The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

A dissertação tem por objeto a análise das novas formas de tratamento processual dos direitos individuais homogêneos, os quais frequentemente dão ensejo à propositura de ações repetitivas, especialmente a partir da tendência pela adoção de procedimentos de agregação de ações em alguns países. Assim, analisam-se as ações-teste estabelecidas pela Alemanha (Musterverfahren), Inglaterra (Group Litigation Order) e o incidente de resolução de demandas repetitivas previsto no Projeto de novo Código de Processo Civil brasileiro (PL 8.046/2010). Como esta espécie de direitos também pode ser tutelada por ações coletivas, o trabalho contém um estudo sobre suas principais características, como a representatividade adequada e os diferentes sistemas de extensão dos efeitos produzidos pela coisa julgada formada nestas ações. Todo este debate é precedido da análise dos princípios constitucionais da isonomia e da segurança jurídica, do movimento mundial de aproximação entre os sistemas de civil law e common law, e da crescente tendência uniformizadora da jurisprudência brasileira. / This work deals with the new forms of procedural treatment for the homogeneous individual rights, which very often give rise to repetitive claims, specially from the trend towards the adoption of aggregate procedures in some countries. Thus, it analysis the test claims established by Germany (Musterverfahren), England (Group Litigation Order) and the Project of new Brazilian Civil Procedure Code (PL 8.046/2010). As this kind of rights can be also protected by class actions, it contains a study of its main characters, like representative adequacy and res iudicatas binding effects systems. Before all this discussion, it analyses constitutional principles involved, the world movement of approximation between the civil law and common law systems, and the growing trend uniformizing of Brazilians jurisprudence.

A dissertação tem por objeto a análise das novas formas de tratamento processual dos direitos individuais homogêneos, os quais frequentemente dão ensejo à propositura de ações repetitivas, especialmente a partir da tendência pela adoção de procedimentos de agregação de ações em alguns países. Assim, analisam-se as ações-teste estabelecidas pela Alemanha (Musterverfahren), Inglaterra (Group Litigation Order) e o incidente de resolução de demandas repetitivas previsto no Projeto de novo Código de Processo Civil brasileiro (PL 8.046/2010). Como esta espécie de direitos também pode ser tutelada por ações coletivas, o trabalho contém um estudo sobre suas principais características, como a representatividade adequada e os diferentes sistemas de extensão dos efeitos produzidos pela coisa julgada formada nestas ações. Todo este debate é precedido da análise dos princípios constitucionais da isonomia e da segurança jurídica, do movimento mundial de aproximação entre os sistemas de civil law e common law, e da crescente tendência uniformizadora da jurisprudência brasileira. / This work deals with the new forms of procedural treatment for the homogeneous individual rights, which very often give rise to repetitive claims, specially from the trend towards the adoption of aggregate procedures in some countries. Thus, it analysis the test claims established by Germany (Musterverfahren), England (Group Litigation Order) and the Project of new Brazilian Civil Procedure Code (PL 8.046/2010). As this kind of rights can be also protected by class actions, it contains a study of its main characters, like representative adequacy and res iudicatas binding effects systems. Before all this discussion, it analyses constitutional principles involved, the world movement of approximation between the civil law and common law systems, and the growing trend uniformizing of Brazilians jurisprudence.

In this Master´s thesis examines the right of the elderly from the perspective of neoconstitutionalism. Highlights the normative force of the Constitution andthe principle of human dignity as an argumentinen forcing rights of the elderly. Analyzes the realization of the right of elderswith the goal of achieving a fairer society. Comprises the normative structuring the right legal method of Friedrich Mülleras a means to arrive at the realization of the decision rule to protect seniors. It adopts the small ethicas Ricoeur north for a just society, made up o frules that promote the self-esteem and concern for others. It settles, still, the question of how toimbue the legal interpretation of the ethical teachings and philosophyto understand the role of the prosecutorin order to reach, against the majority thought, albeit indirectly, the protection of individual rights available in order to strengthen state protection for the elderly. Finally, we study the new procedural trend, making the very suggestion authored legislative change, as well as examining some administrative actions that limit the award of the Brazilian Public Ministry in its supervision of individual rights and the relevant case law evolution. / Na presente dissertação de Mestrado, examina-se o direito da pessoa idosa sob a ótica do neoconstitucionalismo. Destaca-se a força normativa da Constituição e o princípio da dignidade humana como argumento na efetivação de direitos dos idosos. Analisa-se a efetivação do direito dos mais velhos com o objetivo de se atingir uma sociedade mais justa. Compreende o método jurídico normativo estruturante do direito de Friedrich Müller como meio para se chegar à concretização da norma decisão de proteção à terceira idade. Adota-se a pequena ética de Ricoeur como norte para uma sociedade justa, feita de regras capazes de promover a estima pessoal e a solicitude ao próximo. Dirime-se, ainda, a questão de como impregnar a hermenêutica jurídica com os ensinamentos éticos da Filosofia e compreender a atuação do Ministério Público para que se alcance, na contramão do pensamento majoritário, ainda que indiretamente, a proteção aos direitos individuais disponíveis no intuito de fortalecer a proteção estatal à terceira idade. Por fim, estuda-se a nova tendência processual, fazendo a autora sugestão própria de alteração legislativa, bem como se examinam alguns atos administrativos que delimitam a atribuição do Ministério Público brasileiro na sua tutela do direito individual e a evolução jurisprudencial pertinente.

A tese propõe uma análise multidisciplinar e dogmática da arbitragem societária, notadamente do processo de inclusão de cláusula compromissória no estatuto social de sociedades anônimas fechadas, com base em uma deliberação assemblear tomada pela regra da maioria (fase pré-arbitral). O ponto de partida do trabalho é o exame da dimensão jurídica do contrato de sociedade aliado à verificação dos limites da autonomia privada dos sócios na definição da estrutura do negócio jurídico societário, à compreensão da categoria dos direitos subjetivos e dos traços fundamentais que formam a tipologia das anônimas fechadas, incluindo o tratamento dado aos direitos individuais dos acionistas. Ato contínuo, desloca-se a discussão para as esferas arbitral e constitucional, com especial atenção para os pressupostos da arbitragem como método de resolução de conflitos. O cerne do trabalho reside na relação entre a situação subjetiva ativa do acionista de manifestar sua vontade favorável ou contrariamente à escolha da arbitragem e a eficácia da regra da maioria como pilar de funcionamento das sociedades anônimas. Sustenta-se que a escolha da arbitragem constitui um direito fundamental de todo o acionista, cuja renúncia depende de manifestação, expressa ou tácita, de sua vontade, a qual não pode ser elidida ou alterada pelo estatuto ou pela assembleia geral majoritária sem o seu consentimento. Após examinar as correntes doutrinárias sobre o tema no Brasil e as possíveis alternativas para resolver o imbróglio, o estudo concluiu que a alteração legislativa que cria uma hipótese adicional de recesso representa a melhor solução para a problemática. / The thesis examines arbitration in corporate law, namely the inclusion of a statutory arbitration clause in the by-laws of a closely held corporation based on a deliberation taken by the majority rule (pre-arbitration phase). The study starts by analyzing the legal aspects of the corporate contract together with the limits of shareholders autonomy in defining the structure of such contract and the characteristics that form the typology of corporations, including shareholders individual rights. The discussion then moves on the arbitration and constitutional spheres, particularly to the premises of arbitration as a form of settling conflicts. The core of the thesis is the relation between the prerogative of a shareholder to express its will in favor of or against arbitration and the incidence of the full effects of the majority rule as an essential element in the structure of a corporation. The study sustains that the choice for arbitration is a fundamental right of all shareholders, which is why renunciation depends on their express or tacit individual manifestation and therefore, majority deliberation cannot in itself insert or remove it from by-laws. Finally, the thesis provides different scholars understandings on the issue as well as the main possible alternatives to dealt with it. The creation of an additional hypothesis of appraisal right within the existing law is suggested as the best solution to solve this conundrum.

The aim of this study is through a policy analysis to illuminate the decisions that the EU has taken to respond to the terrorist attacks in the US, Madrid and London and through this analysis try to explain the problem of each decision and find out if these decisions might risk the individual rights of the European Union’s citizens. In order to reach this purpose the following questions are to be answered: In what way has the EU’s decision-making process, regarding its fight on terrorism, been affected by the terrorist attacks in Madrid and London? What consequences may the EU’s decisions against terrorism have on the individual rights? The method that has been used is qualitative studies of literature and the main material is overarching policy documents from the EU. The conclusions are that the bombings in Madrid and London have increased the speed of the decision-making process and more areas have been included in the union’s fight against terrorism. If individual rights are at risk by the union’s decisions there are reasons to be concerned. But my conclusion is that the European Union has to have strong and effective instruments to answer to the threat of terrorism.

The discussion regarding the second amendment and gun control in the United States has been a controversial and highly debated topic for many years. However, with the several school shootings taking place, the discussion about gun controls has been taken to a new level. The purpose of this essay is to give an overview of the debate and answer to the main question ”how is the relationship between freedom and rights expressed in the debate about strengthened gun control, in relation to positive and negative liberty, and over time?  In order to achieve the purpose, three different kinds of analyzes have been made. First, two pro-contra analyzes were made on two different occasions. Next, the arguments found was examined through two concepts of liberty: positive and negative liberty. Lastly, a comparison was made between the arguments from the two different occasions. The results show that there are three different core issues in the debate, and that positive liberty is dominating the pro-gun control side, while negative liberty and individual rights are dominating the contra-gun control side. The debate has not been going through a radical change. However, some arguments have grown stronger over the years.

This thesis’s main purpose is to understand the recent debate in Sweden concerning the vaccine passport that was caused due to the recent spread of the corona virus. The focus is on what a variety of arguments and positions from different public political debaters have taken in a number of issues regarding vaccine passports. If they have been ideologically consistent regarding their previous ideologic positions in other debates in Sweden. First the thesis describes the three main ideologies used (liberalism, socialism and conservatism) and outlines their main positions. By doing so, the thesis can later compare what Swedish opinion leaders have argued in regards to the vaccine passport and therefore find out if they are relatable to their main ideology.  This has been made possible by the implementation of the design of an Ide whose purpose is to investigate and try to understand why different sides of this debate think about how they think about vaccine passports along with if it seems consistent.. The result points to that it can indeed be found ideological inconsistencies in some varieties. For example, if opinion leaders affiliated with the liberal ideology finding the vaccine passports useful might seem to clash with the main positions of the liberal ideology.