The topic of this thesis is political extremism in France, mainly focused on Front National. In the first part, there is defined term extremism, described its typology and its connection to the political system - political parties and its form at present. The content of the next part is to map historical developments of right-wing extremism in France, roots and its tradition. This thesis is mainly focused on development of Front National - since the formation to the present. The aim of this thesis is to map political extremism in France, mainly The Front National, comparison of the political party's development in the different stages. The focus is put on the comparison of its policy agenda and electors especially in connection to the change of leaders of the Front national during its existence (from Jean-Marie Le Pen to Marine Le Pen). Specialised literature in Czech and French and authentic documents were used for the preparation of this thesis. KEYWORDS extremism, right-wing extremism, political parties, Front National, Jean-Marie Le Pen, Marine Le Pen

Régulièrement considérés comme le terreau du Front national, les espaces périurbains sont en France passés de la lumière à l’ombre. Voulant dépasser cette labellisation ordinaire et stigmatisante, cette thèse se propose d’étudier dans le détail le vote Front national dans le monde périurbain. À partir de quatre villes situées dans le Pas-de-Calais et les Bouches-du-Rhône et par un travail comparatif sont étudiées les sociologies des électeurs du Front national. À cette étude sociologique s’adjoint la volonté d’expliquer pourquoi certains espaces périurbains semblent créer un vote que certains qualifient de repli. Les différentes méthodes utilisées permettent de montrer que dans les espaces périurbains comme ailleurs, le vote Front national n’est pas une évidence, mais le résultat de trajectoires sociales, résidentielles et idéologiques particulières. Le vote FN présente par ailleurs un visage différent, voire contradictoire, dans le département du Pas-de-Calais ainsi que dans celui des Bouches-du-Rhône, et s’oppose ainsi un électorat populaire septentrional à un électorat plus aisé dans les départements méditerranéens. / Generally considered as a fertile ground for the Front national, the suburbs have moved in France from light to shadow. Wishing to overcome this ordinary and stigmatising labelling, this thesis intends to study in detail the Front national’s vote in the suburban space. This thesis offers to examine the sociology of the FN electorate in four cities located in Pas-de-Calais and Bouches-du-Rhône by a comparative methodology. Within this study is associated the will to explain why some suburbs seem to create a vote which some qualify as inward looking. The various methods we use allow us to show that in suburbs as elsewhere, voting for the Front national is not an obvious fact, but is the result of particular social, residential and ideological trajectories. Moreover, this voting shows a different - if not contradictory - face in the department of Pas-de-Calais than in the Bouches-du-Rhône. Therefore, are opposed a northern popular electorate and a wealthier one in the south.

The focus of this master thesis is the library politics of the French Right wing party the National Front and the debate that followed the application of this politics. This qualitative study is divided into two parts where the critics to this politics represents one side and the adherents the other. The critics are composed by representatives from the French, Swedish and – to some extent – international library sector, while the adherent side is made up of politicians from the National Front and their adherents. The empiric material mostly consists of articles published in library, Right wing and daily press. The aim is to investigate to what extent the ideas proposed by opponents and adherents correspond to basic ideological elements of deliberative democracy respectively populism. The documents have been interpreted with an ideology analysis formulated by Herbert Tingsten and developed by Sven-Erik Liedman. In the analysis the results are also associated with the history and the role of the public library as well as the cultural politics of the National Front. The result of this study discloses that the ideas of the critics as well as those of the adherents correspond to a large extent to respective ideology, thou certain aspects contradict them. The opinions of the critic side are also shown to be closely related to those presented in documents concerning the role of the public library. Seen in a broader context, the library politics of the National Front could be considered as part of a cultural strategy. / Uppsatsnivå: D

Diplomarb.--Universität Hamburg, 1994. / Bibliogr. p. 167-178.

This paper analyzes the evolution of the Front national (FN), a French political party on the far right, from its initial breakthrough victory in 1984 all the way through to its unprecedented showing in France’s 2017 presidential election. The most obvious change it explores is that of leadership, seeking to determine in what ways the ‘original’ FN controlled by its founder Jean-Marie Le Pen (1972-2011) differs from the party’s ‘new’ incarnation under his daughter Marine Le Pen (2011-present). It begins by examining the makeup and motivations of the party’s electorate in the 1984 elections to the European Parliament, and by identifying the FN’s ideological predecessors more broadly. With a focus on the turning-point presidential elections of 2002, 2007, and 2012, the paper then follows the development of the party’s rhetoric, strategy, and supporters since the 1980s, as well as how it is perceived by the wider public. Throughout, attention is paid to unique factors that have impacted the FN’s trajectory, such as the gender difference between Jean-Marie and Marine, former President Nicolas Sarkozy’s courting of right-wing voters, and the influence of terrorism. It concludes by noting the hidden ‘victories’ that the FN has achieved, and with a warning never to underestimate the party, even when it seems to have suffered a loss.

Populist movements have been on the rise across Europe and the Americas. In France, the far right-wing party, Le Front National, has experienced recent growth in electoral success. Scholars of the Front National have in part attributed the party’s success to its increased use of populist rhetoric. This thesis examines the populist rhetoric used between the Front National’s past president Jean-Marie Le Pen and current president Marine Le Pen in order to test these scholarly claims. Based on their campaign speeches for the 2002, 2007, 2012, and 2017 French presidential elections, I conducted a quantitative dictionary-based analysis on the difference in use of populist, xenophobic, and economic rhetoric between Jean-Marie Le Pen and Marine Le Pen. My results show that there has been only a relatively small increase in the use of populist rhetoric between the two leaders. Consequently, I argue that the perceived increased use of populist rhetoric in the Front National has more to do with the saliency of populism than numerical fact.

The increasing popularity of populist parties in Europe, demonstrated in particular by their electoral success, is attracting increasing attention from the academic community. Although the phenomenon of populism is nothing new and has already been reviewed from a number of different perspectives, it still represents a diverse field for deeper analysis. The thesis deals with the case of the French National Front and its changes during its most successful election campaigns, that is in the presidential elections in 2002 and 2017. Specifically, the thesis also focuses on political communication and especially on the change it has gone through at its management level. By comparing the performance of both leaders and their agenda, the work allows a closer insight into the problem of transforming the ideological base as well as the ways of political communication. The outcome of this work is the analysis comparing the election campaign of Jean-Marie Le Pen and his daughter Marine, the current party leader. The work also contributes to the debate around dédiabolisation, or the de-demonization of the National Front launched under the leadership of Marine Le Pen.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Guilherme_Ignacio_Franco_de_Andrade.pdf: 4135958 bytes, checksum: 89f5602c2f4c120e3c86f95d59fb72a9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Ce travail résulte d'une étude sur le processus de transformation du Front National, parti politique français, à partir de la retraite politique de Jean-Marie Le Pen et de la montée de Marine Le Pen à la présidence du parti. Au cours de cette recherche, nous avons identifié le processus de naissance des mouvements d'extrême droite en France, dont le commencement se situe au XIXie siècle avec le groupe monarchiste Action Française et, en parallèle, le mouvement dirigé par le Général Georges Boulanger. Le développement du fascisme en France a eu lieu pendant l'occupation allemande durant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, avec la mise en place de la Révolution Nationale, par le Maréchal Pétain. Nous avons examiné comment s'est développé le projet fasciste en France, qui a pris près de trois décennies pour devenir, par l'intermédiaire d'une légende politique, le Front National. Les différents groupes présentés dans le cadre de notre recherche nous ont fournis des preuves suffisantes pour considérer le projet fasciste français comme un mouvement articulé par des membres de la petite bourgeoisie et de la classe moyenne, en alliance avec le propre mouvement fasciste comme cela a été démontré par d'autres chercheurs. Dans ce travail, l'objectif principal a été d'étudier la transition politique du Front National et les changements de son programme, dirigé par Marine Le Pen et soutenue par les militants les plus jeunes du parti. Pour comprendre la période actuelle dans laquelle se trouve le Front National, nous avons étudié le processus de construction du parti et les différents programmes politiques qui ont été créés tout au long de son existence. Ainsi, nous avons pu analyser comparativement les différents projets dans leurs conditions historiques concrètes, qui se sont succédés dans un parti qui, durant 40 ans, présente des positions extrêmement antagonistes par rapport aux autres partis ou mouvements fascistes. Le nouveau Front National, au centre de ce travail, se révèle être un parti qui, au cours de son activité politique, est toujours soucieux de représenter une alternative au capitalisme et au socialisme même s'il n'a jamais proposé de rupture avec les relations capitalistes ou mettre fin à la lutte des classes. Le Front National, en ce qui concerne son histoire, a toujours priviligié les intérêts de la petite bourgeoisie, de la classe moyenne et des professions libérales. Ainsi le parti a, par le passé, défendu l' ultralibéralisme, les privatisations et a défendu le néolibéralisme en France, posture qui a désormais changé comme nous l'avons identifié. En analysant le Front National, nous concluons que, dans le discours, le Front National est devenu plus sensible aux problèmes sociaux et a essayé de s'approcher des travailleurs. Le parti a retravaillé tout son discours pour masquer son projet ségrégationniste et totalitaire mais, idéologiquement, le parti n'a jamais abandonné ses convictions nazi-fascistes gardant aussi ses idées xénophobes et racistes / Investigamos, nessa dissertação, o processo de transformação do partido francês, Frente Nacional, a partir da aposentadoria política de Jean-Marie Le Pen e a ascensão de Marine Le Pen à presidência do partido. Durante a pesquisa, procuramos evidenciar o processo de nascimento dos movimentos de extrema direita na França, tendo seu início no século XIX, com o grupo monarquista Ação Francesa e, paralelamente, pelo movimento liderado pelo General Georges Boulanger. O avanço e concretização do fascismo na França se deu durante a ocupação alemã, na Segunda Guerra Mundial, com a instauração da Revolução Nacional, pelo Marechal Pétain. Em nossa pesquisa, pudemos investigar como se deu o desenvolvimento do projeto fascista na França, que durou quase três décadas para se concretizar e se unificar através de uma legenda política, a Frente Nacional. Os diversos grupos apresentados no percurso de nossa pesquisa nos dão evidências suficientes para acreditar no projeto fascista francês enquanto movimento articulado por parcelas da pequena burguesia e da classe média, assim como foi demonstrado por outros pesquisadores entre esses grupos específicos e o movimento fascista. Em nossa dissertação, o objetivo principal foi investigar a transição política do partido Frente Nacional e as mudanças em seu programa político, liderado por Marine Le Pen e apoiada pelos militantes mais jovens do partido. Para entendermos o período atual em que se encontra o Frente Nacional, investigamos o processo de construção do partido e os diferentes programas políticos que foram criados ao longo de sua existência. Dessa forma, conseguimos analisar, comparativamente, os diferentes projetos inseridos em suas condições concretas e históricas, visto que o partido, ao longo dos seus 40 anos, apresenta posições extremamente antagônicas em relação a outros partidos ou movimentos fascistas. A nova Frente Nacional, conforme elaboramos como tema de análise principal, nos demonstra que o partido, durante sua atividade política, sempre se preocupou em ser uma alternativa ao capitalismo e ao socialismo, ainda que nunca tenha proposto romper com as relações capitalistas ou acabar com a luta de classes. A Frente Nacional, teve sempre como questão principal a defesa dos interesses dos pequenos burgueses, da classe média e dos profissionais liberais, ainda que nessa trajetória tenha defendido o ultraliberalismo, as privatizações e se inserido na defesa do avanço neoliberal na França, postura modificada na atualidade, como vimos em nossa pesquisa. Ao analisar a Frente Nacional, chegamos à conclusão de que, no nível discursivo, se tornou mais sensível aos problemas sociais e tentou se aproximar dos trabalhadores, reelaborando todo seu discurso para mascarar seu projeto segregacionista, totalitário e de branqueamento populacional mas, ideologicamente, o partido nunca abandonou suas convicções nazifascistas, mantendo suas ideias xenófobas e racistas

The literature has lacked a comparative analysis into Greece's Far Right party, Golden Dawn's, (GD) ideological discourse. The Far Right party is the most extreme in the Greek Parliament, promoting an ultra-nationalist agenda and being accused of operating as a terrorist organisation by the state. Looking at characteristics such as nationalism, euroscepticism and authoritarianism, this thesis compares GD to the prototypical radical right party, Front National (FN), and predicts that they will be more radical in every aspect of their discourse. In addition, it seeks to fit them within a party classification.

L'année 1989 renferme plusieurs éléments nous permettant de conclure que la chute du mur de Berlin, et plus globalement la fin de la guerre froide, eut des effets quasi démesurés sur l'importance et l'originalité du discours frontiste face à l'Europe. Le dévoilement de ce capital symbolique, chapeauté par une période d'accélération inédite du processus de construction européenne, représente le point d'impulsion fondamental à l'épanouissement et à l'intensification du discours anti-européen du parti du Front National. Sur le plan politique, le modèle idéologique de l'Europe des Patries fit de l'orientation fédéraliste de la Commission et de la majorité socialiste du Parlement Européen des cibles à atteindre pour un parti brandissant incessamment le spectre de la perte de souveraineté de la nation et de l'État français. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2014