BRÅ:s rapport: Relationen till rättsväsendet i socialt utsatta områden som publicerades under 2018 indikerar att det finns ett lågt förtroende för rättsväsendet i de särskilt utsatta områdena. Det låga förtroendet för rättsväsendet tycks även påverka förtroendet för socialarbetare negativt. Studier om hur förtroendet för det sociala arbetet i särskilt utsatta områden faktiskt ser ut är dock få, vilket ökar behovet och vår önskan att utforska detta vidare. Syftet med vår studie har varit att undersöka förtroendet för socialarbetare i det särskilt utsatta området Rosengård i Malmö. Vi har undersökt på vilket sätt förbipasserande i Rosengård ger uttryck för förtroende för socialarbetare samt hur socialarbetare i Rosengård resonerar om medborgarnas förtroende för det sociala arbetet. För att kunna besvara studiens frågeställningar har data samlats in genom två metoder. Insamlingen har skett genom semistrukturerade intervjuer med åtta socialarbetare samt genom 25 Vox Pop-intervjuer med förbipasserande i Rosengård. Materialet som insamlats har sedan färgkodats och analyserats utifrån tidigare forskning och följande teorier: föreställda gemenskaper, social alienation och stigmatisering.Resultaten i studien visar på ett allmänt lågt förtroende gentemot det sociala arbetet och socialarbetare. Både socialarbetare och förbipasserande nämner bemötande, skam, ryktesspridning, utrymme för att mötas, tillgång till tolk och omsättningen av personal som faktorer som konkret påverkar klientens förtroende för det sociala arbetet i negativ riktning. Studiens slutsats är att ett nytt arbetssätt som utvecklats inom socialtjänsten i Rosengård ska bidra till att ge klienterna mer tid och deltagande i handläggningsprocessen, vilket flera av informanterna tror kommer öka förtroendet. / Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention report published 2018: Relation to the judiciary in particularly deprived areas. The rapport indicates that the people of the particularly deprived area of Rosengård has low trust in law and order. The low trust in the judiciary also reflects negative views on social workers. There are a few studies about the trust of social workers in the particularly deprived area of Rosengård, which increases the necessity and our desire to examine this subject further. The purpose of our study has been to examine the trust of social workers in the particularly deprived area of Rosengård in Malmö. We have examined how passing-by in Rosengård give expression of trust for social workers and how social workers in Rosengård reason about citizens trust for the social services.To answer the studies inquiry, data has been collected by two methods. Collection of data have been constructed with semi-structured interviews with eight social workers and 25 Vox Pop interviews with residents of Rosengård. The material that have been collected have then been color coded and analyzed by past science and the following theories: imagined communities, social alienation and stigmatization.In conclusion there are several factors that affect the trust in social services and social workers. Both social workers and bypassing residents mention treatment of shame, rumors, space to meet, access to interpreter and turnover of personnel are factors that affect clients trust for social services in negative direction. The conclusion of this study is through a new development of the working process in the social services in Rosengård shall the clients get more time and participation in the management process. The sources of this study believe those actions will increase the trust in social workers.

Educational textbooks have the power to influence pupils’ perception of the world. In the subject of English, this specifically concerns learning about cultures in different parts of the world where English is used. The purpose of this study is to identify the characteristics of cultural representation in two English Language Teaching (ELT) textbooks with the aim to make the hidden curriculum visible and to raise awareness among publishing houses and teachers. Using a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) based on Fairclough’s (2001) three-dimensional model in combination with Barthes’ (1977) Visual Semiotics methodology, we investigated which regions and countries were presented and how their cultures were constructed through texts and images. These findings were further compared to the cultural values and content of the Swedish curriculum, the genre of textbooks, and existing hegemonic discourses in society. In the analysis, Kachru’s (1986) Circles of World Englishes, Machin and Mayr’s (2012) toolkit for CDA, McKay’s (2010) interpretation of Anderson’s (1983) imagined communities, and Said’s (2003) concept of Orientalism were applied. Our findings show that the inner circle dominates and is depicted as superior in contrast to the outer and expanding circles. Although the textbooks include a variation of different cultures which is in line with the curriculum, representation of the outer and expanding circles is often stereotypical and underdeveloped which reinforces hegemonic discourses instead of acting to restructure them. This corresponds to previous studies in the genre, and hence, educators must work to ensure that the hidden curriculum in ELT textbooks is continuously made visible and challenged.

Nostalgia for the Soviet past has been relevant for more than three decades since the demise of the USSR in 1991. The first scholars who studied this phenomenon believed that it related to backward Soviet mentality typical of the old generations. However, with the passage of time it has become clear that young people also not only express interest in the Soviet legacy, but many of them clearly state that they have nostalgia for the USSR. Here, we encounter an intriguing question: can we contend that nostalgia may be provoked by the live experience only, or it can be a longing for the unexperienced past? Nowadays, there are many online nostalgic Russian-speaking communities that provide rich material for studying post-Soviet nostalgia. But Russian language should not be confused with “Russianness”. Moreover, as we go deeper into this topic, we understand that those people who are nostalgic for the USSR, experience longing for different aspects of the Soviet life, depending on their ethnic belonging. This study addresses the difference between Russians who long for the grandeur of the Soviet Union which was the most powerful and effective embodiment of the Russian empire, and the representatives of other nationalities who have another perspective on their Soviet past. This thesis deals a lot with the issue of values, because, as it is shown in the research, longing for socialism is not a matter of age, but rather a matter of values. The most essential point which is recalled by many nostalgic persons is aspiration for the future. Now Russia and other post-Soviet countries do not have a clear plan for the future, while the USSR provided its population with a goal for future development. On the other hand, many nostalgic subjects admit, that a unique spirituality that was embedded in Soviet life is lost. It is another paradox, because the Soviet state was atheist, and now in Russia and other former Soviet republics, religion plays a significant role, however, the decrease of morals in comparison to Soviet times is apparent. Therefore, this thesis discusses compatibility of Communist (socialist) values and religion. Many nostalgic subjects feel that the USSR was a bastion of science and technological advancement in comparison to the backward obscurantist Russia of today. They mourn the downfall of the USSR as a failed project of modernity. This is another important topic that is addressed in the thesis. This study is based on online ethnographies of a few nostalgic communities on three Russian-speaking internet platforms: VKontakte, Odnoklassniki and Facebook. Initially, the focus of the study was on a group level of analysis, but the most valuable portion of this project turned out to be interviews conducted with individual participants of the studied communities. The research participants were from the following countries: Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russian and Ukraine. The task of this research was to understand the nature of their nostalgia and to reveal their visions of the to-be-restored USSR. Depending on their worldviews (socialist/ non-socialist, nationalist/internationalist) the research participants provided very different and instructive pictures of this new potential unity which the researcher approached from the perspective of Benedict Anderson’s theory on imagined communities.

Uppsatsens huvudsakliga syfte är att undersöka hur amerikansk nationell identitet förmedlas i populära filmer. Undersökningen sker genom att analysera tre av de populäraste karaktärerna i de fyra Avengers-filmerna. Karaktärerna som ska analyseras är Iron Man, Captain America och Thor. Benedict Andersons undersökning av hur nationell identitet och nationalism sprids med hjälp av litteratur är förutsättningen för uppsatsen. Utgångspunkten är att populärkultur påverkar tittaren och kan sprida idéer som har verkliga effekter i samhället. I analysen tar effekterna av terrorattacken mot World Trade Center en viktig plats och hur den påverkar uppfattningen av amerikansk nationell identitet i Marvel-filmer narrativt och visuellt. Innan 9/11 var amerikansk nationell identitet stark kopplad till triumfalism och exceptionalism. Trots att terrorattacken påverkar gestaltningen av amerikansk nationell identitet i popkultur så förblir Amerikansk triumfalism och exceptionalism en grundläggande del av amerikansk identitet. Samtidigt undersöks den paradoxala relationen mellan individualism och kollektivism. En gestaltning av gemenskap och individualism präglar filmerna där även regissörers påverkan kan spela roll i det hyperindustrialiserade Marvel-maskineriet.

The master thesis focuses on German population living in Slovakia during the Second World War. Moreover, it examines the way the status of Germans was changing after Slovak autonomy had been established and which role did Deutsche Partei led by Franz Karmasin play in this process. The political party attempted to form collective identity of Carpathian Germans and have control of the entire German social life. The thesis analyzes on political, economical and cultural level how the party suceeded in fulfilling this ambitious purpose or influencing Germans and getting sympathy. Futher, it deals with the wartime aftermaths, retributive justice and coming to terms with the past.

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The aim of this study has been to, through a quantitative content analysis and a qualitative text analysis, determine which meaning nationality is given in news reports in Swedish daily press, and how it creates the event as a scandal. Focusing on two major scandals in cross country skiing, articles from the Finnish scandal in Lahtis 2001 and the revealing of doped Russian skiers in 2016 has been analysed. The theoretical framework for the study has been Stuart Halls representation theory, the framing theory, and theories regarding media scandals and nationality. The results from the quantitative and qualitative analyses has been divided into four themes: Imagined communities, Us and them, Individual and corporate and Fallen star. The results show that nationality is given meaning through the creation of imagined communities. It creates a gap between us and them, a sense of the nations parting from each other in form of cultural and moral aspects. There is also a difference between the representation of the countries. In the Russian doping scandal, Russia is considered as a doped nation, with a systematic doping where little guilt is to be put on the skiers themselves. In Finland, the nation stands for the people and is not in any ways to be associated with the doping scandal. Instead, the skiers get all the blame and little notion is made about the doping as being organised. This has also made the scandals to be divided into individual or corporate doping. As for the framing of the event as a scandal, attributes as “cheating” and a portrayal of the skiers as fallen stars is represented. By revealing the names of the suspected dopers it increases the news worth. An unexpected outcome was that the Russian dopers was not mentioned by name as often as the Finnish, which could enhance the event as a scandal even more. Furthermore, doping scandals could be studied in many different ways and is an interesting subject to immerse oneself in.

This thesis analyses four European writers, whose common denominator is that they have moved to Sweden from other European countries and chosen to write in Swedish: Caterina Pascual Söderbaum, Theodor Kallifatides, Gabriela Melinescu and Sigrid Combüchen. Focus lies on novels published by the authors in the 21st century. The thesis builds upon theories on memory by Pierre Nora and on imagined communities by Benedict Anderson, Chiara Bottici and Benoît Challand. In Imagined Communities, Anderson shows the effects of the emerging nation states on the modern novel in the 19th century. The hypothesis of this study is that the emergence of the European Union and the resulting European movement will affect narratives in a similar way, but on a European rather than national level. The main finding seems to confirm this, showing that an imagined European community takes shape in the studied novels, surpassing that of the nation state’s borders.  All writers focus on memories, but in two different ways: Kallifatides and Melinescu depict long memories, starting in ancient times and with a positive view on remembrance as a focus on what is in common for Europeans. Pascual Söderbaum and Combüchen, on the other hand, depict memories from the dark 20th century and the importance of forgetting and moving on in order to give future generations freedom. In most novels, however, there are examples of lieux de mémoire (sites of memory), with Nora’s terminology, expanding towards a common European identity, in spite of the plethora of myths and languages. / Den här uppsatsen analyserar fyra europeiska författare vars gemensamma nämnare är att de har flyttat till Sverige från andra europeiska länder och valt att skriva på svenska: Caterina Pascual Söderbaum, Theodor Kallifatides, Gabriela Melinescu och Sigrid Combüchen. I fokus är romaner som givits ut av författarna under 2000-talet. Uppsatsen bygger på teorier om minne av Pierre Nora och föreställda gemenskaper av Benedict Anderson, Chiara Bottici och Benoît Challand. I Imagined Communities visar Anderson vilken påverkan de framväxande nationalstaterna hade på den moderna romanen under artonhundratalet. Den här uppsatsens hypotes är att framväxten av EU och den europeiska rörlighet som EU resulterat i påverkar narrativen på ett liknande sätt, men på en europeisk snarare än nationell nivå. De viktigaste resultaten tycks i huvudsak bekräfta denna hypotes, och visar på hur en föreställd europeisk gemenskap tar form i de studerade romanerna, en gemenskap som överskrider nationalstatens gränser. Samtliga författare fokuserar på minnen, men på två vitt skilda sätt: Kallifatides och Melinescu skildrar långa minnen med början i antiken och en positiv syn på hågkomst som det som förenar européer. Pascual Söderbaum och Combüchen, å andra sidan, skildrar minnen av det mörka nittonhundratalet och vikten av att glömma bort och gå vidare för att ge framtida generationer frihet. I de flesta romaner finns det dock exempel på lieux de mémoire (minnesplatser), med Noras terminologi, som vidgar sig mot en gemensam europeisk identitet, trots den stora mångfalden av myter och språk.

對於俄羅斯與烏克蘭而言，由於兩國之間長久以來極為密切的歷史與文化關係，因此始終難以接受蘇聯瓦解之事實。迄今，許多俄羅斯人依然視基輔為羅斯民族之出生地，且不認為烏克蘭是一個主權獨立的國家。更確切的說，俄羅斯人認為基輔羅斯乃是導引東正教與俄語進入俄國之發祥地。儘管俄烏之間具有不可割捨的兄弟之情，但當兩個民族或想像共同體對於其彼此疆界、文化等存有歧見時，則仍無法避免各種紛至沓來的紛爭問題。就克里米亞之黑海艦隊為例，顯示俄烏對於塞瓦斯托波爾城之想像共同體的重疊。同時，亦攸關俄烏兩國對於領土與心理疆界，產生必須且窘困的界定過程。 克里米亞半島素有黑海”鑰匙”之稱，不但是烏克蘭通往世界之大門，亦是各國經黑海進入東歐和亞洲的良港。由於其戰略位置之重要性，致使各種不同的政治勢必，紛紛介入克里米亞半島領土歸屬問題。蘇聯崩解後，克里米亞半島動盪不安的情勢，已造成黑海地區俄羅斯與烏克蘭雙邊關係之威脅，並儼然形成如同納戈爾諾－卡拉巴赫或阿布卡齊亞緊張衝突之溫床。克里米亞在蘇聯繼承國家之中，雖然尚不足以列入族裔衝突之範疇。但隨著反對國家之間領土紛爭的自決主張之聲浪，及自蘇聯時期懸而未決的軍事政治問題遺緒之情況下。致使克里米亞問題，成為俄烏兩國與國際緊張關係之焦點。 簡言之，克里米亞問題之根源在於其地區的人口分佈與地緣政治歷史。一九四四年，史達林以串通納粹敵國之罪名，將所有克里米亞韃靼人（約二十萬人）集體驅逐遷往中亞地區。截至一九八Ｏ年代末期，在近五十年漫長歲月中，克里米亞韃靼人不但其基本文化權及族群認同遭到否決，甚至於在蘇聯的人口統計資料中，未曾出現克里米亞韃靼人。蘇聯瓦解後，克里米亞始終受到兩方面重疊勢力的控制：其一、克里米亞共和國當局，與要求承認其歷史及領土權利的克里米亞韃靼人；其二、尋求獨立並要求回歸俄羅斯的克里米亞共和國親俄領導人士，及反對克里米亞分離主義之烏克蘭當局。這些勢力圍繞著一個相同的基本政治問題：誰擁有克里米亞半島之主權？就目前情勢而論，克里米亞韃靼積極份子要求承認其國家地位；然而，克里米亞境內及外在的敵對勢力，則頗不以為然。無庸置疑，歷史爭論與目前克里米亞的情勢發展，實乃息息相關。 / For Russians and Ukrainians, the disintegration of the Soviet Union has been particularly difficult due to the extremely close historical and cultural ties between the two countries. Many Russians still view Kyiv as the birthplace of their nation（Rus’）and do not conceive of Ukraine as an independent country. Rather, they think of it as Kievan Rus’, the land that brought the Orthodox Christian religion and the Russian language to Russia. As relations between Russia and Ukraine reveal, however, problems can arise when two imagined communities, or nations, disagree over the boundaries（cultural or otherwise） that distinguish them. In the case of the Black Sea Fleet dispute, the imagined communities of Russia and Ukraine overlap at Sevastopol. Throughout Crimea’s complicated history, the peninsula’s strategic location on the Black Sea has made it a desirable military outpost and warm-water port, leading to territorial claims by a great variety of political forces. Since the demise of the Soviet Union, the unstable situation in Crimea has threatened to turn the Black Sea region of Russia and Ukraine into a hotbed of tension similar to Nagorno-Karabakh or Abkhazia. While the Crimea still cannot be listed among the numerous areas of violent ethno-political conflict in the Soviet successor states, it has recently become a focus of domestic and international tension, with conflicting self-determination claims voiced against a background of interstate territorial disputes and an unsettled legacy of military-political issues from the Soviet period. Simply put, the conflict over Crimea has its roots in the region’s demographic and geopolitical history. In 1944, accused of collaboration with the Nazi invaders, the entire Crimean Tatar population（by then some 200,000） was deported, mostly to Central Asia. For over forty years, Crimean Tatars were denied basic cultural rights and even an ethic identity; until the 1980s, Crimean Tatars never appeared in Soviet population statistics. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Crimea has been the object of two overlapping rivalries for control: first between the Crimean Republic authorities and the Crimean Tatars, who demand recognition of their historic and territorial rights to the peninsula; and second between pro-Russian leaders of the Crimean Republic, who want either independence or reunification of the peninsula with Russia, and the Ukrainian authorities, who oppose Crimean separatism and insist that Crimea remain an integral part of Ukraine. These movements revolve around the same basic political question: who has sovereignty over the Crimean peninsula? Presently, Crimean Tatar activists regard the Crimean ASSR as a recognition of Crimean Tatar statehood, while their opponents in the Crimea and beyond are convinced that the autonomous formation was purely administrative. The historical controversy is, of course, highly relevant to the present situation in the Crimea.

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