L’objectif global de cette étude doctorale est de relever les types de marqueurs modaux en kirundi, d’en décrire les propriétés syntaxiques et les sémantismes, et d’en déterminer la fréquence dans le corpus. Pour ce faire, elle utilise de façon complémentaire une démarche onomasiologique et sémasiologique dans le repérage et la description des marqueurs modaux. Elle est menée à partir d’un corpus du kirundi de 1,9 millions de tokens, compilé selon les règles d’équilibre et de représentativité. Celui-ci comprend, en effet, des textes appartenant à plusieurs genres/sujets et échelonnées sur 9 décennies. <p>Trois types de marqueurs ont été ainsi identifiés. Le plus important marqueur est l’affixe oo ,auquel les descriptions traditionnelles attribuent la valeur potentielle ou conditionnelle. Il est le plus fréquent du corpus, en même temps qu’il atteste la plus large couverture en termes de valeurs modales. A ce titre, il est le morphème grammatical dédié à la modalité en kirundi. Le deuxième type de catégories est constitué d’un ensemble de verbes, dont les valeurs sémantiques et les fréquences varient de l’un à l’autre. Certains d’entre eux manifestent un degré de grammaticalisation qui nous mène à les considérer comme des auxiliaires. D’autres n’ont pas atteint ce degré. La troisième catégorie est celle des adverbes. Ils ne sont tous affectés qu’à une catégorie modale :la modalité épistémique.<p>L’étude a montré l’interrelation entre les catégories modales et les catégories non modales, à travers des marqueurs dont l’emploi dépasse le seul cadre modal. Ainsi, il est apparu que la directivité est attestée comme une valeur post-modale affectant des marqueurs modaux exprimant spécifiquement la nécessité déontique. La volition, quant à elle, est une valeur post-modale attestée chez des marqueurs exprimant la modalité déontique de manière générale. En ce qui est de l’évidentialité, elle affiche une proximité avec la modalité épistémique. Ce travail a aussi montré qu’en kirundi un rapport peut être établi entre la grammaticalisation et l’intersubjectification dans l’évolution des marqueurs modaux.<p>Cette thèse a contribué à la description d’une catégorie peu décrite dans les langues bantoues. En outre, à travers la méthode de la linguistique de corpus, elle a utilisé une démarche originale pour une langue sans tradition écrite, celle qui consiste à illustrer les phénomènes décrits par des cas issus de textes provenant des situations réelles de communication. La thèse a aussi mis en évidence les avantages qu’offre cette méthode en permettant les statistiques. Ce travail a ouvert les perspectives d’une analyse diachronique pouvant permettre de déduire l’évolution des marqueurs modaux. Par ailleurs, l’étude s’étant limitée aux cas d’affirmatif, une étude des relations entre modalité et la polarité en kirundi permettrait de prolonger l’analyse de la catégorie modale en kirundi. / Doctorat en Langues et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The thesis is a continuation of studies of Japanese modality, however its theme is not defined based on a particular kind of modality as is commonly done in synchronic studies but based on completely or to a degree shared common origin of the studied forms. Usage and properties of Early Middle Japanese -m.u are compared with usage and properties of Modern Japanese {-ō /-jō} a darō, schematic meanings of respective forms are suggested and grammaticalization and subjectification shifts which have taken place during approximately one thousand years of development are mapped. The results of the analysis show that subjectification has taken place and that the main impuls leading to the subjectification changes was grammaticalization of suffix -m.u to ending {-ō /-jō} respectively to particle (in Narrog (1998) terms) darō, which lead to split of one schematic meanings "inclination" in general control cycle (Langacker 2002, 2009) to two separate schematic meanings "inclination" in factual respectively epistemic control cycle. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

本文研究漢語的連動結構。首先我們先將連動結構的定義做一個清楚的界定，之後再從動詞間的語意面著手，對連動結構中動詞間的語意關係，提出詳盡的說明與解釋。除此之外，根據連動句中詞彙的受限性以及動詞間的語意關聯性這兩個原則，我們再進一步將漢語的連動結構區分為四個類型。最後，我們從句法的層面切入來探討漢語的連動結構。我們認為不同的語意解讀是由於不同的句法結構所導致。 / This thesis investigates serial verb constructions (SVCs) in Mandarin Chinese. The serial verb constructions are often confused with other superficially similar structures; thus, the first objective of this study is to explicitly delimitate the definition of SVCs and to differentiate them from other structures. In addition, we will further explore the semantic relationship between the serial verbs and classify SVCs into several types according to the V1-V2 correlations, the independence between sub-events, and the lexical restrictiveness of the verbs. We will then analyze the syntactic relationship of the verbs. Finally, we also propose that there are two possible structures for SVCs in Mandarin. Chapter 1 is a brief introduction of the term “serial verb construction.” We will first go over its definitions, the functions it can convey, and the geographical distribution of languages with SVC. In Chapter 2, we will present the distinguishing characteristics of SVC and distinguish it from other similar structures. In Chapter 3, we will present different semantic correlations between the VPs. In Chapter 4, we will classify Mandarin SVCs into different subtypes based on the lexical and semantic criteria. Chapter 5 presents the tentative syntactic analyses of Mandarin SVCs. Chapter 6 concludes this paper.

在中日文裡要表達某個物體的上方空間時，都會使用「上」這個字。因此中國人學日文或是日本人學中文時，往往會認為中日文的「上」是完全的對應。但仔細觀察中日文中關於「上」的例子，我們可發現很多實例並非呈現一對一的對應關係。本論文主要目的在以中日對照研究的立場，應用認知語言學的形象圖式及形象圖式轉換與隱喻和轉喻理論解釋中日文「上」的多義和語義延伸的現象，並描繪出中日文「上」的語義網絡。 本論文共分成五章。第一章，概述研究動機和方法及研究範圍。第二章，藉由形象圖式理論分析中文「上」的基本空間意義及延伸的意義。第三章，藉由形象圖式理論分析日文「上」的基本空間意義及延伸的意義。第四章，比較中日文「上」的共通點及相異點，並透過圖表來清楚呈現出其對應關係。第五章，本論文的總結，繪出中日文「上」的語義網絡，並提出本論文今後研究的課題。 【關鍵字】：認知語言學、形象圖式、被觀察者、參考體、語義延伸、隱喻、轉喻、文法化 / 中国語と日本語で〈ある物体の上部・上方〉といった空間を表現する際、中国語でも日本語でも同じ「上」という漢字を用いる。このため、日本語を学ぶ中国語母語話者、また中国語を学ぶ日本語母語話者が、日本語の「Nの上」と中国語の「N＋上」を一義的に対応させて使用してしまうケースが多い。しかし、実際の用例を見ると「Nの上」と「N＋上」が一義的に対応しない場合が多数存在する。そこで、本稿では「上」を取り上げ、認知言語学の考え方を導入して、日中対照研究の立場から、その共通点・相違点を比較し、日中両語の対応関係を明らかにすることを目的とする。また、認知言語学の意味拡張の概念を用い、その意味・用法がどのような認知プロセスを経て生まれたものであるのかを図示で解明してみたい。 　本稿は五つの章からなる。第1章は序論である。第2章では、中国語のプロトタイプ的意味とその拡張された意味を論じる。第3章では、日本語のプロトタイプ的意味とその拡張された意味を論じる。第4章では、対照研究を通じて、日本語と中国語の対応関係を論じる。第5章は、分析した結果をまとめ、今後の研究の方向と課題を述べる。 【キーワード】：認知言語学、イメージ・スキーマ、トラジェクター、ランドマーク、意味拡張、メタファー、メトニミー、文法化

Dans cette thèse, nous présentons une analyse syntaxique du vietnamien de Hô-Chi-Minh-Ville, dans la lignée de la syntaxe fonctionnelle mise en place par André Martinet et développée par la suite par ses continuateurs. Dans un premier temps, nous nous sommes intéressée au degré d’opposition verbo-nominal en vietnamien : nous proposons tout d’abord une synthèse des travaux menés à ce sujet, avant d’exposer notre analyse en classes, en nous appuyant sur des critères strictement syntaxiques. Une étude syntaxique détaillée des modalités (déterminants non déterminables) – les modalités nominalisantes, les modalités de degré, les modalités prédicatives et les modalités injonctives – a été nécessaire. Ces unités permettent de distinguer des comportements différents, et l’identification des grandes classes lexicales du vietnamien : nominaux, adjectifs, modaux et verbaux. Il apparait que ces classes d’unités s’organisent en un continuum, avec à un pôle les nominaux, à l’autre les verbaux. Dans un second temps, l’analyse porte sur les différents types de structures prédicatives du vietnamien. La variété des constructions – nucléaires et connectives – est au centre de l’étude, ainsi que l’identification des différentes fonctions. Enfin, nous exposons une analyse des “séries verbales”, phénomène très courant en vietnamien, mais décrivant en fait des réalités très diverses. Tout au long de l’analyse, nous accordons une importance particulière à la variation et aux zones de changements (réanalyses, lexicalisations, grammaticalisations), faisant état de la dynamique des différentes structures et de la langue elle-même. / We present here a syntaxic analysis of the Vietnamese language spoken in Ho Chi Minh City, in line with the functional syntax introduced by André Martinet and developed later by his followers. In a first part, we examined the extent of noun/verb opposition in Vietnamese. After a synthesis of work on this subject, we present our own analysis of the lexical classes, relying on strictly syntactic criteria. A detailed study of the syntactic modalités (undeterminable determinants) - nominalizing undeterminable determinants, undeterminable determinants of degree, predicative undeterminable determinants and injunctive undeterminable determinants - was necessary. These units are used to distinguish different behaviors, and leads to the identification of major lexical classes in Vietnamese: nominals, adjectives, modals and ‘verbals’. It appears that these classes of units are organized along a continuum. In a second part, the analysis focuses on the different types of predicative structures in Vietnamese. The variety of structures - nuclear and connective - is central to the study as well as the identification of the different functions. Finally, we present an analysis of "serial verb constructions" very common in Vietnamese, but actually reflecting very different realities. Throughout this study, we pay particular attention to the variation and change (reanalysis, lexicalizations, grammaticalizations), referring to the dynamics of the various structures and of the Vietnamese language itself.

This dissertation investigates the use of the subjunctive in completive clauses governed by verbs in Italian, both synchronically and diachronically, and in Vulgar Latin. By making use of the tools provided by the Variationist Sociolinguistic framework (Labov 1972, 1994), the current study sheds light on the underlying conditioning on variability using actual usage and speech-surrogate data. Contemporary actual speech data comes from LIP (De Mauro et al. 1993) and C-ORAL-ROM (Cresti & Moneglia 2005) corpora, providing spontaneous discourse in casual and careful speech as well as sub-sample divisions representative of geographical variation. In order to measure any changes in the underlying conditioning on subjunctive selection, a diachronic benchmark is established: a corpus of speech-like surrogates of 16th to 20th century Italian, COHI (Corpus of Historical Italian), and a corpus of Vulgar Latin (Cena Trimalchionis, from the Satyricon by Petronius). The subjunctives were extracted in adherence to the principle of accountability (Labov 1972), using the method developed by Poplack (1992): every complement clause governed by a matrix verb (governor) that triggered the subjunctive at least once was included. This method enables us to circumvent the issue of the lack of consensus in the literature on exactly which contexts, i.e. verbs and/or meanings, should trigger the subjunctive in discourse. This issue surfaces as well from the meta-linguistic analysis of a compendium of 58 Italian grammars and treaties (CSGI, Collezione Storica di Grammatiche Italiane), constructed for the purpose of this research. A series of linguistic and extra-linguistic factors proposed by formal and prescriptive literature are operationalized and tested against the corpora of both Italian and Vulgar Latin, in order to ascertain the nature of variability in discourse: i.e. whether the use of the subjunctive is semantically motivated, productive in speech or undergoing desemanticization and lexicalization. Despite widespread assumption of a change that occurred after the political and the subsequent linguistic unification of Italy, i.e. that the subjunctive has lost ground in favour of the indicative when it was supposedly used categorically in the past, quantitative and statistical evidence shows that subjunctive selection is largely determined by lexical identity of the governor as well as embedded suppletive forms of essere, and that this pattern has been operative at least since the 16th century. On a more socio-linguistic aspect, this study confirms the linguistic prestige that the subjunctive has acquired in contemporary speech, being selected with a wider range of infrequent and singleton governors by highly educated speakers. Also, the highly lexicalized pattern on variability was found to be largely shared amongst the four main urban centres of Florence, Milan, Rome, and Naples, thus countering the assumption of divergent linguistic behaviour between northern and southern varieties of Italian. The study also shows that despite the significant time span targeted, no evidence of desemanticization has been found. Likewise, the variationist analysis on the Vulgar Latin subjunctive shows that subjunctive choice was already largely determined by, and restricted, to a few governors, identified as ‘volitive’ and ‘emotive’ matrices. These governors remained strong predictors for the selection of the subjunctive in Italian as well, suggesting that this lexical pattern has been transferred and consistently retained in the daughter language.

Στην παρούσα διατριβή επιχειρείται η συγχρονική και διαχρονική προσέγγιση φαινομένων προθηματοποίησης στις νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους. Συγκεκριμένα, μελετώνται τα διαλεκτικά μορφήματα ακρο-, μωρο-, πλακο-, σ(ι)ο-/σα-, χαμο- ως προς την ιστορική τους εξέλιξη, και τις φωνολογικές, δομικές και σημασιολογικές τους αποκλίσεις σε συγχρονικό επίπεδο. Η μετάβαση από τη σύνθεση στην παραγωγή, δηλαδή η προθηματικοποίηση (βλ. Amiot 2005), αποδεικνύει ότι τα όρια ανάμεσα στις δύο διαδικασίες δεν είναι σαφώς διακριτά (Booij 2005, Bauer 2005, Ralli 2010). Κατά την προθηματικοποίηση, ένα μόρφημα αποκλίνει από το λεξηματικό του πρόγονο, χάνει την αυτονομία του (Iacobini 2004) και είναι δυνατό να υπόκειται σε φωνολογικές αλλαγές. Είναι γενικώς παραδεκτό ότι η γραμματικοποίηση επιτελείται, εφόσον πληρούνται ορισμένες προϋποθέσεις (Lehmann 1985, Hopper & Traugott 1983, Hopper 1991, Heine & Kuteva 2002, Heine 2003, Amiot 2005, Giannoulopoulou 2006, Αναστασιάδη-Συμεωνίδη 2008, van Goethem 2008). Οι προτεινόμενες γενικές παράμετροι για την προθηματικοποίηση από τη διεθνή βιβλιογραφία είναι οι ακόλουθες: α) φωνολογική διάβρωση, β) αποσημασιοποίηση, γ) αποκατηγοριοποίηση, δ) περιορισμός συντακτικού βάρους, ε) ανάμειξη, στ) διεύρυνση συνδυαστικών μορφολογικών ιδιοτήτων. Στη μελέτη αυτή, προσπαθώ να απαντήσω σε τρεις σημαντικές ερωτήσεις: α) Ποιες είναι οι εξειδικευμένες παράμετροι που ερμηνεύουν τη μετάβαση από τη σύνθεση στην προθηματοποίηση; β) Οι παράμετροι αυτές είναι ίδιες για όλα τα φαινόμενα γραμματικοποίησης ή περιορίζονται στο πεδίο της μορφολογίας; γ) Ποια είναι η ιεράρχηση των συγκεκριμένων παραμέτρων κατά τη μορφολογικοποίηση; Στο πεδίο της μορφολογίας, υποστηρίζω ότι ο μορφολογικός παράγοντας έχει αποφασιστική σημασία για την περάτωση μιας διαδικασίας μορφολογικοποίησης. Είναι δυνατό άλλες παράμετροι να κινητοποιούν ή να συνεισφέρουν στην εξέλιξη της διαδικασίας, αλλά δεν μπορούν να εγγυηθούν την ολοκλήρωση αυτής. Υπό αυτήν την έννοια, προτείνω ότι οι γενικές παράμετροι που εμπλέκονται είναι η επανασημασιοποίηση και η διάβρωση, ενώ οι εξειδικευμένες μορφολογικές παράμετροι που απαντούν σε τελικό στάδιο της προθηματικοποίησης είναι: α) η αύξηση της παραγωγικότητας, β) η διεύρυνση των μορφολογικών συνδυαζόμενων βάσεων. Τόσο τα εξεταζόμενα διαχρονικά δεδομένα της Ελληνικής γλώσσας, όσο και τα εξεταζόμενα συγχρονικά δεδομένα από τη διαλεκτική ποικιλία της νέας Ελληνικής επιβεβαιώνουν τις παραπάνω θέσεις. / This thesis deals with prefixation cases in Modern Greek Dialects from a synchronic and diachronic point of view. In particular, the following dialectal morphemes: akro-, moro-, plako-, s(j)o-/sa- and hamo- are investigated with respect of their historical development and their phonological, structural and semantic differences in synchronic terms. Prefixization (c.f. Amiot 2005) as a diachronic crossing from compounding to prefixation shows that there is no clear borderline between the two processes (Booij 2005, Bauer 2005, Ralli to appear). According to this phenomenon, a morpheme shows divergence with respect to its ancestor, loses its lexical independence (Iacobini 2004), and may be subject to phonological erosion. It is generally accepted that grammaticalization occurs if certain criteria are satisfied (Lehmann 1985, Hopper & Traugott 1983, Hopper 1991, Heine & Kuteva 2002, Heine 2003, Amiot 2005, Giannoulopoulou 2006, Αnastasiadi-Symeonidi 2008, van Goethem 2008). As far as prefixization is concerned, and with some degree of variation from one author to another, there is more or less agreement on the following general criteria: a) phonological erosion, b) desemanticization, c) decategorialization, d) shrinking of syntagmatic weight, e) coalescence, f) extension of the morphological combinatorial properties. In this study, I try to answer three important questions: a) what are the specific parameters which may induce prefixization out of compounding? b) Are these parameters the same for all the range of grammaticalization phenomena, or are they restricted to morphology? c) Is there a particular order according to which these parameters seem to play a role in morphologization? I argue that if we deal with morphology the parameters which lead to the completion of a morphologization process have to be morphological in nature. Other parameters may trigger the process, or may play a role during the process, but do not guarantee completion. Within this spirit, I propose that the general grammaticalization parameters which are involved in prefixization are desemanticization and phonological erosion, but the specific morphological parameters which are crucial for determining the final stage of prefixization are related to: a) the increase of productivity, b) the expansion of morphological combinatorial properties. Evidence from the history of Greek and its Modern Greek dialects illustrate the above proposals.

JESUS, Lavínia Rodrigues de. O uso do verbo tomar no português escrito dos séculos XIV, XVII e XX. 2014. 240f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T14:58:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_lrjesus.pdf: 2119878 bytes, checksum: 47882528d5f55e40e17b2586fe2b5c2a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T15:50:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_lrjesus.pdf: 2119878 bytes, checksum: 47882528d5f55e40e17b2586fe2b5c2a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-20T15:50:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_lrjesus.pdf: 2119878 bytes, checksum: 47882528d5f55e40e17b2586fe2b5c2a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Este trabalho tem como objetivo principal descrever e analisar o uso do verbo tomar, esclarecendo sobre sua natureza, funções e restrições. Para a descrição e análise dos dados, adotamos a perspectiva funcionalista da linguagem, cujo pressuposto principal é a concepção da língua como um instrumento de comunicação, adaptativo às necessidades comunicativas do falante. O corpus de estudo foi composto pelas seguintes instâncias discursivas: acadêmico, jornalístico e literário, nos séculos XIV, XVII e XX do português europeu, e nos séculos XVII e XX, do português brasileiro, retirados do Corpus do Português, de Davies e Ferreira (2006). Acreditamos que tomar é usado em configurações distintas da que ele tem originalmente como verbo pleno, ou seja, quando ele é núcleo da predicação e designa uma ação concreta de pegar, ao apresentar extensões de sentido, ao atuar como verbo-suporte e em expressões cristalizadas. Com base nos pressupostos do Funcionalismo linguístico, em especial as teorias sobre Gramaticalização, explicamos o processo de mudança pelo qual esse verbo passa, descrevendo e analisando seus usos. Os resultados da análise de 1.228 dados mostraram que: (1) o verbo tomar é produtivo nos séculos XIV, XVII e XX; (2) nos contextos em que atua como verbo pleno, o verbo tomar significa pegar; nos contextos em que atua como verbo estendido, tomar apresenta extensões de sentido; nos contextos em que atua em expressões cristalizadas, é suporte de categorias gramaticais do verbo, mas é semanticamente opaco; nos contextos em que atua como verbo-suporte, o verbo tomar não constitui sozinho o núcleo do predicado, já que se acompanha de um sintagma nominal com o qual constitui um núcleo predicativo e de que depende o sentido da construção; (3) o estudo revela que, no século XIV, o verbo pleno é mais frequente e que, nos séculos XVII e XX, começa a haver o aumento no uso de construções com verbo-suporte e declínio do uso do verbo pleno, o que indica uma possível gramaticalização: a substituição do verbo pleno (ex.: banhar-se) pelo uso de construções com verbo-suporte correspondentes (tomar banho); e (4) várias razões motivaram tal substituição, como uma maior versatilidade sintática, redução da valência do verbo, maior adequação comunicativa, maior precisão semântica e efeito na configuração textual.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:06:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AuriceliaM.pdf: 273657 bytes, checksum: fb36a51df3f6b125ff330476ce2ea2fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-02 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / Based on North American Functional Linguistic Theory, our proposal is to describe and analyze the use of verb CHEGAR in verbal periphrasis such as [CHEGAR (E) + V2], where CHEGAR does not demonstrate a significance linked to physical movement. In linguistic literature, such periphrasis has been attributed several functions, related to aspectualization, emphasis of negative segments, and construction of mental spaces, among others. This study considers that the function of verb CHEGAR in the periphrasis in question is to indicate a global aspect, emphasizing a range of semantic-pragmatic nuances such as the sudden, instantaneous, or even abrupt character of the events refered to by the principal verb of the construction (V2), and/or the taking of initiative (sudden) by the agent (in the syntactic role of periphrastic subject), and/or subjective evaluations which go from surprise to frustration. Our objectives are the following: i) to describe and analyze the semanticpragmatic, morphosyntactic and social relationships which characterize the use of CHEGAR in verbal periphrases like [CHEGAR (E) + V2] and in coordinated/juxtaposed speech in which CHEGAR is the principal verb of the first utterance and is an elocution verb and the principal verb of the second; ii) identify, based on this description and analysis, synchrony proof in the grammaticalization of CHEGAR as an auxiliary verb in the periphrasis refered to. There was observed to be a strong similarity between coordinate/juxtaposed and periphrastic constructions. Such similarities strengthen the hypothesis that the use of CHEGAR as a lexical verb in coordinate/juxtaposed structures is the origin of the use of CHEGAR in the periphrastic structure, since the many properties encountered with higher frequency in lexical use are also just as frequently used as auxiliaries. Nevertheless, between the two constructions being studied, sufficient difference can be observed to see that CHEGAR, in the periphrasis [CHEGAR (E) V2], is behaving like an auxiliary verb, and shows typical properties of these types of verbs: i) in 100% of occurrences, it does not have a complement;ii) it has a co-referential subject in 100% of cases; iii) it does not appear with intervening material between it and V2. Besides this, CHEGAR, in periphrases, is predominant in nonneutral evaluation contexts, denoted by V2. Inspired by the results obtained, we propose strategies for the discussion of the [CHEGAR (E) V2] periphrases in both elementary and high schools. / Com base no referencial te?rico do Funcionalismo Ling??stico norte-americano, nossa proposta ? descrever e analisar o uso do verbo CHEGAR em per?frases verbais do tipo [CHEGAR (E) + V2], em que CHEGAR n?o manifesta significado ligado a movimento f?sico. Na literatura ling??stica, a tais per?frases t?m sido atribu?das fun??es variadas, relacionadas ? aspectualiza??o, ? ?nfase de trechos narrativos e ? constru??o de espa?os mentais, entre outras. Neste estudo, consideramos que a fun??o do verbo CHEGAR nas per?frases em quest?o ? indicar aspecto global, ressaltando um leque de nuan?as sem?ntico-pragm?ticas como o car?ter repentino, instant?neo ou at? brusco do evento referido pelo verbo principal da constru??o (V2), e/ou a tomada de iniciativa (s?bita) do agente (no papel sint?tico de sujeito da per?frase), e/ou avalia??es subjetivas que v?o da surpresa ? frustra??o. Nossos objetivos s?o: (i) descrever e analisar as rela??es sem?nticopragm?ticas, morfossint?ticas e sociais que caracterizam o uso de CHEGAR em per?frases verbais do tipo [CHEGAR (E) + V2] e em ora??es coordenadas/justapostas em que CHEGAR ? o verbo principal da primeira ora??o e um verbo de elocu??o ? o verbo principal da segunda ora??o; (i) identificar, com base nessa descri??o e an?lise, ind?cios sincr?nicos da gramaticaliza??o de CHEGAR como verbo auxiliar nas referidas per?frases. Observamos haver forte similaridade entre as constru??es coordenadas/justapostas e perifr?sticas. Tais similaridades fortalecem a hip?tese de que o uso de CHEGAR como verbo lexical na estrutura coordenada/justaposta ? a fonte dos usos de CHEGAR na estrutura perifr?stica, uma vez que v?rias das propriedades que encontramos com grande freq??ncia no uso lexical est?o tamb?m presentes com grande freq??ncia no uso auxiliar. Todavia, entre as duas constru??es sob enfoque observam-se diferen?as suficientes para se considerar que CHEGAR, na per?frase [CHEGAR (E) V2], comporta-se como verbo auxiliar, pois manifesta propriedades t?picas desse tipo de verbos: (i) n?o seleciona complemento em 100% das ocorr?ncias; (ii) possui sujeito correferencial ao de V2 em 100% das ocorr?ncias; (iii) n?o aparece com material interveniente entre si e V2. Com inspira??o nos resultados obtidos, propusemos estrat?gias para a abordagem da per?frase [CHEGAR (E) V2] nas escolas de n?vel fundamental e m?dio.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:07:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FranciscoWC_TESE.pdf: 1356357 bytes, checksum: 3457505ffc57c43bafbc9be5a671f327 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-25 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico / In the light of the Functional Linguistic Theory, in its North-American version (HOPPER, 1987, 1991, 1998, 2008, 2010; GIV?N, 2001; LEHMANN, 2002; HOPPER; TRAUGOTT, 2003; FURTADO DA CUNHA; OLIVEIRA; MARTELOTTA, 2003, among others), the general objective of this research is to demonstrate, based on morphosyntactic and semantic-pragmatic properties, that AQUI (HERE), A?, ALI and L? (THERE) are part of an emerging paradigm in Brazilian Portuguese recently constituted and still developing of forms indicating specificity in indefinite noun phrases (NP). The data that make up the corpus of this research were collected in the following large Brazilian oral corpora: the Corpus Discurso & Gram?tica: a l?ngua falada e escrita na cidade de Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 1998), the Banco Conversacional de Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 2010), the Projeto Varia??o Lingu?stica no Estado da Para?ba VALPB (HORA, 2005) and the Projeto Varia??o Lingu?stica Urbana na Regi?o Sul do Brasil VARSUL (VANDRESEN, 2002). Firstly, the behavior of the specificity markings AQUI, A?, ALI and L? is described with respect to many factors of morphosyntactic and semantic-pragmatic nature: type of construction in which the markers appeared; existence or not of intervening material between the specificity marker item and the NP s nuclear noun; type of noun to which AQUI, A?, ALI and L? are linked; syntactic function of the specified SN; informational status of the NP to which the specificity markers AQUI, A?, ALI and L? are attached; occurrence of conversational implicatures (GRICE, 1982) in the context of use of these specificity markers. Next, a possible grammaticalization trajectory is outlined, according to which AQUI, A?, ALI and L? would had gone from an early spatial deictic indication to the specificity indication. The results point to the existence of forms with varying degree of emergence in this new paradigm of nominal specification, with A? being, probably, the item most grammaticalized, followed by L?, then ALI and AQUI, which permanence in the paradigm do not yet appear to be consolidated / Este trabalho tem como objetivo geral mostrar, com base em propriedades morfossint?ticas e sem?ntico-pragm?ticas, que AQUI, A?, ALI e L? integram, no portugu?s brasileiro contempor?neo, um paradigma emergente de constitui??o recente e ainda em andamento de formas indicadoras de especificidade em sintagmas nominais indefinidos. Os dados que constituem o corpus desta pesquisa foram coletados em grandes corpora orais brasileiros, a saber: o Corpus Discurso & Gram?tica: a l?ngua falada e escrita na cidade de Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 1998), o Banco Conversacional de Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 2011), o Projeto Varia??o Lingu?stica no Estado da Para?ba VALPB (HORA, 2005) e o Projeto Varia??o Lingu?stica Urbana na Regi?o Sul do Brasil VARSUL (VANDRESEN, 2002). Sob a perspectiva te?rica da Lingu?stica Funcional, em sua vertente norte-americana (HOPPER, 1987, 1991, 1998, 2008, 2010; GIV?N, 2001; LEHMANN, 2002; HOPPER; TRAUGOTT, 2003; FURTADO DA CUNHA; OLIVEIRA; MARTELOTTA, 2003, dentre outros), descreveu-se o comportamento de AQUI, A?, ALI e L? marcadores de especificidade no que diz respeito a fatores de natureza morfossint?tica e sem?ntico-pragm?tica. Os fatores considerados foram os seguintes: tipo de constru??o em que os marcadores apareceram; exist?ncia ou n?o de material interveniente entre o item marcador de especificidade e o nome nuclear do SN; natureza do substantivo ao qual AQUI, A?, ALI e L? se cliticizam; fun??o sint?tica do SN especificado e status informacional do SN adjungido a AQUI, A?, ALI e L? marcadores de especificidade. Buscou-se, ainda, verificar a ocorr?ncia de implicaturas conversacionais (GRICE, 1982) nos contextos de uso de AQUI, A?, ALI e L? marcadores de especificidade. Em seguida, procurou-se esbo?ar uma poss?vel trajet?ria de gramaticaliza??o por que AQUI, A?, ALI e L? marcadores de especificidade passaram, a partir de sua fun??o fonte de d?iticos espaciais, at? virem a integrar o SN indefinido