Buscamos establecer un paralelo entre algunos conceptos del psicoanálisis freudiano y el concepto kantiano del «mal radical», el cual fue adoptado por Hannah Arendt para referirse a las atrocidades cometidas por el régimen totalitario nazi contra los judíos en la Shoah. Arendt considera el nazismo como un régimen totalitario basado en una ideología racial que proporcionó la «ficción creíble» que argumenta que gracias a las Leyes de la Naturaleza surgió la raza aria - «superior y pura» - para la cual su objetivo principal fue destruir a su contraparte, el pueblo judío «infrahumano». Los nazis utilizaron campos de concentración y exterminio para eliminar a millones de personas consideradas «superfluas» y «prescindibles». En este artículo analizamos la obsesión de los nazis de exterminar a los «infrahumanos», utilizando, entre otros, el concepto psicoanalítico freudiano de la «pulsión de muerte» y sus subrogados, fenómenos de la psicología individual que se aplican a las masas colaboradoras de los nazis. Entendemos el «mal radical» utilizado por Arendt como un constructo que abarca aspectos socio-económicos, políticos, filosóficos e históricos; simbólicamente, el mundo externo, mientras que los conceptos freudianos dan cuenta de la dinámica intrapsíquica inconsciente como sustrato del comportamiento destructivo, que representan el mundo interno. Argumentamos que ambos mundos: interno y externo se encuentran en permanente dinámica e interacción. Encontramos semejanzas y aspectos complementarios en los aportes de ambos Arendt y Freud. Creemos que, en el sustrato inconsciente de los perpetradores nazis, ocurrieron los fenómenos psicológicos antes señalados, y además, que las acciones nazis fueron el producto del proceso secundario, del pensamiento consciente, con pleno uso de libertad de elección y de una voluntad pervertida. Reiteramos que la implementación del «mal radical» por los nazis es imputable. / In this work, we aim to establish a parallel between some elements in Freudian Psychoanalysis and the Kantian concept of «radical evil» adopted by Hannah Arendt to give an account of the atrocities committed by the Nazis against the Jews during the Holocaust. Arendt considers Nazism to be a totalitarian regime based on a racist ideology which provided the so-called «credible fiction» which argues that thanks to the Laws of Nature, the «superior and pure» Arian Race emerged, for which its main objective was the destruction of its counterpart: the «subhuman» Jewish People. The Nazis used concentration and extermination camps for the elimination of millions of people considered superfluous and disposable. We also analyze the Nazi obsession with the extermination of the «subhuman» using, among others, the psychoanalytic Freudian concept of the «death drive» and its subrogates, concepts that describe a phenomenon of individual psychology applied to the masses which collaborated with the Nazis. We understand the concept of «radical evil» used by Arendt as a construct that encompasses socio-economic, political, philosophical and historical aspects, symbolizing the external world, while the Freudian concepts give rise to an intra-psychological dynamic unaware of its role as the substrate of destructive behavior, representing the internal world. We argue that both worlds: the external and the internal, exist in perpetual interactive dynamics. We thus find similarities and complementary aspects in the contributions of Freud and Arendt. We believe that in the unconscious substrate of the Nazi perpetrators of evil the above mentioned psychological phenomena took place. Moreover, the explicit actions undertaken by the Nazis were the product of a secondary process, of conscious thought, with full use of freedom of choice and an evil will. Therefore, we reiterate that the implementation of the «radical evil» by the Nazis is imputable. / Tesis

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-13T15:56:02Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_EquacaoIgualdadeLiberdade.pdf: 700639 bytes, checksum: 5c710d9406c4b438a9dec954581aa1c0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-05-20T12:26:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_EquacaoIgualdadeLiberdade.pdf: 700639 bytes, checksum: 5c710d9406c4b438a9dec954581aa1c0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-20T12:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_EquacaoIgualdadeLiberdade.pdf: 700639 bytes, checksum: 5c710d9406c4b438a9dec954581aa1c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / O presente estudo objetiva revisitar a equação igualdade-liberdade, especialmente as concepções de John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin e Hannah Arendt, para indicar qual dos dois valores possui valor normativo mais transcendente. Tendo em mente este desiderato, a referida equação foi analisada a partir das correntes doutrinárias do liberalismo do tempo presente confrontando-as com o pensamento político de Hannah Arendt, o que elevou o grau de complexidade da pesquisa considerando que ambos provêm de tradições filosóficas e políticas distintas. Ao longo do trabalho, procurou-se demonstrar, sobretudo amparado no pensamento político de Hannah Arendt, que a liberdade positiva, fundada no princípio do autogoverno e em combinação com a igualdade complexa, pode ser apontada como o valor mais transcendente dentro da famosa equação. / The present study aims to revisit the equality-freedom equation, especially in their concepts of John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin and Hannah Arendt, to indicate which of the two values owns normative value more transcendent. Having in mind this desideratum, this equation was analyzed from the current doctrinal of the liberalism of the present time confronting it with the political thought of Hannah Arendt, which increased the complexity of the research considering that both come from different philosophical and political traditions. Throughout this work, looked for demonstrate, mainly supported in political thought of Hannah Arendt, that the positive liberty, founded on the principle of self-government and in combination with the complex equality, can be pointed as the most transcendent value in the famous equation.

By way of five microhistories focusing on the lives of Cecelia Davies Sylvester, Hannah Director, Leon Koerner, Harry Adaskin, and Nathan Nemetz, this study examines various modes of integration for Jews within particular periods of British Columbian (BC) history. Each microhistory explores the boundaries that were crossed and fostered by Jews whose careers and social contributions led them outside the confines of the established Jewish community. These Jews represent the vanguard of Jewish integration for each era to which they contributed.

By way of five microhistories focusing on the lives of Cecelia Davies Sylvester, Hannah Director, Leon Koerner, Harry Adaskin, and Nathan Nemetz, this study examines various modes of integration for Jews within particular periods of British Columbian (BC) history. Each microhistory explores the boundaries that were crossed and fostered by Jews whose careers and social contributions led them outside the confines of the established Jewish community. These Jews represent the vanguard of Jewish integration for each era to which they contributed.

En esta investigación se defiende que las concepciones de libertad, público y privado son categorías privilegiadas para abordar tanto la cultura griega como la filosofía práctica de Aristóteles. Apelando a los textos clásicos, se analizan tanto la génesis como la trascendencia de estos tres conceptos, lo que posibilita una clara percepción de lo que estos representan en la cultura griega y el cometido que desempeñan en la filosofía de Aristóteles. Desde estas premisas se examinan las dispares interpretaciones que de la filosofía aristotélica han realizado tanto la republicana Hannah Arendt como la liberal Judith Swanson. Análisis que concluye en que ambas pensadoras realizan lecturas incorrectas de los textos aristotélicos así como que el error de estas diferentes interpretaciones reside en que extrapolan sus propias concepciones de libertad, o la moderna concepción de la separación de esferas, trasladándolas anacrónicamente al análisis de los textos clásicos griegos. / This investigation intends to demonstrate that the concepts of liberty, public and private, are privileged categories which explore both Greek culture and Aristotle´s practical philosophy. Using the classic texts as background, the genesis and the transcendence of these three concepts are analyzed, which gives a clear perception of what they represent in Greek culture and their role in Aristotle´s philosophy. This thesis also examines the polarized interpretations of the Aristotelian philosophy of both the republican Hannah Arendt, and the libertarian Judith Swanson. This analysis concludes that due to the thinkers´ extrapolation of their own notions of liberty and a modern interpretation of the separation of spheres theory to the classic Greek texts, resulting in an anachronism, the Aristotelian texts are incorrectly interpreted.

En ce jeune 21e siècle, l'espoir de changer le monde semble se dissiper à mesure que se renforce le jugement négatif par rapport aux expériences du communisme réel. L'étude des pratiques révolutionnaires du 20e siècle a de quoi laisser perplexe: dogmatisme idéologique, sectarisme militant et adoration de l'État comme outil d'émancipation. Ce mémoire propose une relecture critique des travaux de Pierre-Joseph Proudhon afin d'explorer certains chemins bloqués par l'orthodoxie marxiste. La confrontation de l'oeuvre proudhonienne avec les apports critiques de théoriciens post-totalitaires (Arendt, Abensour, Rancière) permet de voir en quoi le développement d'une pensée socialiste se doit de prendre comme pierre d'assise le respect de la pluralité et donc de l'indétermination du politique. Plus concrètement, il est démontré en quoi l'antidogmatisme et l'antiétatisme proudhonien sont les deux volets d'une même médaille permettant à notre philosophe d'avancer une proposition politique positive: le fédéralisme libertaire. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Proudhon, Arendt, Abensour, Rancière, pluralisme, fédéralisme, dogmatisme, étatisme, socialisme

This thesis focuses on the problem of defining and designing public space in contemporary mass society. "Assembly" revaluates a cultural understanding of public space as the space of regulation, consumption and leisure, and works to find spaces of freedom, agency and action. Three iconic sites located in Toronto from three successive generations are examined: Nathan Phillips Square, the Eaton Centre and the new Dundas Square. These three sites form the primary division of the work and are respectively paired with extended critiques from three thinkers: Hannah Arendt, Jean Baudrillard, and Guy Debord. The pairings centre on Arendt's account of the "rise of the social", on Baudrillard's analysis of consumption and on Debord's dissection of the spectacle. The argument is presented in the form of an assemblage. Although the nature of this method invites each reader to construct their own meaning, this thesis grounds itself on a defined polemic. It considers public space to be marked by 1) the erosion of a clear distinction between our public and private realms, and their subsequent dissolution into the realm of the social, 2) the ideology of consumption overtaking the realm of the social, and 3) the world of the commodity replacing reality with the world of the spectacle. "Assembly" first consists of three main sections corresponding to the three sites. Each of these parts is assembled from three distinct strands: factual, theoretical and visual. The factual strand forms the main "field" of each section and is made up of selected quotations from mass media ? newspapers, public documents and websites. The theoretical strand, consisting of pointed quotations from the relevant social theorist, is threaded through the field of mass media. The visual strand comprises two elements: a postcard that marks the beginning of the section and a series of authored photographs that follows and complements the text-based assemblage. <br /><br /> Inevitably, the relationship between general social values and those of individuals is fraught. Consequently, and perhaps also inevitably, architectural design tends to reduce the manifoldness of the public realm into a homogenous and singular public space: the "whole". This thesis pursues the question of how to conciliate individual agency with collective public experience. The process and form of "Assembly" deliberately celebrates this uncertainty of design, and takes "heterogeneity" as a necessary condition of public space. That it cannot offer a comprehensive solution is, perhaps, inherent to the question.

This thesis focuses on the problem of defining and designing public space in contemporary mass society. "Assembly" revaluates a cultural understanding of public space as the space of regulation, consumption and leisure, and works to find spaces of freedom, agency and action. Three iconic sites located in Toronto from three successive generations are examined: Nathan Phillips Square, the Eaton Centre and the new Dundas Square. These three sites form the primary division of the work and are respectively paired with extended critiques from three thinkers: Hannah Arendt, Jean Baudrillard, and Guy Debord. The pairings centre on Arendt's account of the "rise of the social", on Baudrillard's analysis of consumption and on Debord's dissection of the spectacle. The argument is presented in the form of an assemblage. Although the nature of this method invites each reader to construct their own meaning, this thesis grounds itself on a defined polemic. It considers public space to be marked by 1) the erosion of a clear distinction between our public and private realms, and their subsequent dissolution into the realm of the social, 2) the ideology of consumption overtaking the realm of the social, and 3) the world of the commodity replacing reality with the world of the spectacle. "Assembly" first consists of three main sections corresponding to the three sites. Each of these parts is assembled from three distinct strands: factual, theoretical and visual. The factual strand forms the main "field" of each section and is made up of selected quotations from mass media ? newspapers, public documents and websites. The theoretical strand, consisting of pointed quotations from the relevant social theorist, is threaded through the field of mass media. The visual strand comprises two elements: a postcard that marks the beginning of the section and a series of authored photographs that follows and complements the text-based assemblage. <br /><br /> Inevitably, the relationship between general social values and those of individuals is fraught. Consequently, and perhaps also inevitably, architectural design tends to reduce the manifoldness of the public realm into a homogenous and singular public space: the "whole". This thesis pursues the question of how to conciliate individual agency with collective public experience. The process and form of "Assembly" deliberately celebrates this uncertainty of design, and takes "heterogeneity" as a necessary condition of public space. That it cannot offer a comprehensive solution is, perhaps, inherent to the question.

Four years ago, on May 15th 2011, we witnessed in the Spanish State ‘something’ that was quickly and popularly referred to as 15M or the Indignados. Since that day, 15M has had a tremendous impact on the way a large part of the Spanish population understands itself and its response-abilities and rights. In addition, 15M has affected the way in which a large part of the Spanish population understands its environment and those living-beings with whom said environment is co-created and co-inhabited. In this essay I immerse myself in an on-going non-disciplinary, multi-traditional multilogue with individuals being 15M. What I witness, feels and looks like a complex; mutating and dialogic; collective and cooperative; agonistic and transformative 'climate' that many refer to as el clima 15M (15m climate). Allowing different 15M wisdoms to frame the research, I envision this essay as an attempt at gaining a dialogical understanding of what it is that we might be speaking of when referring to 15M. Through this exploration, I seek to place my work within the sketched parameters of what James Tully refers to as public philosophy. The essay engages with individuals being 15M and with the vast literature in Spain around 15M and party-movement Podemos by academics and participants, and the European literature around populism, horizontality and Podemos grounded in Antonio Gramsci. It also draws on reciprocal elucidation literature in theory and in participatory, community-based social science. Moreover, the essay enters into dialogue with a whole body of literature on instrumental versus constitutive means-ends views of political change going back to Mahatma Gandhi and forward to Aldous Huxley, Richard Gregg, Hannah Arendt, Robert Young, Gene Sharp and Cesar Chavez. By giving ‘perspicuous representation’ or thick description of 15M by means of reciprocal elucidation, I am able to make a unique contribution to the theoretical literature on reciprocal elucidation and public philosophy. I am also able to disclose the field of 15M (the phenomenon) in a way that shows it to be different from the way 15M appears in other theoretical frames. Finally, the use of this method of reciprocal elucidation makes a unique contribution to community-based and engaged forms of social scientific research. / Graduate / 0422 / 0615 / 0344 / pouziel@uvic.ca

「積極生活」與「沉思生活」乃是鄂蘭思想的核心關切，晚年更是致力於研究如何從心靈的活動走向實踐的行動。在眾多心靈能力中，鄂蘭特別看重能避免罪惡的「思考」與分辨對錯的「判斷」，兩者皆與現實政治關聯甚深。然而鄂蘭最終認為「判斷」是「最具政治性的心靈能力」，「思考」則難於政治處境中適用。對此，筆者認為「思考」與「判斷」並非截然對立的兩種能力，事實上兩者有許多相通之處，而真正的差異其實是「標準」與「角色」不同的兩種對話，且從鄂蘭建構「思考」的原型─蘇格拉底─身上亦能發掘許多實踐意義，這將是如何實踐更理想的政治的關鍵。 / “Vita activa” and “vita contemplentiva” are the two main subjects in Arendt’s thought. In her last years, she committed herself to find the path from “mental faculties” to “actions.” In all mental faculties, Arendt paid more attention on the evil-prevented ability called “thinking” and “judging,” which can telling right from wrong, both of them have a lot to do with real politics. But Arendt considered “judging” is “the most political of man’s mental abilities” and “thinking” is not applicable to politics at last. In my point of view, “thinking” and “judging” are not actually two different kind of “ability” but two kind of “conversation,” the difference between them is “standard” and “role”. If we delve into the model of “thinking” in Arendt’s thought –Socrates,– we can find out that there was lots of practical meanings in his actions, those will be the key to make ideal politics practicable.