Cette recherche, préoccupée de traiter les questions inaugurées par le mouvement de la Réforme Psychiatrique et, par conséquent, par la restructuration politique de la prise en charge des sujets porteurs de troubles mentaux graves, vise à situer et à délimiter les questions essentielles que ce mouvement impose au champ de la santé mentale. Pour cela, en prenant comme point de départ le texte d’Hannah Arendt intitulé Entre o passado e o futuro, ce travail envisage de souligner la position adoptée par la réhabilitation psychosociale depuis que le mouvement de la Réforme Psychiatrique a été déclenché, ainsi que d’examiner l’évolution du concept de réhabilitation psychosociale et de faire des recherches sur les possibilités d’action dans le cadre de l’attention psychosociale. Cette étude s’est organisée à partir de l’analyse de la dyade expérience-transmission – comprise par le biais du paradigme psychanalytique et basé sur les concepts de transfert de S. Freud et de structure moebienne de Jacques Lacan – et y sont présentés les dispositifs thérapeutiques qui sont en train de développement dans le Caps Cais Mental Centro, tout comme les voies de transmission de l’expérience clinique que de tels dispositifs peuvent rendre possible pour le champ de l’attention psychosociale, en traitant l’expérience du Projeto Insere comme pratique dans le réseau de la réhabilitation psychosociale, sa transmission et sa possibilité d’insertion dans l’histoire du mouvement de la réforme de l’assistance sans le rendre un paradigme ou un protocole. / A presente pesquisa, interessada em abordar questões inauguradas pelo movimento da Reforma Psiquiátrica e, consequentemente, pela reestruturação política do atendimento a sujeitos portadores de transtornos mentais graves, busca situar e delimitar as questões essenciais que este movimento impõe ao campo da saúde mental. Para tanto, tomando como ponto de partida o texto de Hannah Arendt, Entre o passado e o futuro, propõe-se a destacar a posição que a reabilitação psicossocial vem assumindo desde que este movimento foi deflagrado, bem como examinar a evolução do conceito de reabilitação psicossocial e investigar as possibilidades de atuação no campo da atenção psicossocial. Também utiliza-se Walter Benjamin como autor central desta tese para desenvolver o termo experiência. O estudo organizou-se a partir da análise da díade experiência-transmissão – entendida a partir do paradigma psicanalítico e com base no conceito de transferência, de S. Freud, e na noção de estrutura moebiana, de Jacques Lacan – e, nele, são apresentados os dispositivos terapêuticos que vem sendo desenvolvidos no CAPS Cais Mental Centro, assim como as vias de transmissão da experiência clínica que tais dispositivos podem propiciar para o campo da atenção psicossocial, abordando a experiência do Projeto Insere como prática na rede de reabilitação psicossocial, sua transmissão e possibilidade de inserção na história no movimento de reforma da assistência sem torná-lo paradigma ou protocolo. / The present research, concerned with the questions raised by the movement of Psychiatric Reform and, therefore, by the political restructuring of the care of subjects with severe mental disorders, aims to situate and delimit the key questions this movement imposes on the field of mental health. For this task, taking as a starting point Hannah Arendt's text, Between Past and Future, it intends to highlight the place that psychosocial rehabilitation has assumed since this movement was started, as well as to examine the evolution of the concept of psychosocial rehabilitation and to investigate the possibilities of action in the field of psychosocial care. The study was built from the analysis of the experience-transmission dyad – understood from a psychoanalitic paradigm and based on the concepts of transference, of S. Freud, and Moebian structure, of Jacques Lacan –, and it presents the therapeutic tools that have been developed at the Psychosocial Care Center Cais Mental Centro, as well as the paths of transmission of the clinical experience these tools may provide to the field of psychosocial care, addressing the experience of Project Insere as a practice in the network of psychosocial rehabilitation, its transmission and possibility of insertion in the history of the movement of care reform without making it a paradigm or protocol.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Hadelândia Milon de Oliveira.pdf: 1683623 bytes, checksum: da0751a5925710f319d2a96b5cc37749 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-25 / CNPq - Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The Family Health Strategy is a model reorientation, operated by the establishment of multidisciplinary teams in primary care units. According to Arendt, the coexistence between human beings is a prerequisite for that power exists, and have social roles that have some semblance to the others. This idea is a foundational concept in Arendt thought: the space of appearance, it is the gathering of human beings to a front end .. Objective - To raise the power relations between professional groups and its implications for teamwork in the ESF within the State of Amazonas, on the basis of the explanatory model of power relations espoused by Hannah Arendt. Methods - qualitative research with focus hermeneutic-dialectic. To collect data, we applied the technique of focus group interviews and individual semi-structured interviews with health professionals of the FHS in the municipalities of Manacapuru, Parintins Coari Sao Gabriel da Cachoeira in the State of Amazonas. Were also conducted interviews with managers in order to capture the organizational process of the ESF in the municipalities. The analysis was based on hermeneutic-dialectic Results - in practice teamwork shows weakness, the joints of the shares are fragmented and with little involvement of the dentist, the nurse with the team leader in charge of managers, each professional performs its function isolated, not shared., The Power does not occur in a shared co-responsibility in the actions of health promotion and lack of teamwork, high turnover of professionals, political pressure on team managers, shortage of inputs and human resources, lack of training for teamwork, interpersonal relationship favorable, but there is competition among profissionais.Há the distance from the recommendations of what is actually done by bringing discredit to FHS. Conclusion It is hoped that this work will provide a reflection of the space of appearance that is being produced in the ESF, viewing the speech, legitimized by the ordinances governing the National Health System and the Federal Constitution, with the action, which is the practice exercised by management, health staff and users of SUS with sharing of responsibilities. / A Estratégia Saúde da Família é uma reorientação do modelo assistencial, operacionalizada mediante a implantação de equipes multiprofissionais em unidades básicas de saúde. Segundo Arendt, a convivência entre os seres humanos é condição indispensável para que o poder exista, e possuem papéis sociais, que têm certa aparência aos demais. Desta idéia vem um conceito fundante no pensamento arendtiano: o Espaço de aparência, que se trata da reunião de seres humanos frente à uma finalidade.. Objetivo -levantar as relações de poder entre as categorias profissionais e suas implicações para o trabalho em equipe na ESF no interior do Estado do Amazonas, com base no modelo explicativo de relações de poder defendidos por Hannah Arendt. Métodos - pesquisa qualitativa com enfoque hermenêutico-dialético. Para coleta de dados aplicaram-se a técnica de Grupo focal e entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas com os profissionais de saúde da ESF nos municípios de Manacapuru, Parintins, Coari e São Gabriel da Cachoeira no interior do Estado do Amazonas. Também foram realizadas entrevistas com gestores a fim de captar o processo organizacional da ESF nos municípios. A análise foi pautada na hermenêutica-dialética Resultados - na prática o trabalho em equipe apresenta fragilidade, as articulações das ações são fragmentadas e com pouco envolvimento do odontólogo, o profissional enfermeiro com líder da equipe por imposição dos gestores, cada profissional exerce sua função de forma isolada, não compartilhada., O Poder não ocorre de forma compartilhada com coresponsabilidade nas ações de promoção de saúde e ausência de trabalho em equipe, grande rotatividade dos profissionais, pressão política dos gestores sobre a equipe, escassez de insumos e recursos humanos, falta de capacitação para o trabalho em equipe, relação interpessoal favorável, porém existe competição entre os profissionais.Há o distanciamento do preconizado para o que é efetivamente realizado trazendo descrédito a ESF. Conclusão Espera-se que este trabalho venha proporcionar uma reflexão do espaço de aparência que está sendo produzido na ESF, visualizando o discurso, legitimada pelas portarias que regem o SUS e pela Constituição Federal, com a ação, que é a prática exercida pela gestão, equipe de saúde e usuário do SUS com compartilhamento das responsabilidades.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo M de Almeida.pdf: 841160 bytes, checksum: 9f31621702da722b9484c849b5c9a829 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-07-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation approaches what is called the problem of the constitution of freedom in Hannah Arendt s political thought. Such problem presents itself in the form of a tension between the concern to think upon, on one hand, the action, power, and political freedom that are coeval, as spontaneous, indeterminate, innovative and possessing an extraordinary dimension; and, on the other hand, the necessary stability and delimitation of a political body based on normative elements, such as laws, institutions, constitutions, and an instance of authority and legitimacy that ensure some continuity to the public sector on the potential arbitrariness and limitlessness that freedom brings with it. This problem is articulated through the definition and specification, in the work of Arendt, of the relationship, apparently paradoxical, between the concepts of power, action and freedom, on the one hand, and on the other, the notions of law, constitution and authority. The issues raised are: 1. How does Arendt reconcile and balance the unpredictability, spontaneous and uncertain character of her concept of action with stabilizing and limiting aspects of the notions of law and constitution? 2. What elements of her theory help to think of normative principles of authority and legitimacy in the secular context? 3. And finally, how is it possible to think on lines of continuity between the constituent/founder dimension of power, which is essentially indeterminate and extraordinary, and constituted power? The hypotheses proposed are: 1 Arendt seeks a republican conception of law, strongly inspired by the Roman lex, which further emphasizes the directive-relational dimensions of the law than the mandatory and coercive idea. The author highlights the importance that the law and institutions are the result of the political and plural action of people, and that they are also linked to it, and that they are not imposed by a superior and autonomous legal rationality. She seeks, therefore, to overcome the traditional dichotomy between law and freedom by indicating a complementarity and interdependence between the constituent and constituted spheres. 2 The author constitutes elements to think on a new concept of authority, without resorting to transcendent and absolute elements as a normative source of legitimacy for secular republics, on one hand, in her theory of promises based on commitments and mutual guarantees that people establish with each other, and, on the other hand, on the complementary notion of immanent principles of action to the constituting act shared by a people, such as freedom, equality, and plurality, which could be incorporated into the constitutional document because they have a normative value sanctioned by people themselves. 3 - Finally, it is noted that Arendt seeks a republican notion of constitution, largely inspired by the American constitutionalism and by the federated republic model, the form of government that most fit to welcome and constitute public liberty. / A presente dissertação aborda o que denominamos o problema da constituição da liberdade no pensamento político de Hannah Arendt. Tal problema apresenta-se sob a forma de uma tensão entre a preocupação de se pensar, por um lado, a ação  e o poder e a liberdade política que lhe são coevas  como espontânea, indeterminada, inovadora e possuidora de uma dimensão extraordinária, e, por outro, a necessária estabilidade e delimitação de um corpo político baseado em elementos normativos, como leis, instituições, constituições e uma instância de autoridade e legitimidade que garantam alguma continuidade ao âmbito público diante da potencial arbitrariedade e ilimitabilidade que a liberdade traz em si. Articulamos tal problemática a partir da delimitação e especificação, na obra de Arendt, da relação, aparentemente paradoxal, entre os conceitos de poder, ação e liberdade, de um lado, e, de outro, as noções de lei, constituição e autoridade. As questões levantadas são: 1. Como Arendt concilia e equilibra o caráter imprevisível, espontâneo e indeterminado do seu conceito de ação com os aspectos estabilizadores e limitadores das noções de lei e constituição? 2. Que elementos de sua teoria contribuem para pensarmos princípios normativos de autoridade e legitimidade no contexto secular? 3. E, finalmente, como pensar linhas de continuidade entre a dimensão constituinte/fundadora do poder, que é, por essência, extraordinária e indeterminada, e o poder constituído? As hipóteses defendidas são: 1 Arendt busca um conceito republicano de lei, fortemente inspirado na lex romana, que enfatiza mais as dimensões relacional-diretiva da lei do que a ideia imperativa e coerciva. A autora destaca a importância de a lei, e as instituições, ser fruto da ação política plural do povo e continuar vinculada a essa ação plural, e não ser imposta por uma racionalidade jurídica superior e autônoma. Ela busca, assim, superar a tradicional dicotomia entre lei e liberdade, indicando uma complementariedade e uma interdependência entre as esferas constituinte e constituída. 2 A autora vislumbra elementos para pensar um novo conceito de autoridade, sem recorrer a elementos transcendentes e absolutos, como fonte normativa de legitimidade para as repúblicas seculares, por um lado, em sua teoria das promessas, baseada nos compromissos e garantias mútuas que o povo estabelece entre si e, por outro lado, na noção complementar de princípios de ação imanentes ao ato constituinte, compartilhados por um povo, como a liberdade, a igualdade e a pluralidade, que poderiam ser incorporados do documento constitucional por possuir um valor normativo sancionado pelo próprio povo. 3 - Por último, indicamos que Arendt busca numa noção republicana de constituição, amplamente inspirada no constitucionalismo americano e na forma da república federada, a forma de governo mais apta a acolher e a constituir a liberdade pública.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberto Lopes de Souza.pdf: 1002393 bytes, checksum: 46802edb2f036cdf98f87290d7703781 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research analyzes the way Hannah Arendt thinks the politics in the secularized world. We start from her criticism about the tradition of the Western Political Philosophy, characterized by the submission of the politics to the immutable truths, contemplated by philosophers. This concept was initiated by Plato and continued through the alliance between Church and Empire, extending to the beginning of the Modern Age. Philosophers like Hegel, Kierkegaard, Marx and Nietzsche, wanted to break with this tradition, but they could not do that on a satisfactory way. According to Arendt, the exchange of traditional patterns by others happened in the twentieth century, specifically in the deployment of totalitarian regimes, like the Nazism and the Bolshevism. Thus, the issue is to determine if it is possible to overcome the tendency to totalitarianism in the politics without resorting to transcendent categories offered by philosophy and religion. Our position is that Arendt defends the secularization, but does not consider enough the break with the transcendent reference. There are other positions that need to be observed for the policy happens, especially the exchange of views, based on the respect for human plurality. Besides the independence between politics and religion, we believe that her political theory propose a new relationship between politics and philosophy. After considering the overcoming of the metaphysics in politics, and the consequent hierarchy elimination between contemplation and action, we analyze the way the author presents the relationship between the speech and appearance. We realize that the political action requires a defined space, in which citizens can make pacts with each other. The durability of a common world depends on overcoming the subjectivism, characteristic of the modern times liberalism, in which predominates the private freedom. Similarly as in the revolutions of the eighteenth century, the difficulty of the politics in the modern world is to balance stability and novelty. Arendt offers the promise to ensure continuity, and the forgiveness to break the causal chain of the events and provide a new start. In politics, the novelty is possible when the action is linked to thought, but not the speculative thought, which aims to make universalization. That s why, for Arendt the policy does not require a rational system of predefined truths, but this does not mean that she is opposed to any kind of encounter between philosophy and politics, but the traditional model. She accepts the proposal of Socrates, in which the activity of thinking is more important than the result of thought. There she meets a limit to evil and allows us to start thinking about the relationship between ethic and politics. However, the Socratic principle is also limited, revealing what not to do, but not helping to establish a new action. Then, Arendt analyzes the Kantian philosophy, and despite rejecting the requirement of the will concept, she accepts the notion of judgment faculty, considering that this is the faculty that allows us to make policy. / Esta pesquisa analisa o modo como Hannah Arendt pensa a política no mundo secularizado. Partimos de sua crítica à tradição da Filosofia Política Ocidental, caracterizada pela submissão da política às verdades imutáveis, contempladas pelos filósofos. Esta concepção foi iniciada por Platão e continuada através da aliança entre Igreja e Império, estendendo-se até o início da Idade Moderna. Filósofos como Hegel, Kierkegaard, Marx e Nietzsche, quiseram romper com esta tradição, mas não conseguiram isto de modo satisfatório. Segundo Arendt, a troca dos padrões tradicionais por outros aconteceu no século XX, especificamente na implantação dos regimes totalitários, como o Nazismo e o Bolchevismo. Diante disso, o problema é determinar se é possível superar a tendência ao totalitarismo na política sem recorrer às categorias transcendentes oferecidas pela filosofia e pela religião. Nossa posição é que Arendt defende a secularização, mas não considera suficiente o rompimento com os referenciais transcendentes. Há outras condições que precisam ser observadas para que a política aconteça, especialmente a troca de opiniões, baseada no respeito à pluralidade humana. Além da independência entre política e religião, consideramos que sua teoria política propõe uma nova relação entre política e filosofia. Depois de considerar a superação da metafísica na política, e a consequente eliminação da hierarquia entre contemplação e ação, analisamos o modo como a autora trabalha a relação entre o discurso e a aparência. Percebemos que a ação política necessita de um espaço público definido, no qual os cidadãos possam fazer pactos entre si. A durabilidade de um mundo comum depende da superação do subjetivismo, característico do liberalismo da era moderna, no qual predomina a liberdade privada. Assim como nas revoluções do século XVIII, a dificuldade da política no mundo moderno é equilibrar a estabilidade e a novidade. Arendt propõe a promessa para garantir a continuidade, e o perdão, para romper a cadeia causal dos acontecimentos e proporcionar um novo começo. Na política, a novidade é possível quando a ação está vinculada ao pensamento, mas não um pensamento especulativo, que visa fazer universalizações. É por isto que, para Arendt a política não necessita de um sistema racional de verdades predefinidas, o que não significa que ela se oponha a todo tipo de encontro entre filosofia e política, mas ao modelo tradicional. Ela aceita a proposta de Sócrates, na qual a atividade de pensar é mais importante que o resultado do pensamento. Aí ela encontra um limite para o mal e nos permite iniciar uma reflexão sobre a relação entre ética e política. Contudo, o princípio socrático também é limitado, revelando o que não fazer, mas não ajudando a determinar uma nova ação. Então, Arendt analisa a filosofia kantiana e, apesar de rejeitar o seu conceito de obrigatoriedade da vontade, aceita a noção de faculdade do juízo, considerando que esta é a faculdade que nos permite fazer política.

Victimes et bourreaux témoignent de la double dégradation, anthropologique et morale, subie par la figure de l’homme à Auschwitz. Hannah Arendt et Emmanuel Lévinas, tous deux Juifs et nés en 1906, ont tenté de retrouver le sens de la dignité humaine après la Shoah. Partageant la même admiration embarrassée pour la pensée de Martin Heidegger, dont ils ont suivi l’enseignement, ils s’engagent dans des voies philosophiques très différentes. Alors qu’Arendt met en avant l’espace politique comme lieu d’expression de la pluralité et de reconnaissance publique des différences individuelles, Lévinas fait de l’éthique la « philosophie première » et situe le proprement humain dans la responsabilité infinie pour autrui. Là où Arendt insiste sur l’importance de la pensée et du jugement dans la recherche des normes morales, Lévinas soutient que la lutte contre le mal est indissociable de la réponse à l’appel du Bien.Deux axes problématiques guident, dans ce travail, la confrontation entre les deux philosophes : l’articulation entre universalité et diversité d’une part ; le lien entre éthique et politique d’autre part. L’enjeu étant l’organisation d’un monde commun pour l’expression et la préservation de la dignité humaine. / The victims and the torturers attest to both the human and moral degradation suffered by the figure of man at Auschwitz.Hannah Arendt and Emmanuel Lévinas, both Jews and born in 1906, attempted to recover the meaning of human dignity after the Holocaust. Despite sharing the same embarrassed admiration for the thought of Martin Heidegger, whose courses they followed, they choose very different philosophical paths.While Arendt emphasizes the political space as the place where plurality is expressed and individual differences are publicly acknowledged, Lévinas makes ethics « first philosophy » and situates what is essentially human within infinite responsibility for the Other. Where Arendt insists on the importance of thought and judgment in the search for moral standards, Lévinas holds that the struggle against evil is inseparable from responding to the call of the Good.In this thesis, two critical themes guide the comparison between each philosopher: the connection between universality and diversity on one hand; and, the link between ethics and politics on the other. The issue at stake is the organization of a shared world for the expression and the preservation of human dignity.

Sammanfattning Utgångspunkten i masteravhandlingen är att mellanmänsklig dialog är en förutsättning för tänkande i konstnärliga processer. Mitt syfte är att undersöka vilka dialogiska former som är verksamma i tänkande och hur relationen mellan dialog och tänkande kan interagera i olika konstnärliga kontexter. Masteravhandlingen är uppbyggd med tre spår: teorispåret, samtalsspåret och dramatikspåret. I teorispåret utgår jag ifrån Martin Bubers, Michail Bachtins och Hannah Arendts texter om dialog och tänkande. I samtalsspåret diskuterar jag teoretikernas idéer med en fokusgrupp bestående av yrkesverksamma konstnärer inom skilda konstnärliga discipliner. Informanternas erfarenheter kommer i dialog med teorierna. I dramatikspåret presenterar jag exempel på hur sceniska dialoger kan tillföra ytterligare en komplexitetsnivå i diskussionen om vår förmåga och oförmåga till mellanmänsklig dialog. De tre spåren visar tillsammans, utifrån skilda infallsvinklar, att dialog i konstnärligaprocesser inte är möjlig utan en ömsesidig tillit. Tilliten ska i sammanhanget förstås som en aktiv handling att vilja samtala, för att kunna samtala. Det framkommer också hur betydelsefull frågan och lyssnandet är för att kunna tänka och ha en dialog. När vi ställer frågor behöver vi öppna oss för att vi inte vet och lyssna för att höra även det vi inte förväntar oss. De oväntade frågorna och det oväntade lyssnandet. Spåren visar också hur tänkande inbegriper ett görande, i en konkret och fysisk bemärkelse, som en förutsättning för att fördjupa tankeprocesser. Kroppen som en del av tanken. Till detta utmärks konstnärligt arbete av att ha en riktning utanför sig själv, en riktning vars vilja är att kommunicera med den andre. Utan riktning till konstverkens mottagare faller dialogen samman. / Abstract The premise of this master’s thesis is that - within the context of the artistic process -interpersonal dialogue is a prerequisite for the act of thinking. My aim is to investigate which dialogue forms are active in such acts of thinking and how dialogue and thinking can interact in different artistic contexts. The thesis consists of three tracks: a theory track, a conversation track and a drama track. In the theory track, I expand on Martin Buber’s, Michail Bachtin’s and Hannah Arendt’s texts on dialogue and the act of thinking. In the conversation track I discuss these theories with a focus group of professional artists active in a variety of fields. Here the practical experiences of the informants come into dialogue with the theories expressed in the thesis. In the drama track, I show how different scenic dialogues are able to add yet another level of complexity to the discussion of our ability (or inability) to participate in interpersonal dialogue. The three tracks show from a variety of perspectives that dialogue within the artistic process is not possible without mutual trust. In this context trust is understood as an act of intending to engage in dialog. Mutual trust also exposes the importance of questioning and listening in order to be able to think and participate in dialogue. When we ask a question we must be open to that which we do not know and to that we do not expect to hear. The tracks also show that the act of thinking is also an action, in a physical, practical sense, which is itself a prerequisite to being able to think more deeply. It is also important that artistic work be characterized by having an aim beyond itself - an ambition to communicate with an Other. Without such an aim, dialogue can only fail.

The central aim of this dissertation is to introduce tools for studying a form of political violence in Michel Foucault's genealogical methodology. This is accomplished by reformulating theories from Hannah Arendt on violence to sync with Foucault's understanding of power, knowledge and experience. Violence is shown to be a relationship where one subject is prevented from fulfilling a strategy by another, which over time accumulates into widespread power relations, or nexuses of violence, within a society. This is contrasted with power, which is when one subject attempts to control the outcome of a situation, and as such it is productive. This method of genealogy is then employed in the case of national identity (i.e., nationalism) in Turkey. Tracing its historical emergence, the late Ottoman Empire becomes the focal point. A network of allegiances, referred to as sultanic power, constituted the relationships that were exercised prior to the nineteenth century. While one pledged their loyalty and subservience to their ruler, this required their ruler to offer them security and prosperity in return. Over the Long Nineteenth Century, a new network of power relations emerged based on representation through the practices and discourses that developed. I come to outline what I term representative power....

La presente investigación propone explorar el componente político y los diversos discursos provenientes de los actores del Estado y víctimas en el caso de las ejecuciones extrajudiciales de Accomarca bajo las categorías del mal en Hannah Arendt. Es así que para dicho análisis se ha recogido la información de la audiencia pública de Accomarca la cual califica como la esfera pública por excelencia, en la cual se narran los hechos y el contexto, asimismo, una exhaustiva revisión de textos de corte filosófico y político. Es entonces que se trata de tipificar el uso del mal para diversos fenómenos, como lo es la <<banalidad del mal>>, acontecimientos e incluso políticas <<mal radical>>, las cuales en muchas ocasiones se convierten en técnicas premeditadas para el abuso del propio mal en contexto de emergencia y de esa forma poder deslindar lo “bueno” de lo “malo”. Si bien el caso Accomarca lleva de por sí mucha dificultad al momento de intentar explicar el por qué, en esta investigación se intenta dar una respuesta a partir del motor de los perpetradores desde una perspectiva político-filosófica arendtiana, con luces de pluralidad e in-acción.

By way of five microhistories focusing on the lives of Cecelia Davies Sylvester, Hannah Director, Leon Koerner, Harry Adaskin, and Nathan Nemetz, this study examines various modes of integration for Jews within particular periods of British Columbian (BC) history. Each microhistory explores the boundaries that were crossed and fostered by Jews whose careers and social contributions led them outside the confines of the established Jewish community. These Jews represent the vanguard of Jewish integration for each era to which they contributed.

The aim of this study is to explore how the concept of sin, guilt and responsibility can be used in the contemporary discourse of the climate catastrophe. In a comparative textual study on Sallie McFague’s A New Climate for Theology and Richard Bauckham’s Bible and Ecology these concepts are analyzed. The conclusion is that McFague and Bauckham both uses “responsibility” frequently, but neither “sin” or “guilt” are well used in there works. Yet, when they reflect on “sin”, both of them abandons the (in the western theology classical) Augustine theology on sin. McFague when she argues that “evil” is a perversion of good rather than a consequence of an external reality, Bauckham when he claims that the fall of sin is an ongoing process rather than a momentary event.   Hannah Arendt and Alistair McFadyen are used as an interpretative and theoretical background to the conclusions of McFague and Bauckham in the discussion that follows the comparative textual study. Arendt and McFadyen reflects on sin, guilt and responsibility with the Holocaust as context. In the discussion, their thoughts on the Holocaust are essayed to apply on the contemporary climate catastrophe. Hannah Arendt talks about “collective responsibility” and “personal guilt”, concepts that in the discussion part, when applied on the climate catastrophe and in a better way fits the contemporary situation, inverts to “collective guilt” and “personal responsibility”. The talk of collective guilt tangent the Augustine teaching of original sin where sin is a common heritage from the fall of sin. McFadyen uses original sin to explain the mechanism of the German people during the Holocaust which in many ways are similar to the processes of the climate catastrophe of today.    In the discussion of this study, original sin is used as a model to better understand the fact that people cannot escape guilt in the contemporary situation and to comprehend why people act as they do. The study intends accordingly to in a constructive way contribute with new perspectives on sin, guild and responsibility to the ecological theology of today.