Is it probable that a reader can have an empathetic and learning experience of an historical event facilitated through text? Research in neuroscience indicates that the form of a text can trigger mirror neurons, enhancing empathy with the events and characters portrayed and enabling introspective learning through stimulation of the default state network in a reading brain. Narrative elements in historical and fictional literature are analyzed for their potential in facilitating the stimulation of these states. The historical fiction novel Morenga by Uwe Timm is analyzed in order to deduce what a reader neurologically experiences in relation to the text and the historical event portrayed in the novel during the reading process. The probability of the reader experiencing empathy and learning through text so that their perspectives on inter-textual and extra-textual similar events are affected is then developed.

In the 1994 Rwandan genocide, rape was widely used as a strategic weapon against Tutsi women. This study explored the long term psychological effects of rape experienced by these women in order to develop a middle range theory to guide the management of the lasting psychological effects of rape in the context of genocide. A Grounded Theory approach using Strauss and Corbin’s paradigm (Strauss and Corbin, 1990) was used. Data collection entailed in-depth interviews of twenty nine participants, twelve of whom were rape survivors, ten were women who had not been raped, and seven were men from their community. Open coding, axial coding and selective coding were used to analyse the data. The results have shown that women were negatively affected, physically, psychologically and socially, by the rape. Genocide Rape Trauma emerged as a concept that defines these outcomes. It includes unbearable memories, overwhelming feelings, sense of helplessness, somatic distress, negative self-image, altered intimate relationships and social isolation. The extreme brutality, the humiliation that accompanied the experience of rape and multiple losses were reported as risk factors for the lasting psychological effects of rape. These negative outcomes were maintained by poverty, poor physical health, the burden of raising the children born of rape, hostility and stigma from their community, and lack of appropriate support and effective health care services. Facilitating the management of Genocide Rape Trauma emerged as the core category of the middle range developed theory. Recovery from Genocide Rape Trauma required formal and informal support, including psychological and medical care, sensitivity in dealing with genocide rape survivors, and advocacy. Economic empowerment was a key element, while educating the community contributed to the social integration of rape survivors and their children born of rape into their community. Women had developed coping mechanisms of their own to attain psychological relief, and had organized themselves into support groups. This study contributed to clinical practice by providing a holistic approach to taking care of rape survivors. The inclusion of such theory in the curriculum of health care professionals should contribute to the understanding of the lasting impact of rape and how to handle it in an efficient manner. Key words: Rwanda, Genocide, women survivors, Genocide Rape Trauma, Management of the long term psychological effects of rape and Grounded theory. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil

Is it probable that a reader can have an empathetic and learning experience of an historical event facilitated through text? Research in neuroscience indicates that the form of a text can trigger mirror neurons, enhancing empathy with the events and characters portrayed and enabling introspective learning through stimulation of the default state network in a reading brain. Narrative elements in historical and fictional literature are analyzed for their potential in facilitating the stimulation of these states. The historical fiction novel Morenga by Uwe Timm is analyzed in order to deduce what a reader neurologically experiences in relation to the text and the historical event portrayed in the novel during the reading process. The probability of the reader experiencing empathy and learning through text so that their perspectives on inter-textual and extra-textual similar events are affected is then developed.

Through this Peace and Conflict Studies autoethnography, I relate my stories in relationship to the First Nations lands and peoples of Northern Manitoba within the context of Child and Family Services. The stories identify relationships between social work interventions and peace-building interventions with examples of my contributions to the structural violence of colonization through assimilation, and my interventions that are consistent with peace-building to reverse the assimilation of colonization. The theories of structural violence, colonization, assimilation and genocide provide the framework to tell the anecdotal stories to identify the complex relationships. My stories describe my emotions of inner conflict and turmoil as I identify the day-to-day challenges ingrained within the system to build peace by reversing the tide of removing children from their families, communities, cultures and identities. The stories also identify some successes of peace-building by strengthening and unifying families and communities in response to experiences of colonization.

Large-scale humanitarian crises in foreign countries raise the question of whether or not other countries have a duty to alleviate that suffering. In extreme cases, humanitarian intervention, that is: military intervention for the purpose of alleviating human suffering, is sometimes advocated as the morally required course of action. This thesis suggests that while the international community has a general moral responsibility to prevent and ameliorate humanitarian crises there is no simple duty of military humanitarian intervention. Hitherto, the question has typically been treated as a matter of either moral or legal principle. This thesis argues that empirical factors, which affect the international community's ability to carry out interventions effectively, have not been given their due weight in the debate. On the basis of evaluations of international responses to crises in Somalia and Rwanda, 1992 - 1994, it is suggested that a range of factors undermine the efficacy of humanitarian interventions. These factors include the impact of state interests, the effects of domestic politics in intervening states and, contrary to expectations, the role of humanitarian considerations in decision making on intervention. By showing the limitations of a simplistic view of a duty of humanitarian intervention the thesis seeks to contribute to reconciling idealism with realism in international crisis-responses. Based on sound moral and political judgment military interventions in humanitarian crises would hopefully be less ambitious and ultimately more effective.

[pt] A dissertação discute a relação entre as identidades, a construção social de gênero e a perpetração da violência no contexto dos genocídios. O objetivo central é apontar como ocorre a inserção das violências contra o gênero nessas dinâmicas, tendo como foco os crimes atualmente perpetrados em Darfur (Sudão). Argumenta-se que a construção social de gênero atua constitutivamente nos padrões de atuação do perpetrador durante os genocídios, informando suas percepções e condutas. A pesquisa evidencia, portanto, como os genocidas constroem a imagem do inimigo, que se soma aos papéis e expectativas baseados em construções de gênero, para autorizar diferentes padrões de perpetração como a violência sexual e os massacres seletivos. Nesse sentido, são relevantes as contribuições da literatura de gênero e genocídio de autores como Adam Jones e Charli Carpenter. Ao apontar como o genocídio depende da construção de uma alteridade radical, o trabalho também utiliza o arcabouço teórico proporcionado pelos trabalhos de Lene Hansen e David Campbell para contemplar a mudança nas identidades e a autorização da violência de acordo com o contexto político. A partir disso, é analisado como as identidades de gênero se articulam com a identidade do outro durante os genocídios. Em suma, a pesquisa destaca a necessidade de analisar o uso da violência contra o gênero nas dinâmicas de genocídio de maneira mais abrangente do que a realizada pela(s) teoria(s) feminista(s), revelando como o gênero pode representar um fator de insegurança tanto para mulheres quanto para homens nesses cenários. / [en] The dissertation discusses the relationship between identities, the social construction of gender and the perpetration of violence in cases of genocides. The main purpose is to comprehend how gender-based violence (GBV) occurs in these dynamics, focusing on the crimes currently perpetrated in Darfur (Sudan). It is argued that the social construction of gender interacts with the perpetrator’s perception and actions by constituting different patterns of violence in genocidal warfare. Therefore, the research shows how different patterns of GBV (such as sexual violence and sex-selective massacres) are authorized as a result of the interaction between the image of groups considered as enemies and the existing gendered roles and expectations. In that sense, the academic contributions of the literature on gender and genocide developed by authors such as Adam Jones and Charli Carpenter are crucial for this work. Since the occurrence of genocide is based on the construction of a radical alterity, the research also benefits from the theoretical work of Lene Hansen and David Campbell. These contributions allow us to contemplate the change in identities and the authorization of violence in specific political contexts. Based on the above-mentioned theoretical reflections, this dissertation will analyze how gendered identities are articulated with the identity of the other during episodes of genocide. In sum, the present work emphasizes the need to assess the occurrence of GBV by overcoming the blind spots in feminist theories in order to acknowledge how gender constructions can represent a threat to both women and men in these scenarios.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-05-09T17:35:07Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Adenevaldo Teles Junior - 2018.pdf: 2581244 bytes, checksum: f20b6cf21452baf7634cd157dd991401 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-05-10T13:24:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Adenevaldo Teles Junior - 2018.pdf: 2581244 bytes, checksum: f20b6cf21452baf7634cd157dd991401 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-10T13:24:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Adenevaldo Teles Junior - 2018.pdf: 2581244 bytes, checksum: f20b6cf21452baf7634cd157dd991401 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The intense death of native peoples during the Brazilian colonial period has not been able to prevent contemporary indigenous genocide, which occurs through daily massacres committed by expanding the frontiers of agribusiness exploitation and capitalist development. In the last decades, the increase in the number of representatives of agribusiness, a group called the Ruralist Bench, in the Brazilian National Congress has been responsible for the speech that legitimates anti-indigenous bills that promote the deregulation of indigenous territorial rights, causing their extermination and fomenting a resurgence neocolonial assumptions in the Brazilian political scene. In addition to the biased declarations of incitement to hatred against indigenous peoples, the ruralist discourse in favor of neo-extractivism works to defend the latifundia, the indiscriminate use of pesticides and slave labor, validating the massacres provoked by the invasion of traditional territories and the conflicts which raise the death rate of indigenous peoples in Brazil, in the same way that it promotes the anthropization of biodiversity. To answer this problem, the research uses the dialectical and qualitative methodological approaches, taking as reference Discourse Analysis and the competent discourse, to point out the relation between the performance of the Ruralist Bench in the National Congress and the contemporary indigenous genocide. The first section elaborates a historical panorama with the purpose of identifying the main confrontations of the native peoples by the territory, in the face of the Portuguese territorial invasion in the end of century XV, until its recognition by the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988 and the conservative modernization of the agribusiness. The second section analyzes the ruralist discourse, mainly from the systematization of the members of the National Congress, and from its legal propositions that legitimize neoextractivist capitalist economic interests. The third section highlights the faces of contemporary indigenous genocide and exposes the necessary promotion of new epistemological and legal paradigms aimed at plurality, centrality of life and the inclusion of new subjects of collective rights. The research presents the set of violence and violations present in the discourse of the Ruralist Bench, its political and economic influence in the Brazilian National Congress, as well as the prejudices for the realization of the indigenous constitutional rights that guarantee democratic stability in the country. / A intensa morte dos povos originários durante o período colonial brasileiro, não foi capaz de prevenir o genocídio indígena contemporâneo, que ocorre através dos massacres cotidianos cometidos com a expansão das fronteiras de exploração do agronegócio e do desenvolvimento capitalista. Nas últimas décadas o aumento de parlamentares representantes do agronegócio, grupo chamado de Bancada Ruralista, no Congresso Nacional brasileiro tem sido responsável pelo discurso que legitima projetos de lei anti-indígenas que promovem a desregulamentação dos direitos territoriais indígenas, causando seu extermínio e fomentando o ressurgimento de pressupostos neocoloniais no cenário político brasileiro. Além das declarações preconceituosas de incitação ao ódio contra os povos indígenas, o discurso ruralista em prol do neoextrativismo, atua pela defesa dos latifúndios, do uso indiscriminado de agrotóxicos e do trabalho escravo, convalidando com os massacres provocados pela invasão dos territórios tradicionais e os conflitos agrários que elevam a taxa de mortes dos povos indígenas no Brasil, da mesma forma que promove a antropização da biodiversidade. Para dar conta desse problema, a pesquisa utiliza as abordagens metodológicas dialética e qualitativa, tomando como referência a Análise de Discurso e o discurso competente, para apontar a relação entre a atuação da Bancada Ruralista no Congresso Nacional e o genocídio indígena contemporâneo. A primeira seção elabora um panorama histórico com o propósito de identificar os principais enfrentamentos dos povos originários pelo território, face à invasão territorial portuguesa no final do século XV, até seu reconhecimento pela Constituição da República Federativa Brasileira de 1988 e a modernização conservadora do agronegócio. A segunda seção realiza uma análise do discurso ruralista, principalmente a partir da sistematização dos integrantes da bancada no Congresso Nacional, e de suas proposições legais que legitimam interesses econômico capitalistas neoextrativistas. A terceira seção destaca as faces do genocídio indígena contemporâneo e expõe a necessária promoção de novos paradigmas epistemológicos e jurídicos voltados para a pluralidade, para a centralidade da vida e a inclusão de novos sujeitos de direito coletivos. A pesquisa apresenta o conjunto de violências e violações presentes no discurso da Bancada Ruralista, sua influência política e econômica no Congresso Nacional brasileiro, assim como os prejuízos para a efetivação dos direitos constitucionais indígenas que garantem a estabilidade democrática no país.

In an attempt to bridge the gap between theories of violent escalation and those of genocide, this paper theorizes genocide to be a strategic choice by leaders in response to a situation which they perceive to lack alternatives. This situation is expected to evolve out of a violent escalation, more precisely civil war. The empirical test consists of a structured focused comparison of one positive and one negative case; namely the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgia over the region Abkhazia. The finding gives some evidence to the theory, however a more adequate theory needs to also involve a theorization of the ability to perpetrate genocide and not only of a lack of other alternatives. The study builds on previous research on the relationship between violent escalation and genocide, and findings are in line with existing research.

This thesis takes its starting point from the need for a comprehensive approach towards justice following atrocities, and where not only the states in which the crimes were committed have a role to play. The thesis discusses atrocity crime (genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes) prosecution and reparations procedures concerning individuals as two appropriate courses of action, through which non-territorial states may contribute to atrocity prevention and justice for the victims of atrocities. The analysis addresses whether, under international law, non-territorial states are allowed to, required to, or prohibited from facilitating prosecution and reparations procedures and includes an assessment of the extent to which international law relating to reparations fails to correspond to that applicable to prosecution. The implications of the lack of correspondence are analysed in light of the historical connection and separation of the two courses of action, the procedural and substantive legal overlaps between prosecution and reparations, and the underlying aims and functions of prosecution and reparations. The study covers a wide spectrum of international legal sources, most of them to be found in human rights law, humanitarian law and international criminal law. The study shows that while non-territorial states are included in both conventional and customary law as regards prosecution of atrocity crimes, the same cannot be said in relation to reparations procedures. This serious deficit and inconsistency in international law, is explained by the framing of reparations, but not prosecution, as a matter concerning victims and human rights, thereby leaving the enforcement of the rules to the discretion of each state. Reparation is also considered a private matter and as such falls outside the scope of the far-reaching obligations regarding prosecution. The study suggests taking further the responsibilities of non-territorial states in relation to atrocity crimes. Most urgently, measures should be considered that bring the legal space for reparations procedures into line with that for prosecution in, for instance, future discussions by human rights treaty-monitoring bodies and in the drafting of new international victims' rights, atrocity crimes or civil procedure instruments.