Global ETD Search

71	The ban of religious symbols in primary and secondary schools in France : A short analysis of its compatibility with Pettit’s theory of liberty as non-domination Loreggia, Fabio January 2018 (has links) No description available. Secularism non-domination liberty religion hijab religious symbols Philip Pettit school education Laïcité religion non-domination voile liberté symboles religieux Philip Pettit école éducation Philosophy Filosofi
72	České konvertitky k islámu / Czech women who converted to Islam Davidová, Michaela January 2019 (has links) This dissertation deals with Czech woman who converted to Islam in the context of the Czech Republic in recent years with an emphasis on changes in society. The thesis deals with the motives of conversion to Islam and individual conversion stories. Partners and family life, veiling and the position of converts in society and in relation to biological family and employment. The whole dissertation is based on qualitative research, namely on semi- structured interviews with respondents and individual chapters contain statements from the informants themselves. The whole research is enriched with an experiment involving wearing hijab. Key words: Islam, Muslim, Muslim, faith, conversion, hijab, veiling, religion, family life, Czech Republic
73	Silenced Detainees in Repressive Hijab : A Marxist Analysis of the Hijab of Afghan women in Sweden, the patriarchal coercion to veil, and the responsibility of the Swedish government Asgari, Alireza January 2022 (has links) This empirical research focuses on the subject of Hijab in Sweden. It demonstrates that Afghan (Muslim) women residing in Sweden do not consider the Hijab as an element of their culture/identity. Additionally, the empirical data gathered through interviews with twenty Afghans residing in Sweden reveals that Hijab is socially imposed on women, particularly by male relatives. Afghan women reveal verbal and physical violations exercised against women by male relatives in order to force them to veil. Therefore, if multiculturalism favors the Hijab as a human right and/or an identity/cultural element of these women, it neglects the violations implied by Hijab on women. By adopting a Marxist feminist lens, the research explains that although veiling and controlling women’s body existed for centuries before the birth of capitalism, controlling women’s body by forcing them to veil serves the capitalist project as well. The veil is one of the diverse ways of controlling women (‘s body) and is one of the ways to help the interests of capitalism since women are the source of reproduction of labor. Rejecting the position of both left-wing and right-wing parties (and specifically racists) in the political sphere in Sweden, it is suggested that the former (no matter intentionally or unintentionally) justifies and serves the preservation of the repressive Hijab and does not protect Muslim women and their human rights. And (far) right-wing actors, by pointing to the repressive Hijab, merely aim to cut the budget that is essential for protecting the fundamental human rights of immigrants and target the existence of immigrants per se to enable (further) development of capitalist (economic) policies. This research argues that discourse cannot make a substantial change in behaviors, and not only men should be considered as the responsible actor to diminish the violations. A third alternative/approach is instead suggested for the change in the material condition of such communities so as to diminish the violations. By reminding the responsibility of the Swedish government, it is suggested that the government should take responsibility for material provision regarding awareness, education, employment, and development of oppressed veiled women. This is how the government can protect human rights and actualize women’s capacity in order to combat the violations. Veil Sweden Slöja Afghan women repressive Hijab Muslim women violations Human Rights multiculturalism patriarchal structure Marxist feminist Swedish government Social Sciences Samhällsvetenskap
74	Förbudet mot hijab och niqab i Frankrike Almjeed, Basheer January 2022 (has links) This study is about whether the ban on hijab and niqab in France violates human rights. Also, if there are contradictions between the human rights conventions and the french ban on hijab andniqab. That is the purpose and question of the study. The topic was chosen for an interest on whether the French ban violates human rights, and if so, why is the ban still a law? To fulfill the purpose of the study, the study will be using human right conventions and a case from the European court of human rights. The study will also use a human rights based approach to further analyze whether the french ban violates human rights. The human rights based approach will also focus on the rights themselves and the implementation of the rights. The second theory used in the study is a theory on multiculturalism. The theory will focus on the term “blind fordifference”. In other words, are human rights blind for difference?The method used in this study is a qualitative content analysis. The method was chosen to analyze the content of the french ban of niqab and hijab but also to analyze the content of the human rights conventions. The result showed that there are some contradictions between the french ban and the human rights conventions. The French ban on hijab and niqab showed potential violations towards human rights articles in the human rights conventions. Philosophy, Ethics and Religion Filosofi, etik och religion Övrig annan samhällsvetenskap
75	Iran's 2019-2020 demonstrations: the changing dynamics of political protests in Iran Shahi, Afshin, Abdoh-Tabrizi, E. 14 February 2020 (has links) No / The widespread protests of November 2019 may be marked as the bloodiest recent chapter of the Islamic Republic of Iran's history in terms of popular dissent. The two major protests in December 2017 and November 2019, followed by the public reaction to the shooting down of the Ukrainian International Airlines Flight 752 by the IRGC over Tehran after the US killing of General Soleimani, suggest that the prevailing dynamics of political protest in Iran are changing. There is an increasing sense of radicalisation among protesters, while the state is prepared to resort to extreme violence to maintain control. The geography of political protest has changed. The declining economic situation has had a profound impact on the more vulnerable segments of the society who are now increasingly playing a more proactive role in challenging the state. The methods of protest have been evolving over the last four decades, especially in the cultural arena. Last but not least, the willingness of the protesters both to endure and inflict violence is precipitously transforming state-society relations beyond recognition. This article begins by providing a brief overview of protest in the history of the Islamic Republic, up to the public reaction to the 2020 downing of the Ukrainian airline over Tehran. This provides a historical context to assess the ways in which both the political climate and protests have changed over the last four decades. A section identifying and analysing the factors which have created the current political cul-de-sac then follows. The changing dynamics of the protests are the result of the existing political gridlock and the economic crisis, and it is thus important to evaluate the prevailing conditions which have paved the way for the radicalisation of political climate in Iran. The final section examines the changing dynamics of political protest. Iran 2019 protests 2020 protests Soleimani IRGC Basij Violence Climate Economy Khamenei Oppressed Hijab Veil Women Ukranian airline crash 2017 protests Green movement
76	自由的束縛—伊朗革命前後的政治論述與被建構的穆斯林女性主體 / Bonds of freedom: pre- and post- revolutionary political discourses and the constructed subject of Muslim women in iran 鄭慧儀, Cheng, Huei Yi Unknown Date (has links) 伊朗自進入二十世紀遭受西方帝國的殖民後，穆斯林婦女的穿著問題一直成為殖民者與被殖民者討論的焦點。本文以「後殖民」理論學者Gayatri C. Spivak所認為主體與政治的關係，說明女性在歷史、文化論述之中所居「賤民」地位，實與知識暴力、文化霸權等議題相連結，從而影響女性地位的說法，試圖由伊朗在巴勒維時期過渡至伊斯蘭共和國此階段歷史（1953-1989）中對於穆斯林婦女穿著(hijab)論述，商榷或討論Spivak理論與實際上存有的差異。巴勒維國王延續其父改革意志，並欲以「白色革命」帶領伊朗進入現代之林，利用一系列現代化計畫與執行全國的波斯化鞏固其王權。其所提出的女性政策中，為朝向「偉大文明」之國發展，要求婦女為增加建設、擺脫國家落後形象、投入公共領域而脫下hijab。左派知識份子如Jalal Al- I Ahmad、Ali Shariati，以及宗教學者Murtaza Mutahhari等人，分別以「中西毒」概念，聖女法蒂瑪形象，以及伊斯蘭公、私領域的概念，批判時下盲目西化的人們，藉此釐清社會現象背後的帝國症狀，與有心人士摧毀伊斯蘭的詭計，他們共同指出復興伊朗的唯一途徑即在於伊斯蘭。經過其他知識份子的理念鋪陳，何梅尼所建構的「伊斯蘭政府」，其重心在於神聖的律法與合法的統治者，配合精神聖戰的呼籲，扭轉什葉派傳統權威者限制，將治國權威交付通曉伊斯蘭法、且具正義感的教法學者。順利推翻巴勒維政權、確立其個人無可取代領導地位的何梅尼所認定婦女於該理想國度的職責、行為舉止，皆必須與伊斯蘭共和國對於虔信、道德等訴求互為表裡。本文以殖民者與賤民史家對於女性的論述個別分析，並以何梅尼所建構的「教法學者權威」(wilayat al- faqih)作為「女性賤民可否發言？」此提問的重點，探視伊朗革命的發生，與女性參與此中所指涉的意涵。在後殖民研究的脈絡裡，由宗教角度的分析，能更清晰地描繪出在帝國主義與傳統父權勢力雙方交織下的個別論述，使婦女之聲顯得微弱的現實。 / The attire of Islamic women has been the point of concern for the colonist and the colonized since Iran has been colonized by Western Imperialism. Departing from the Postcolonial theorist Gayatri C. Spivak’s concern of the relationship between the subject and politics, this thesis intends to explicate that the issue of women as the subaltern in the historical and cultural discourses is closely associated with epistemic violence and cultural hegemony and this has greatly affected the status of women in Iran. I will then go to the discourses of Muslim women’s attire, hijab, from transitional Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic（1953-1989）to discuss Spivak’s theory and the actual condition. Mohammed Riza Pahlavi, King of Pahlavi regime, followed in his father’s footprints and led the White Revolution to modernize Iran. To consolidate his power, Pahlavi employed a series of modernization programs and carried out persianization. In terms of his policies toward women, he wanted women to take off their hijab and participate in public affairs so that they can help establish the State of Great Civilization. Leftists such as Jalal Al- I Ahmad, Ali Shariati and the ulama Murtaza Mutahhari applied the concept of occidentosis, the image of Saint Fatima, and the differentiation of public and private spheres in Islam to critique people’s blind westernization. They intended to uncover the Imperialist symptoms behind social phenomena and pro-westernizers’ schemes to destroy Islam and pointed out that the only way to revive Iran lies in Islam. Through the theories the various intellectuals proposed, the Islamic government propounded by Khomeini focuses on Divine Laws and legal rulers and through appeals to the spiritual jihad, he maintains that the power should be consigned to the al-faqih (jurist) who has not only excellent knowledge of Islamic law but also a sense of justice. After overthrowing the Pahlavi regime and establishing himself as political authority, Khomeini holds that in the Islamic Republic, the duty a woman needs to fulfill is to act according to what this ideal state requires: to be moral as well as pious. In this thesis, I will analyze respectively discourses on women from colonists and subaltern studies theorists and concentrate on Khomeini’s wilayat al- faqih (the governance of the jurist) in order to respond to the question: Can the Female Subaltern Speak? Therefore, we can take a closer look at the eruption of the Islamic Revolution and the significance of women’s participation in political activities. In postcolonial studies, a religious perspective can help us see even more clearly that women can hardly speak for themselves between Imperialism and traditional patriarchal powers. 後殖民什葉伊斯蘭伊朗革命穆斯林婦女服飾伊斯蘭政府 Postcolonialism Shia Islam Iranian Revolution Muslim Women’s Attire (hijab) Islamic Government
77	Beyong the veil : Muslim women write back Swart, Susanna Maria January 1999 (has links) This thesis sets out to provide what is perceived as the nature of Islam and background that inform the interpretation of the two novels ofMariama Ba as well as that of selected works by fellow Muslim writer, N awal El-Saadawi. Although the question of gender is carefully addressed, the principal viewpoint is Islamic theocratic rather than purely feminist. This study surveys the struggle of these two women writers to claim public space in a dominant patriarchal society. It examines the socio-political conditions affecting women in the Arab peninsula before the rise of Islam, also called Jahiliyyah, from Islam's inception (622 AD). It notes that the principle of equality of all the believers was established by the injunction in the Qur'an, and endorsed by Muhammad, the Prophet, after whose death, manipulation of the sacred texts, especially of the Hadiths, took place. This led to opposition to gender equality; while fitna (civil war) in Medina, led the Prophet to re-institute the hijablveil, in order to protect women from being sexually harassed. The significance of the hijab is then explored, and Fatima Mernissi's text Women and Islam (1987; 1992) is used as seminal to the argument that the hijab was not instituted to put a barrier between men and women. The question of how the Islamic tradition succeeded in transforming the Muslim woman into a submissive, marginal creature, one who once buried herself behind a veil, is considered in the light of feminist theory and practice in both the Third and Arab worlds as well as in terms of the postcolonial notion of 'writing back'. The works of Ba and El-Saadawi, chosen for discussion in this thesis, examine these common issues, and underscore the entitlement of women to equality. The proposition, that Muslim women talk/write back, is epitomized in Ramatoulaye's forceful wordsuttered after thirty years of silence and harassment: 'This time I shall speak out' (So Long a Letter, 1980; 1989: 58). This study also shows that both Ba and El-Saadawi (by employing the journalisme-verite approach) move beyond gender and cultural issues to explore the universal nature of man and woman, and that in accordance with Muslim theocracy, these writers ultimately advocate the notion of redemption through humanity, coincidentally expressed in the Wolofproverb: 'Man, man is his own remedy!' (Scarlet Song, 1981; 1994: 165). Furthermore, within the context of these concerns, a few speculative remarks on the likely future ofMuslim women in the Arab and African world are made, arguing that had Ba's life not been cut short so tragically, it is reasonable to suppose that she would, like ElSaadawi, have continued to advocate a holistic, healthy Muslim society, in which the humane treatment of women would prevail. Finally, in terms of the title Beyond the veil: Muslim women write back, an attempt has been made to show how both Ba and El-Saadawi strive by 'writing back' to move 'beyond' the veil, speaking out on behalf of fellow Muslim women in Africa. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 1999. / gm2014 / English / unrestricted Cross-cultural marriage Cultural conflict Fundamentalis Gender-based viewpoint Hadith Hijab [Veil] Humanity/ Sufism Iqra [Recite/Read] Islamic theocracy Jahiliyyah [Pre-Islamic society] Journalisme-verite Mirasse [Disclosure] Qur'an UCTD
78	Demographic trends in the European Union: political and strategic implications Rasco, Clark Joseph 06 1900 (has links) Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyzes adverse demographic trends in the European Union, including sub-replacement birthrates and increasing median ages. It investigates the implications of these trends for the EU's prospects for becoming a stronger and more influential actor in international affairs. Pressures arising from population trends in and near the EU could ultimately affect national and EU cohesion, governmental effectiveness, and social stability. Absent remedial measures, social programs in some EU countries will be unsustainable due to the mounting financial burden of pensions and health care for growing elderly populations. Such financial obligations hinder funding other national programs, including modernized military capabilities. Nationalism and national identity are at issue in immigrant integration and assimilation efforts. The role of population trends with regard to the growing threat of radical Islamic fundamentalism is explored. The thesis concludes with policy recommendations that might be considered to avert the looming economic, social, and security crises that may result from these demographic trends. In short, the security and financial consequences foreshadowed by the current demographic trends of an aging, economically weaker, and socially conflicted European Union could present dramatic implications for the vital national interests of the United States. / Lieutenant, United States Navy Demography European Union countries Demography European Union EU Birthrate Worker-to-pensioner-ratio Pension Pension reform Pay-as-you-go pension Declining population Population growth Population Pyramid Population implosion Youth bulge NATO Military capabilities gap Immigration Anti-immigration Assimilation Integration Migration Nationalism National identity Hijab Anti-Muslim legislation Terrorism Islam Muslim Islamic fundamentalism
79	Grassroots Canadian Muslim Identity in the Prairie City of Winnipeg: A Case Study of 2nd and 1.5 Generation Canadian Muslims Hameed, Qamer January 2015 (has links) What are grassroots “Canadian Muslims” and why not use the descriptor “Muslims in Canada”? This thesis examines the novel concept of locale specific grassroots Canadian Muslim identity of second and 1.5 generation Muslims in the prairie city of Winnipeg, Manitoba. The project focuses on a generation of Muslims that are settled, embedded, and active in a medium sized Canadian metropolis. Locale plays a powerful part in the way people navigate identities, form attachments, find belonging, and negotiate communities and society. In order to explore this unique identity a case study was conducted in Winnipeg. Interviews with 1.5 and second generation Muslims explored the experience of grassroots Canadian Muslim identity. The project does not focus on religious doxy or praxis but rather tries to understand a lived Canadian Muslim identity by exploring discourse and space as well as strategies, social perceptions and expectations. Participant observation, community resources and literature also aid in the understanding of the grassroots Canadian Muslim experience. This study found that the attachments, networks, and experiences in the locale give room for an embedded Canadian Muslim experience and more negotiable identities than most studies on Muslims in Canada describe. These individuals are not foreigners living in Canada. Their worldviews develop out of this particular and embedded grassroots experience. They navigate a new kind of hybrid Canadian Muslim identity that is unique and flexible. This is the Canadian Muslim experience of 2nd and 1.5 generation Winnipeg Muslims. Muslim Canadian Muslims Canadian Muslim Muslims in Canada Muslim Canadian second generation 1.5 generation minorities minority Canadian-Muslim immigrant immigrants diversity pluralism multiculturalism hybrid identity identities social society mosque community locale grassroots prairie Winnipeg Manitoba religion culture religious discourse generation migrant settlement social movement organization citizenship ethnicity nationality nation woman women Muslim women hijab veil 2nd Generation 1st generation first generation third generation Islamophobia dicrimination immigration immigrant transnational liberal conservative youth spatial analysis lived religion
80	Fair governance and Islamoexploria: the interaction of government administrators and the marginalized Khorramipour, Masoumeh 15 December 2021 (has links) This study addresses the concept of fair governance based on an empirical study with marginalized groups, primarily Muslims, and their interaction with government agencies as its salient locus of investigation. Employing the research method of in-depth interviewing, I present a qualitative analysis of 35 semi-structured interviews with Muslims and government administrators. The methodological framework based on which these interviews are interpreted is rooted in the tradition of social constructivism as manifested in the grounded theory perspective of Charmaz. My examination of the hitherto unspoken political visions of the study participants and their shared perspectives offers pragmatic solutions to create greater equity and fairer inclusion of the marginalized in civic and political dialogues and in the administrative practice of government. Remarkably, the cultural changes towards justice and inclusion in the Government of British Columbia manifest that fair government is committed to creating a fundamental transformation in favour of marginalized groups. I find the most promising approach for such transformation occurs where bottom up and dynamic approaches of civil society are aligned with top down approaches of government to justice. The findings suggest that fair governance enhances its functionality and capacity through reflecting universal universalism in its policies and practices, heartening public spirituality and moving towards a more humane modernity rather than the extant western model of modernity. Thus, fair governance calls for diversity in expression of religious identity and challenges the mistaken images of Muslim women. Subsequently, fair government welcomes female religious actors, who act upon religious values, to its administration and respects their choice of clothing encompassing the scarf. Fair government, at all levels, ameliorates the ethical standards of its employees and employs authentic leaders, who act in a virtuous manner, care about employees’ deeply held values, and implement direct communication with staff. Such government supports legislative and constitutional reforms to consider a different outlook of the marginalized on political and social concerns, respects religious practices, honours Muslims’ identity and interpretation of life, and supports individuals who aim to improve humanity in Canada and its occupational settings. Rethinking Islamophobia in the context of the distinct need of government administrators for the institutional education about Islam, as a key finding of the study, depicts the emergence of “Islamoexploria”, as a new expression, which I coin. In my study, there is ample evidence to suggest that a sample of government administrators in British Columbia is in the age of post Islamophobia since they, as pioneers, have passed the stage of Islamophobia and entered a new era of “Islamoexploria”. Thus, they have produced the profound socio-cultural changes towards understanding Islam by shifting from fear of, ostensibly, the unknown to knowledge about the unknown and to approaches that are more sympathetic to Muslims. This finding suggests that fair government facilitates the journey from western Islamophobia, a demonstration of old racism, to “Islamoexploria”, a contemporary thirst for knowledge about Islam. Concurrently, Muslims remain responsible to contribute to fairness at large by role modeling their religious values, which greatly promote justice, compassionate attitudes, and humanitarian actions. / Graduate / 2022-12-07 Fair government Human rights and religious freedom Islam- worldview and ideology of Islam Best practices of government Leadership in government Terminology of government

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