This research aimed to discuss the indigenous students’ learning effects of mathematics which was based on the self-designed localization and materialization of mathematics activities and had proceeded for one year. The quasi-experimental method was used in this research. There were 58 indigenous first grade students which were divided into three experimental groups (A, B, C) and one control group (D). Experimental instruments embodied written tests and manipulative tests which were designed by researchers according to the indicators proclaimed by Ministry of Education. The main findings were as followed: (1) The influence of localization and materialization of mathematics activities on the indigenous first grade students’ learning effects was limited. (2) According to the result of Paired T-test of the written and manipulative tests, most of scores of manipulative tests were higher written tests.

This research aimed to discuss the indigenous students’ learning effects of mathematics which was based on the self-designed localization and materialization of mathematics activities and had proceeded for one year. The quasi-experimental method was used in this research. There were 58 indigenous first grade students which were divided into three experimental groups (A, B, C) and one control group (D). Experimental instruments embodied written tests and manipulative tests which were designed by researchers according to the indicators proclaimed by Ministry of Education. The main findings were as followed: (1) The influence of localization and materialization of mathematics activities on the indigenous first grade students’ learning effects was limited. (2) According to the result of Paired T-test of the written and manipulative tests, most of scores of manipulative tests were higher written tests.

The idea of a distinctly ‘liberal’ form of multiculturalism has emerged in the theory and practice of Western democracies and the international community has become actively engaged in its global dissemination via international norms and organizations. This thesis investigates the internationalization of minority rights, by exploring state-minority relations in Cambodia, in light of Will Kymlicka’s theory of multicultural citizenship. Based on extensive empirical research, the analysis explores the situation and aspirations of Cambodia’s ethnic Vietnamese, highland peoples, Muslim Cham, ethnic Chinese and Lao and the relationships between these groups and the state. All Cambodian regimes since independence have defined citizenship with reference to the ethnicity of the Khmer majority and have - often violently - enforced this conception through the assimilation of highland peoples and the Cham and the exclusion of ethnic Vietnamese and Chinese. Cambodia’s current constitution, too, defines citizenship ethnically. State-sponsored Khmerization systematically privileges members of the majority culture and marginalizes minority members politically, economically and socially. The thesis investigates various international initiatives aimed at promoting application of minority rights norms in Cambodia. It demonstrates that these initiatives have largely failed to accomplish a greater degree of compliance with international norms in practice. This failure can be explained by a number of factors, among them Cambodia’s neo-patrimonial political system, the geo-political fears of a ‘minoritized’ Khmer majority, the absence of effective regional security institutions, the lack of minority access to political decision-making, the significant differences between international and Cambodian conceptions of modern statehood and citizenship and the emergence of China as Cambodia’s most important bilateral donor and investor. Based on this analysis, the dissertation develops recommendations for a sequenced approach to minority rights promotion, with pragmatic, less ambitious shorter-term measures that work progressively towards achievement of international norms in the longer-term. / In der politischen Theorie und Praxis liberaler Demokratien hat sich die Idee eines explizit liberalen Multikulturalismus etabliert. Die internationale Gemeinschaft verbreitet diese Idee weltweit durch Völkerrechtsnormen und internationale Organisationen. Auf der Grundlage umfangreicher Feldforschung untersucht die vorliegende Dissertation die Internationalisierung von Minderheitenrechten am Beispiel Kambodschas. Dazu werden die Situation und Aspirationen von Kambodschas ethnischen Vietnamesen, Bergvölkern, islamischen Cham, ethnischen Chinesen und Laoten und das Verhältnis zwischen diesen Gruppen und dem Staat analysiert. Alle kambodschanischen Regimes seit der Unabhängigkeit haben Staatsbürgerschaft über die Ethnizität der Khmer Mehrheit definiert und diese Konzeption durch den Versuch der Assimilation der Bergvölker und Cham und den Ausschluss ethnischer Vietnamesen und Chinesen aktiv und oft gewaltsam zu verwirklichen versucht. Auch die aktuelle Verfassung definiert Mitgliedschaft im Gemeinwesen ethnisch. Das Streben des Staates nach der kulturellen ‚Khmerisation‘ der Bevölkerung privilegiert Mehrheitsmitglieder und marginalisiert Mitglieder kultureller Minderheiten politisch, wirtschaftlich und sozial. Trotz vielfältiger Initiativen ist die internationale Gemeinschaft daran gescheitert, in Kambodscha die Anwendung internationaler Minderheitenrechte zu erreichen. Die Analyse erklärt dieses Scheitern mit einer Reihe von Faktoren, darunter Kambodschas neo-patrimonialem Regierungssystem, den geo-politischen Ängsten einer ‚minoritisierten’ Khmer Mehrheit, dem Fehlen effektiver regionaler Sicherheitsinstitutionen, dem fehlenden Zugang von Minderheiten zu politischen Entscheidungsprozessen, den erheblichen Unterschieden zwischen internationalen und kambodschanischen Konzeptionen von moderner Staatlichkeit und Staatsbürgerschaft sowie der zunehmenden Bedeutung Chinas als Kambodschas wichtigstem bilateraler Geber und Investor. Auf der Grundlage dieser Analyse entwickelt die Arbeit Empfehlungen, wie die internationale Gemeinschaft mit einem sequenzierten Ansatz die schrittweise Annäherung an internationale Normen und deren langfristige Einhaltung erreichen kann.

Das guatemaltekische Volk, nicht nur speziell Indigene, befindet sich in einer Phase des Wandels, im Prozess der Emanzipation von starren Institutionen und brüchig gewordenen Traditionen. Der Synkretismus als Phänomen der Gegenwart macht die Verschmelzung katholischen und indigenen Glaubenslebens seit dem 16. Jahrhundert sichtbar. Zugleich fallen ein neues Lebensverständnis und Veränderungen in der Mentalität auf: Forderungen an Staat, Gesellschaft und Religionen werden energischer und selbstbewusster vorgebracht. Die Religionsverhältnisse innerhalb Guatemalas sind einem Wandel unterworfen, was nicht nur am Monopolverlust der katholischen Kirche liegt, sondern auch der weitreichenden politischen Instabilität geschuldet ist, die wiederum die Gestaltung individueller Lebenskonzeptionen nicht unberührt lässt. Der Bedeutungsverlust der katholischen Kirche spielt eine wichtige Rolle, um die Verschiebungen zu den Pfingstkirchen zu verstehen, die sich in Guatemala rasch ausbreiteten. Eine Analyse von Religiosität ist unter Ausblendung der sozialen Veränderungen einer Gesellschaft nicht möglich. Das religiöse Leben wird von vielfältigen Faktoren beeinflusst: Von der Beziehung von Politik und Religion, von der gesellschaftliche Positionierung und dem individuellen Glaubensleben der Individuen, von der mangelnden staatlichen Eigenständigkeit, die Fortschritte behindern kann. In diesen Bezügen steht das Individuum mit seinen Erwartungen, seinen Traditionen, seiner Kultur. In dieser Phase der Selbstemanzipierung kann man fragen: Was können religiöse Systeme in einer Phase der Wiederentdeckung traditioneller Maya-Sprachen, der Aufarbeitung von Gewaltphasen und Unterdrückung ganzer Bevölkerungsgruppen und des Einflusses nordamerikanischer und europäischer Lebensstile dem Individuum bieten? / The people of Guatemala, not just Indígenas in particular, are undergoing changes. They are emancipating theirselves from instransigent institutions and fragile traditions. Syncretism as a present phenomenon uncovers the conflation of Catholic and indigenous lives of faith. At the same time new understandings of life and changes of mentality are noticed. People now express their matters to state, society and religions stronger and more self-confident. Religious affairs within Guatemala are subject to change, which is not only caused by the loss of the Catholic monopoly but also by the extensive political instability that again influences the shaping of individual concepts of life. The notice of the loss of importance of the Catholic Church is crucial to understand the shifts to the rapidly spreading Pentecostal Churches in Guatemala. It is impossible to analyze religiousness without including social transformations. Religious life is defined by multiple factors: by the relationship between politics and religion, by the social positioning and the individual life of faith, by an insufficient state autonomy that may hamper progress. With its expectations, traditions and culture, the individual is embedded in these factors. In this process of self-emancipation one may ask: In a period of rediscovery of traditional mayan languages, of reconditioning of times of violence and oppression of entire populations, of influence of North American and European ways of life: What are religious systems able to offer to the individual?

Mass communication through the print and the electronic media has not been spared by the post-Cold-War wind of change that is sweeping across Africa and the rest of the world. According to Wilcox (1974: 37), in 1974 over 70 percent of all the newspapers that were printed in Africa were government-owned; in the same year, almost all radio and T.V. stations were owned by government. In the changing socio-eonomic climate, however, a state monopoly of the mass media in many Sub- Saharan African countries is now a thing of the past (see for instance, Bourgault 1995). Where, for example, there used to be only one or two newspapers owned by the government or the ruling party, there now exists a plethora of privately owned competing newspapers and other publications; and where there used to be only one sycophantic radio and T. V. station owned by the government, there now exist several radio and T. V. stations, many of them privately-owned commercial broadcasters. The general philosophy behind the liberalization of the mass media is what has come to be called `the freedom of speech`. Citing the liberalization of the electronic media in Kenya, this paper argues that the liberalization of the media in many Sub-Saharan countries has not been matched by policies that encourage the entrenchment, spread and full utilization of African indigenous languages. It is further argued that the lack of media policy that favours African indigenous languages is likely to lead to negative consequences for the languages of Africa.

The aim of this dissertation is to understand the contributions of indigenous autonomous institutions to environmental sustainability in indigenous territories in Colombia. Past research has neglected to account for the role of indigenous territorial autonomy in spatial environmental planning and the overall goal of environmental sustainability. This gap is approached through the institutional design principles theory, informed by indigenous planning literature and the social-ecological systems framework. This research uses a case study, the resguardo El Duya, and a qualitative approach, where data collection was made through interviews, observation and document analysis. The results for this resguardo are presented in the context of Orinoquia region, which is analysed using the concept of frontier. This research asks about the way in which indigenous institutions mediate the relation of humans and the territory, finding that they have been going through a process of institutional change with several milestones characterised by external disturbances produced by non-indigenous actors. Currently, two institutional arrangements coexist in El Duya, customary and novel institutions, for which the analysis shows that the majority of design principles are present and some of them exhibit implementation problems. Thus, indigenous institutions have kept the integrity of ecosystems; despite changes in the social-ecological system and environmental impacts caused by oil extraction-related activities. This research further asks about spatial environmental planning, finding that it has been implemented by indigenous and non-indigenous actors, where the latter includes external governmental authorities and oil companies. This has resulted in an asymmetrical planning setting, in which the Salia people are deprived from significant planning powers in their territory. Furthermore, non-indigenous environmental authorities have contributed poorly in maintaining the integrity of the ecosystems of El Duya, under a frame in which the notion of environmental sustainability is not used by the people of this resguardo and is understood variably by governmental actors. Finally, this research asks about territorial autonomy concerning nature, which has been found to be partially exercised, since authority, decision-making and their enforcement are hindered by the intervention of environmental authorities. This corresponds to a jurisdictional encroachment over indigenous authorities, enabled by the Colombian State arrangement. Consequently, indigenous institutions do contribute to environmental sustainability in El Duya; however, this should be understood in terms of novel aspects enabled by the distinctiveness of Salia institutions and current territorial autonomy limitations.:Contents 1 Introduction 1.1 Rationale of the research 1.2 Outline of the dissertation 2 Indigenous territories: essentials for their study 2.1 The colonial inheritance 2.1.1 The early years and the disruption of territoriality 2.1.2 Republics and the enthronement of private property 2.2 Current state of indigenous territories in Colombia 2.2.1 Indigenous territorial rights in Colombia 2.2.2 The spatial relevance of indigenous territories 3 Literature review 3.1 Indigenous territories 3.1.1 The rights approach 3.1.2 Boundary-making and indigenous territories 3.2 Environmental sustainability and indigenous territorial autonomy 3.2.1 Subnational arrangements, self-government and autonomy 3.2.2 Indigenous territorial autonomy 3.2.3 The concept of environmental sustainability 3.2.4 Types of sustainability 3.2.5 Indigenous management of natural resources 3.2.6 Environmental planning in indigenous territories 3.3 Research questions 4 Theoretical framework 4.1 Institutional design principles 4.2 The social-ecological systems framework 4.3 Indigenous planning principles 4.4 Dissertation’s approach 5 Methodology 5.1 Research design 5.1.1 Case study research 5.1.2 Unit of analysis and type of case study 5.1.3 Research design limitations 5.2 Methods 5.2.1 Document analysis 5.2.2 Interviews 5.2.3 Qualitative observations 6 Study area: variables in the social-ecological system framework 6.1 Social, economic and political settings; related ecosystems 6.1.1 Economic development; demographic trends; political stability; climate patterns; pollution patterns; flows into and out of focal SES 6.1.2 External governance systems 6.2 Resource systems 6.2.1 Sector; clarity of systems’ boundaries; size of resource system; location. 6.2.2 Human constructed facilities 6.2.3 Equilibrium properties (stable state). 6.2.4 Predictability of system dynamics 6.3 Actors 6.3.1 History or past experiences 6.3.2 Number of relevant actors; socioeconomic attributes; social capital 6.3.3 Location; knowledge of SES (mental models) 6.3.4 Technologies available 6.4 Governance systems 6.4.1 Indigenous organisation; network structure 6.4.2 Property rights systems 6.5 Action situations 6.5.1 Harvesting; importance of resource 6.5.2 Information sharing 6.5.3 Conflicts 6.5.4 Investment activities 6.5.5 Lobbying activities 6.5.6 Networking activities 7 The relation between humans and territory 7.1 The period before the titling of the resguardo 7.1.1 Salia customary rules 7.1.2 Design principles in the customary arrangement 7.2 The period after the titling of the resguardo 7.2.1 Organisational structures 7.2.2 Authorities in El Duya 7.2.3 Rules for natural resources appropriation 7.3 Drivers of institutional transformation 7.3.1 Design principles in El Duya 7.3.2 Robustness of the SES 8 Environmental planning in indigenous territories 8.1 Spatial environmental planning in Colombia 8.2 Planning in El Duya 8.3 Oil exploration and extraction concerning El Duya 8.3.1 Projects of interest for El Duya 8.3.2 Authority over activities related to hydrocarbons 8.4 Environmental sustainability: multiple understandings 8.4.1 State view: a blurry concept 8.4.2 Indicators for environmental sustainability 8.4.3 The ecological function of property 8.4.4 Indigenous view: ‘pervivencia’ 9 Autonomy over ecosystems in El Duya 9.1 Distribution of powers with regard to ecosystems in El Duya 9.2 Authority exercise over ecosystems in El Duya 9.3 Decision-making and agency over ecosystems in El Duya 9.4 Indigenous territorial autonomy in El Duya 10 Discussion of results 10.1 Human-nature relations in El Duya and institutional change 10.1.1 Law of origin, Mother Earth and indigenous ontologies 10.1.2 Salia institutions and change 10.1.3 Interpreting institutional design principles 10.2 Environmental planning: a question of institutional jurisdiction 10.2.1 Indigenous planning, order and territory 10.2.2 Salia way of planning 10.2.3 Looking after the territory 10.2.4 Indigenous jurisdiction and extractive industries 10.2.5 The concept of environmental sustainability in indigenous territories 10.3 Territorial autonomy: the need for further conceptualisation 10.3.1 Authority and decision-making as a component of autonomy 10.3.2 Indigenous territorial autonomy in Colombia 10.3.3 Planning and autonomy 11 Conclusions 11.1 Human relationship with the territory 11.2 Indigenous environmental planning 11.3 Indigenous territorial autonomy and nature 11.4 Contributions to environmental sustainability 11.5 Further research 12 References 13 Appendices 13.1 Appendix A 13.2 Appendix B 13.3 Appendix C 13.4 Appendix D 13.5 Appendix E 13.6 Appendix F 13.7 Appendix G 13.8 Appendix H

Die Organización de Pueblos Indígenas de Pastaza (OPIP) wurde 1979 zur Verteidigung der Landrechte der indigenen Völker der Quichuas, Shiwiars und Záparos der Provinz Pastaza im Amazonastiefland von Ecuador gegründet. Anhand der Einzelfallstudie über die OPIP und des Ökotourismusprogramms der OPIP (ÖTP) wird untersucht, ob es einer indigenen Basisorganisation gelingt, selbstbestimmte Entwicklung bei Wahrung der natürlichen Ressourcen in ihrem Territorium durchzusetzen. Aufbau und Entwicklung des ÖTP in zwei Comunidades und zwei Asociaciones wurden durch seine Anbindung an die OPIP behindert, da sich politische und sachliche Kriterien bei der Planung sowie politische und programmspezifische Aufgaben der Beteiligten vermischten. Da das ÖTP sich noch um regelmäßige Einkommen und wirtschaftliche Rentabilität bemüht, sind Maßnahmen zum Ressourcenschutz sowie die dafür notwendige partizipative Planung mit den Comunidades und Asociaciones vernachlässigt worden. Die vorliegende Arbeit kommt zu dem Schluß, daß einkommenschaffende Projekte nicht erfolgreich von indigenen Basisorganisationen als Träger durchgeführt werden können und sie von ihren eigentlichen politischen und entwicklungsstrategischen Aufgaben ablenken. Es gelingt den Organisationen auf diese Weise weder, sich selbst zu finanzieren, noch den Schutz der natürlichen Ressourcen in ihrem Territorium durchzusetzen. Anstatt als Träger von Projekten aufzutreten, sollten sie direkte Kooperationen zwischen Comunidades und Entwicklungsorganisationen vermitteln und deren Erfahrungen zur Formulierung von ökonomischen und ökologischen Leitlinien nutzen. Entwicklungsorganisationen sollten die indigenen Basis-organisationen dementsprechend mit Institutionenförderung, Organisations- und politischer Beratung unterstützen. / The Organisation of Indigenous People of Pastaza (OPIP) was founded in 1979 to defend the land rights of the indigenous people Quichua, Shiwiar and Záparo in the province of Pastaza in Ecuador?s Amazonian rainforest. The present case study of the OPIP and its Ecotourism Program answers the question, whether an indigenous grass-roots organisation has the capability to implement self-determined development by conserving the natural resources in its territory. The organisational and institutional reliance of the Program on the OPIP hindered the development process of the Program in four communities. The OPIP interfered with political criteria in the Program and gave some project staff additional political tasks to their program-related functions. With the quest for economic resource management and the essential participatory project planning with the communities has been neglected. The author concludes, that income generating projects can not be succesfully implemented by indigenous organisations as the implementation bodies, and that they divert those organisations from their genuine political and strategic development tasks. The organisations neither achieve auto-financing, nor the conservation of natural resources in their territories. Instead of implementing such projects, indigenous organisations should facilitate the direct cooperation between communities and development organisations, and should use their experiences to formulate economic and ecological strategic goals and steps to achieve them. Development organisiations should support indigenous organisations through institutional strengthening as well as organisational and political assistance.

O respeito aos direitos indígenas e a essas pessoas precisa ser efetivado, principalmente no Mato Grosso do Sul, onde todos os tipos de violência ocorrem contra eles. A Constituição Federal de 1988 reconheceu que os índios têm direito a uma cultura e a direitos diferentes, mas a política indigenista brasileira ainda tende a integrá-lo à cultura nacional, o que poderá levar à sua extinção e, por consequência, a de sua cultura. A Educação em ou para os Direitos Humanos pode contribuir para minimizar esse quadro de desrespeito e violência aos índios. No ensino superior jurídico sul-mato-grossense, a EDH é mais importante ainda, porque são esses profissionais que lidam com essas questões. Neste estudo investiga-se, dentre outras coisas: por que há tanta violência contra os indígenas no Mato Grosso do Sul? Percebe-se que o cerne do conflito é a desigualdade econômico-financeira e uma imensa diversidade sociocultural. O presente modelo de federalismo brasileiro é inviável, porque o poder executivo prevalece sobre os demais. A solução para a questão das desigualdades pode estar numa maior autonomia dos entes federados, e acredita-se que esse problema só se resolverá com a federalização das regiões. Neste estudo, dentre outras coisas, buscou-se identificar as razões da violência contra os indígenas e o que a justifica; há a necessidade de revisitar as questões que envolvem o ensino jurídico e o sentido das profissões jurídicas naquele Estado. Dentre os principais objetivos, está o de investigar se a Educação em ou para os Direitos Humanos pode contribuir para a minimização desse processo de violência. O tipo de pesquisa escolhido é o bibliográfico e documental tendo uma natureza descritiva, analítica e reflexiva. A principal contribuição científica deste estudo será, no campo jurídico educacional, superior com a introdução de uma visão nova para o ensino jurídico sul-mato-grossense; e, no campo jurídico-político, o retrato das desigualdades que podem ser minimizadas com a observação da autonomia dos Estados e da federalização das regiões. / Le respect des droits autochtones et ces gens ont besoin dêtre efficace, en particulier dans le Mato Grosso do Sul, où toutes les formes de violence à leur encontre se produire. La Constitution Fédérale de 1988 a reconnu que les indiens ont le droit à une culture différente et des droits, mais la politique brésilienne indigène tend encore à l\'intégrer dans la culture nationale, ce qui pourrait conduire à sa disparition et de sa culture. L\'éducation et les droits de l\'homme peuvent aider à minimiser cette image de violence et de manque de respect envers les indiens. Dans l\'enseignement supérieur juridique du Mato Grosso du Sud EDH est le plus important, car ce sont des professionnels qui s\'occupent de ces questions. Cette étude examine, entre autres choses, pourquoi il y a tant de violence contre les indiens du Mato Grosso do Sul? On peut voir que le coeur du conflit est l\'inégalité économique et financière et une immense diversité socio-culturelle. Ce modèle de fédéralisme brésilien est inapplicable parce que l\'exécutif l\'emporte sur les autres. La solution à la question des inégalités peut-être une plus grande autonomie des entités fédérées et l\'on pense que ce problème ne sera résolu avec la fédéralisation des régions. Dans cette étude, entre autres cherché à identifier les raisons de la violence contre les autochtones et ce qui est justifié, en particulier le besoin de revoir les questions concernant l\'éducation juridique et la signification profession juridique de cet État. Parmi les principaux objectifs: étudier si oui ou éducation aux droits de l\'homme peut contribuer à ce processus de minimisation de la violence. Le type de recherche est le bibliographique et documentaire ayant choisi un descriptive, analytique et réflexive La principale contribution scientifique de cette étude est l\'enseignement supérieur dans le domaine juridique avec l\'introduction d\'une nouvelle vision de l\'éducation juridique du Mato Grosso do Sul, et dans le contexte juridique et politique des inégalités peuvent être minimisés en observant l\'autonomie des Etats, et la fédéralisation de la région.

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Die Chanten leben als Rentierzüchter in der Taiga Westsibiriens – eine Lebensweise, die durch die Erdölförderung verdrängt wird. Ihr Leben verläuft heute räumlich und sozial im Wechsel zwischen Wald und Stadt. Ihre Strategien, kulturelle Differenz und Autonomie durch Grenzziehungen mit Hilfe religiöser Praktiken und sozialer Normen aufrechtzuerhalten, werden am Beispiel des Festes zum „Tag des Rentierzüchters“ verdeutlicht. Der Autor zeigt, wie Menschen der Taiga in dieser Situation eigene Praktiken des Verbergens und Vermeidens, aber auch neue Wege der öffentlichen Repräsentation nutzen. / The Khanty live as reindeer herders in the Western Siberian Taiga but their lifestyle is endangered by crude oil extraction on their land. Today their lives are divided socially as well as spatially between the town and the forest. By taking the celebration of the Day of the Reindeer Herder as an example, the book describes the indigenous strategies to keep cultural difference and autonomy alive by drawing boundaries and maintaining religious practices and social norms. The author shows how the people of the Taiga use their traditions of hiding and avoiding as well as new ways of public representation to cope with the changes. / Оленеводы-ханты живут в Западносибирской тайге, на этой же территории ведется добыча нефти, которая ставить их образ жизни под угрозу. Их жизнь сегодня связана одновременно и с тайгой и с городом, между которыми они постоянно перемещаются и пространственно и социально. На примере празднования Дня Оленевода автор пассматривает существующие у жителей тайги стратегии сохранения культурного своеобразия и культурной автономии, связанные с проведением социальных границ при помощи культурных практик и социальных норм. Автор показывает, что в этой ситуации ханты используют как традиционные практики избегания и скрывания, так и новые способы публичной репрезентации.