavery? Thus, based on postulates of Argumentative Semantics and some principles of the Semantics of Event, we analyse a corpus constituted by Cartas de alforria from Vitória da Conquista - Bahia (Brazil), complemented with abolitionist laws, to substantiate three hypotheses: a) the cartas de alforria, historically labeled as legal certificates of freedom, operate paradoxaly like linguistic-historical certificates of "liberation-domination; b) the Cartas de alforria carried a specific concept of freedom exclusive for manumitted black slaves (freedmen) and, in contrast, carried other concept uniquely applicable to free white masters (slave owners); c) the Cartas de alforria, as consuetudinary legal documents, had its efficacy supplemented by positive laws, that equally materialized two concepts of freedom: one to the manumitted; another to the master. The results reveal that, during the mentioned period, it had two kinds of freedom: Transitive Freedom, belonging to the manumitted slaves; and Intransitive Freedom, belonging to the masters. / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

Orientador: Sílvio Donizetti de Oliveira Gallo / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T19:46:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sgardiolli_EvertonFernando_M.pdf: 1016982 bytes, checksum: f9b18a6f2520d80bc7df6f9dcc8af2e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A presente dissertação tem por objetivo relacionar educação, filosofia e literatura, numa desenvoltura permeada pelo conceito de liberdade construído pelo filósofo francês Jean- Paul Sartre, mais especificamente em suas obras "O Ser e o Nada" e "A Náusea", ou seja, entrelaçar esse conceito com a tradição histórica e filosófica no que se refere à educação. Priorizar a liberdade existencial em detrimento da cultura essencialista "formadora" de sujeitos e investigar como seria possível pensar a educação embasada em princípios existenciais é o que caracteriza a dissertação. No processo histórico de desenvolvimento do pensamento pedagógico, a prioridade pertence às concepções que atribuem à educação a função de realizar o que o homem deve ser. A grande herança do idealismo antigo e cristão constitui a base destas concepções e a filosofia de Platão foi uma das fontes principais. Sartre, ao estabelecer um diálogo com as tradições metafísicas que aceitam uma essência que caracteriza a realidade humana e assumem uma causa a priori que a antecede, a define e a determina, aponta que segundo essa visão, a existência humana nada mais faz do que realizar essa essência pré-determinada, ou seja, existir restringe-se à realização fatalista daquilo que essa essência previamente determinou, extinguindo dos homens uma postura responsável, criativa e autêntica diante do mundo. Nesse aspecto, constatamos que a ideia de educação que infesta a nossa tradição histórica há séculos, parte deste pressuposto metafísico de que existe uma essência humana a ser concretizada na existência e que cabe, portanto a essa educação, o ilustre papel de "lustrar" essa essência, para que através dela possa irradiar o verdadeiro ser da realidade humana fazendo, assim, com que a educação institucionalize atitudes de má-fé. Não pensamos que haja um desenvolvimento linear, verticalizado e hierarquizado na Educação, mas sim, suspeitamos que esse desenrolar-se se dá por rupturas e pelas múltiplas e diferentes formas e maneiras de ser, maneiras essas, impossíveis de serem controladas, previstas, mensuradas e valorizadas a priori. Suspeitamos assim, que haja uma intensiva e assustadora gratuidade pairando sobre as mais variadas situações e ocasiões em geral e em particular na educação e, dessa forma, diferentemente da tradição essencialista, podemos praticar uma educação mais responsável, criativa e autêntica. / Abstract: This dissertation aims to relate education, philosophy and literature permeated by the concept, resourcefulness of freedom built by French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre, more specifically in his works "Being and nothingness" and "Nausea". Entwine this concept with the historical and philosophical tradition that regarding education. Prioritize the existential freedom to the detriment of the essentialist culture "trainer" of people and investigate how it would be possible to think of education based on existential principles is what characterizes the dissertation. In the historical process of development of the pedagogical thought, the priority belongs to the conceptions that attach to the task of conducting the education that the man should be. The great heritage of the old idealism and Christian forms the basis of these ideas and the philosophy of Plato was one of the main sources. Sartre, to establish a dialogue with the metaphysical traditions that accept an essence that characterizes the human reality and take a a priori cause that precedes, sets and determines it and it points out that according to this view, human existence is nothing more than performing such predetermined essence, there is limited the achievement of what this fatalistic essence previously determinedmen's attitude erodes, responsible, creative and authentic in the world. In this regard, we found that the idea of education that infests our historical tradition for centuries, comes from this metaphysical assumption that there is a human essence to be realised in existence and that it is, so that education, the illustrious role of "polishing" this essence, so that through it can radiate the true being of human reality by doing so, with that education does institutionalize attitudes of bad faith. We do not believe that there is a linear development, channelling and verticalised in education, but , we suspect that this take place if it ruptures and by multiple and different forms and ways of being, ways that are impossible to be tracked, measured and valued, as provided a priori. We suspect that there is an intensive and frightening gratuitousness hovering over the most varied situations and occasions in General and in particular in education and, in this way, different from the essentialist tradition, can we practice an education more accountable, creative and authentic. / Mestrado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Mestre em Educação

In most ways, The Mountain Eagle is an ordinary community oriented weekly newspaper, and indeed, a close examination of the paper will reveal that it focuses mostly on community news in Letcher County Kentucky, a small county in the mountains of eastern Kentucky. It carries holiday recipes, neighborhood news, and coverage of local government, school boards and sporting events. But a closer examination of the paper and its history reveals a different kind of community weekly. The Mountain Eagle is one of the most recognized, commented upon, and decorated community newspapers in the United States. Since Tom and Pat Gish took the paper over in 1957, the Gishes and their newspaper have been shunned by their neighbors, boycotted, and the paper’s offices were fire-bombed in 1974. And yet, the paper survived and continues to report the news, honesty and without bias. Although Tom Gish was born and raised in the coal fields of Letcher County both Gishes were “city journalists” when they came to Whitesburg. Pat worked for The Lexington Leader and Tom managed the United Press Desk in the state capital of Frankfort. They met while studying Journalism at the University of Kentucky, and pursued careers in the field. Their desire to run a small-town newspaper brought them to Whitesburg, Tom’s hometown. Their insistence on doing their jobs the way they had been trained soon put them at odds with the Fiscal Court, the School Board, the coal operators, and the elites who ran Letcher County. Coal mining drove the economy, and the county operated on a near feudal basis, with people owing fealty to elected officials and coal companies, and none of the controlling interests liked the idea of seeing their activities on the front page. This dissertation is a chronological examination of The Mountain Eagle and its publishers during period between 1957, when the Gishes took over the newspaper, to 1977, when the Federal Surface Mining Reclamation and Control Act was signed into law. During that period, Letcher County and the United States experienced the assassination of a president, the War on Poverty, the Vietnam War, and the widespread use of strip mining to gouge rich veins of coal out of the Appalachian Coalfields. Strip mining soon became the most common method of extracting coal in the country, and its effects on the steep hillsides of eastern Kentucky became the focus of much of The Eagle’s news and editorial activity. Both Gishes said many times that it had never been their intention to become crusaders or to take on any particular group. But as they began to undertake what they saw as their primary job, that of reporting on the news of the county, they began to experience obstacles in reporting on civic activities, which by Kentucky law were supposed to be open to the public. In an introductory speech delivered to the Rotary Club in the county seat of Whitesburg, Tom Gish pointed out that while there were a lot of things about the newspaper that he liked and intended to keep, there were other areas where he thought the paper could be improved. One of those areas was in the coverage of civic events, primarily the meetings of the fiscal court, the various city councils, and the board of education, the first of the controlling bodies to come into conflict with the newspaper. Pat Gish did most of the reporting, and when she started attending school board meetings, she learned that while she might be tolerated, she would certainly not be welcomed. The board initially told the paper that their meetings were closed, only one person at a time was allowed into the board chamber, and they were there to discuss their business with the board and then leave. Tom Gish informed them that the Kentucky Open Meetings Law gave the press access to public meetings and grudgingly, the board allowed Pat to attend. But they refused to provide her with a chair, so she had to stand during meetings that often lasted for several hours, even while she was pregnant with her second child. Tom Gish also began to attend meetings to provide a basis for the editorials he wrote asking for improvements in county-wide education. This came during a period when Kentucky Schools were under investigation by the state legislature and Whitesburg Attorney Harry Caudill, who represented the county in the General Assembly, chaired a committee that delivered a scathing report on Kentucky schools, and called particular attention to education in eastern Kentucky. Caudill’s guest editorials and Letters to the Editor began to appear in The Mountain Eagle during this period and marked the first phase of a long collaboration between Caudill and Gish that addressed a broad range of issues that affected the region. Not long afterward, one of the board members, the physician who had delivered Tom Gish and owned several businesses in the county, announced that he would withdraw his advertising from the paper and the “word went out” that teachers had been forbidden to purchase the paper. Tom Gish later said that newsstand sales had skyrocketed during this and subsequent boycotts. Tom Gish joined his wife in covering the Letcher County Fiscal Court and they soon angered the judge and magistrates by reporting that magistrates had voted themselves a substantial pay raise. Although the court had initially welcomed the newspaper at meetings, they soon passed an ordinance to make at least part of their meetings closed. This was another violation of the Open Meetings Act and the Attorney General weighed in on the newspaper’s behalf. A long-running feud developed between The Eagle and the court that included several efforts to de-certify the paper as the newspaper with the largest circulation. This meant that all legal documents, including ordinances and other court actions had to be published in The Eagle before they became law. These publications, along with bond advertisements from coal companies and other legally required publications were a significant source of the newspaper’s income. The feud with the court finally came to a head in 1974 when the County Judge Executive and Sheriff ignored threats to blow the newspaper’s offices up just weeks before the paper was fire-bombed by a former Whitesburg City Police officer, who had resigned after being named in several articles concerning police brutality. The Mountain Eagle’s involvement with the War on Poverty and its advocacy for strip mine regulation brought the paper into the national spotlight. Many of the national reporters who published articles on Appalachian poverty that captured the nation’s imagination and sympathy came directly through the offices of The Mountain Eagle, and the Gishes often served as their guides to eastern Kentucky. The New York Times’ initial report on the endemic poverty that plagued eastern Kentucky, which captured Senator John F. Kennedy’s attention during his campaign for the 1960 Democratic presidential nomination, came after Times Reporter Calvin Trillen spent time at the Gish home in Whitesburg and toured the region with them. Tom and Pat Gish became deeply involved in efforts to alleviate suffering in the region and spent so much time testifying before congressional committees and on other poverty related activities during the War on Poverty, the paper often came out late and suffered financially. Tom Gish frequently wrote editorials that praised the federal government’s efforts, but just as often, his editorials were among the most scathing in the country, when he felt that it was too little, too late. The newspaper had a complex relationship with the coal industry. Tom Gish’s father was a mine superintendent with South East Coal Company, one of the larger companies in the county. Tom saw underground coal mining as the logical basis for the economy in the region, but he also advocated for diversifying the economy so it would not be entirely dependent on a single industry. When he visited a strip mine in eastern Letcher County with his father Ben, both men were horrified at the destruction visited on a small community there and Tom began to call for strip mining to be outlawed all together or at the very least, strictly regulated. This began a twenty-year struggle that finally came to fruition with the 1977 Federal Surface Mining Reclamation and Control Act. But the legislation was far from perfect and not only codified strip mining in federal law, but also opened the door for the even more destructive practice of mountain top removal. The Mountain Eagle’s involvement with the War on Poverty, along with their opposition to strip mining, also angered some people in Letcher County, and the Gish family was shunned by many of their neighbors, and the paper was boycotted by some advertisers. Efforts to undermine them were rampant and threats from coal operators were frequent. When a Molotov Cocktail was finally thrown through the window of the newspaper’s offices in 1974, many of the residents of Whitesburg turned their backs on the Gishes. They still managed to get the next edition out the week following the fire, although the paper was put together in the family’s living room, and the family moved their home to a rural part of the county, but kept the offices in Whitesburg because it was the county seat. For the next three years, the paper devoted a significant amount of space to the events surrounding the prosecution of the arsonists, but they still focused heavily on county news. The 1976 Scotia Mine disaster, when two methane explosions claimed the lives of 26 men at Oven Fork in Letcher County took their full attention for much of the entire following year. The Mountain Eagle has survived into the 21st Century, and the Gishes and their paper won a number of national awards for excellence and courage in journalism, along with several major awards for their contribution to freedom of the press. Both Tom (2008) and Pat (2014) have since died and their son Ben is the Editor and the only member of the Gish family still working at the newspaper. Letcher County has experienced many of the same changes as the rest of the country, but the economy never expanded past coal mining, so when the coal industry collapsed in 2015, the rest of the county economy failed with it. Unemployment is high now and many of the younger families have left seeking employment elsewhere. Tom Gish’s prediction that eastern Kentucky could eventually find itself mostly with very young and very old recipients of government assistance living there has come true and the region is currently struggling to find a way to manage. The Mountain Eagle has suffered too, but it still manages, and it still adheres to the masthead slogan, “It Screams."

The modern principle of freedom of subjectivity sets a moral standard which radically departs from Aristotle’s doctrine of the mean: modern moral agents, exemplified by the rising middle class, are granted the right to develop extreme dispositions towards goods like honour and wealth. Given that Aristotle considers such goods divisible in the sense that when one person gets more another gets less―the basic definition of distributive injustice―it isn’t surprising that modern philosophers like Kant have trouble reconciling this right with duty to others. Failing to resolve this dilemma satisfactorily in ethical terms, Kant and others turn to aesthetics, but Kant, at least, takes no account there of moral agents’ interest in the actual existence of goods. In this respect, the alternative to the Kantian aesthetic response I document in my dissertation is more Stoic than modern. This response, the modern mediocre-artist narrative, features a mediocre artist who fails to achieve the new standard of distributive justice and a genius who ostensibly succeeds. Though other critics discuss the ethical dimension of mediocre-artist narratives, they don’t consider the possibility that the mediocre artist’s failure might be due to the ethical dilemma just described. They therefore tend to uphold uncritically the narratives’ negative judgments of mediocrity, ascribing the latter’s failure to egotism. By contrast, I examine the genius’ artistic efforts for evidence of a similar failure. Ultimately, I demonstrate that the genius does indeed fail, albeit less spectacularly, arguing on this basis that egotistical characterizations of mediocrity are unjust. But the mediocre aren’t the only victims: in “concealing” genius’ failure, mediocre-artist narratives ignore unmet claims on its fruits. Finally, I invoke Derrida’s notion of the “lesser violence” to outline a new genre that recognizes the unattainability of the modern standard of justice. I call this genre morally progressive, rejecting Jürgen Habermas’ view that freedom of subjectivity has hit a dead end, and that we must backtrack to a philosophical turning indicated but not taken by Hegel, namely, the path of intersubjective freedom. / Arts, Faculty of / English, Department of / Graduate

Enligt tidigare studier värderar politiker jämlikhet och frihet olika beroende på sin politiska ideologi. Med detta som bakgrund var studiens huvudsyfte att studera eventuella skillnader mellan hur svenska politiker med olika ideologiska bakgrunder upplevde empati när en person utsattes för orättvisa samt när en person utsattes för ofrihet. En vinjettstudie genomfördes där deltagarna (n = 96) fick skatta de känslor som uppstod vid vardera situationen. Deltagarna delades upp i grupperna vänster- och högeranhängare utifrån subjektiva skattningar. Vänsteranhängare tenderade att känna mer empati än högeranhängare när en målperson utsattes för orättvisa. Ingen effekt av ideologisk tillhörighet i berättelsen om ofrihet visades. En tydlig könseffekt framgick där kvinnor både upplevde och gav upphov till mer empati än män. Att föreliggande studie inte fick något stöd angående ofrihet kan bero på flera olika anledningar, vilket tas upp i diskussionen. Vidare forskning behövs inom området empati relaterat till svensk politik där fler partier och anhängare studeras.

Jeté dans un univers qui semble sans ordre ni cohérence, dans le récit de filiation le destin du narrateur semble tragiquement insignifiant. Entre paroles empêchées et paroles tues, le passé peine à se reconstruire et la vie se transforme en une épreuve douloureuse sous l'emprise d'un héritage indéchiffrable et lourd à porter. Les récits de Gwenaëlle Aubry, Michel Del Castillo, Pierre Bergounioux et Pierre Michon soulèvent la même interrogation existentielle concernant l'héritage et la liberté. De ces expériences, nous ne relevons pas que des similitudes car, dans ses limites ainsi que dans son aspiration à la liberté, l'homme peut se nuancer différemment. L'analyse que nous avons menée des diverses formes de réminiscences ainsi que des différents moyens mobilisés pour la quête du sens nous montre que la définition de l'homme ne dépend pas seulement des accidents de l'histoire individuelle ou collective. Elle est tributaire de cette force de raison et de liberté. Nous avons proposé une analyse qui présente une approche différente de ce qui se fait couramment pour les récits de filiation, une analyse qui se libère de la lecture limitée qui ne prend en compte que les déterminismes familiaux, sociologiques, politiques et historiques. Notre travail permet de prendre conscience du témoignage à la fois raisonné et passionné qu'est le récit de filiation. Au-delà de leurs différences, les histoires personnelles que nous avons étudiées se rejoignent dans la lutte qui substitue à l'angoisse première un optimisme qui justifie l'être et l'action. / Thrown into a world that seems without order or coherence, in the story parentage fate of the narrator seems tragically insignificant. Prevented between words and words kill, past struggles to rebuild and life becomes a painful ordeal in the grip of an indecipherable and legacy to wear. The stories of Gwenaëlle Aubry, Michel Del Castillo, Pierre Bergounioux and Pierre Michon raise the same existential question about the heritage and freedom. From these experiences, we do not note that because of the similarities in its limits and in its aspiration to freedom, man can qualify differently. The analysis we have conducted various forms of reminiscences and different resources mobilized for the search for meaning shows that the definition of man depends not only on accidents of individual or collective history. It depends on the force of reason and freedom. We have proposed an analysis that presents a different approach to what is commonly done for parentage stories, an analysis that is released from the limited reading that takes into account family determinism, sociological, political and historical. Our work raises awareness of testimony both reasoned and passionate about what parentage story. Beyond their differences, the personal stories we studied are joined in the struggle that replaces the first anguish optimism that justifies the being and action.

This study focuses on the development of press freedom and professional journalism in Cameroon since the country's transition to democracy in the 1990s. More precisely, it examines how press freedom and professionalism have become formalized through processes of legislation and institutionalization. To realize this, this study uses a broad literature review and documentary analysis to gain an overview of the evolution of press freedom and the professionalization of journalism in Cameroon. It also incorporates survey, in-depth interviews and newsroom observation to gain additional insights into how Cameroonian journalists go about their daily routines and the extent to which they feel free and autonomous to do so, as well as to better understand both the relationship between the roles of individual journalists and the organizational and societal contexts in which they operate. I contend that it is only through blending the survey, interview and newsroom observation that we can have a broader picture of the gap between role perception and performance in journalism.The study draws from the political economy approach to inform its discussions. It argues that journalism is a socially constructed activity within a specific political, economic, legal and regulatory context. It also draws from the sociology of the professions to analyse the professionalization of journalism in Cameroon, the role perception theory to underpin the journalistic role perceptions of Cameroonian journalists and the role perception and performance gap theory to explain and understand the gap between the various roles Cameroonian journalists believe the media should fulfil and the extent to which they perform these roles in daily practice.The hierarchical news environment includes not only reporters but also editors and directors of news publications, whose job involves ensuring that information reaching the public is ethically sound. From within the Cameroonian newsrooms, the role of editors and directors of news publications as gatekeepers, commercial and economic pressures, the interests of owners may undermine the efforts of journalists in performing their roles in actual practice. From outside the news organization, state interference in the media, the use of repressive press laws, sources, advertisers, political elites and the prevalence of gombo may limit the freedom and autonomy of journalists to live up to their ideals. When combined, these factors are likely to create a gap between journalists' ideals and practice. / Doctorat en Langues, lettres et traductologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This research aims to present the possibility of a foundation of law and justice from the idea of freedom developed by Kant in the Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals and its justification since the conception of good will, through the concept of duty, the concept and formulations of the categorical imperative and his distinction of hypothetical imperatives, autonomy as a practical reason, to freedom as a corollary of the ethic system. Considering the division of moral drawn by Kant in the Metaphysics of Morals in Doctrine of Law and Doctrine of the Virtue, the approach of the metaphysics foundations on the doctrine of law is necessary, since the concepts of state, law, civil society, coercion and primordial contract are, as ideas, derived from the same practical reason that is articulated in moral philosophy and constitute the State of Law, taken in its public meaning, in which freedom has great importance both foundation as autonomy of the citizens in their coexistence in a social and political corps. The rationality and freedom as law s and ethic principles are, still admitting distinctions for Kant, the foundation of such systems, which motivates arguments until today, but whose importance and influence nor the critics deny. / Esta pesquisa objetiva apresentar a possibilidade de uma fundamentação do direito e da justiça a partir da ideia de liberdade desenvolvida por Kant na Fundamentação da Metafísica dos Costumes e sua justificativa desde a concepção de boa vontade, passando pela noção de dever, o conceito e formulações do imperativo categórico e sua distinção dos imperativos hipotéticos, da autonomia enquanto razão prática até a liberdade como corolário do sistema moral. Considerando a divisão da moral estabelecida por Kant na Metafísica dos Costumes em Doutrina do Direito e Doutrina da Virtude, a abordagem dos fundamentos metafísicos da doutrina do direito se faz necessária, na medida em que as concepções de estado, direito, sociedade civil, coação e contrato originário são, como ideias, derivadas da mesma razão prática que é articulada na filosofia moral e compõe o estado de direito, tomado em seu sentido público, no qual a liberdade tem significativa importância tanto como fundamento quanto como autonomia dos cidadãos na sua coexistência num corpo social e político. A racionalidade e a liberdade como princípios da moral e do direito são, ainda que comportem distinções para o próprio Kant, o fundamento de tais sistemas, o que motiva discussões até hoje, mas cuja importância e influência nem os críticos negam.