Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hamilton Valvo Cordeiro Pontes.pdf: 869307 bytes, checksum: 361b028ea7b3bbbdd0f1a3bcbc0f59b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-03-10 / The defense of groups rights slowly stops to be studied only by few people to become a reality in modern world. Brazil was the pioneer on creating and applying collective procedure. However, it is important to highlight that the tools set on Brazilian laws are not enough. To develop research about collective procedures´ efectivity represents a step forward in order to turn real the Democratical State of Law. In this sense, it is important to emphasize the draft law for a Brazilian Code of Collective Procedure and the Pattern Code of Collective Procedure for Iberian America, which shall contribute to improve jurisdictional service and to provide universal access to Justice. / A defesa dos direitos coletivos lentamente deixa de ser objeto de estudo de poucos para se tornar realidade no mundo moderno. O Brasil foi pioneiro na criação e implementação dos processos coletivos. Todavia, frise-se que os instrumentos previstos na legislação pátria são insuficientes. Avanço no tocante à realização do Estado Democrático de Direito é desenvolver estudo destinado à busca da efetividade do processo coletivo, destacando-se os Anteprojetos de Código Brasileiro de Processos Coletivos e o Código Modelo de Processos Coletivos para Ibero-América, contribuindo-se, assim, para a melhoria na prestação jurisdicional e para o acesso à Justiça.

L'objectif poursuivi dans ce mémoire est de montrer que le néo-républicanisme possède les outils les plus efficaces pour penser la réconciliation des droits individuels, fondement des États de droits occidentaux contemporains, et des droits collectifs que peuvent légitimement réclamer les collectivités nationales. Dans cette visée, et comme de nombreux auteurs libéraux se sont attaqués à cette question dans les dernières décennies, j'expose d'abord trois stratégies libérales pour traiter cette possible réconciliation tout en faisant ressortir leurs faiblesses respectives. J'avance qu'aucune de ces stratégies ne permet vraiment de comprendre comment un régime de droits collectifs et un régime de droits individuels peuvent être articulés de façon cohérente. J'argue ensuite que le néo-républicanisme, parce qu'il comprend la liberté non pas comme l'absence d'interférence, mais comme un statut de non-domination, permet de voir que les droits collectifs des groupes nationaux et les droits individuels sont nécessairement compatibles, parce qu'ils s'organisent en fonction du même idéal. Les droits d'un individu et ceux de sa collectivité nationale sont, d'une certaine manière, les deux faces d'une même médaille, la non-domination individuelle dépendant de la non-domination du groupe national auquel l'individu appartient. En dernier lieu, je soutiens que cette compréhension du rapport entre les deux régimes de droits devrait se traduire par un ensemble de mesures institutionnelles concrètes dont la plus importante est la reconnaissance d'un droit, pour les collectivités nationales, à l'autodétermination. / The purpose of this M.A. research is to show that neo-republicanism provides the most efficient tools to think the reconciliation of a system of individual rights, upon which western contemporary states and their rule of law are based, and of a system of collective rights that can legitimately be claimed by national collectivities. Since the issue of the compatibility of individual and collective rights has mainly been tackled by liberals, I begin by presenting three liberal strategies to deal with this possible reconciliation and I try to highlight their insufficiencies. I claim that none of those strategies actually provide a consistent way to understand how a system of individual rights and a system of collective rights can coherently be articulated. I then argue that neo-republicanism, for it conceptualizes liberty not as the absence of interference, but as the absence of domination, makes apparent that national collectivities’ rights and individual rights are necessarily compatible since they spring from the same ideal. The rights of an individual and the rights of its national collectivity are, in a way, the two sides of the same coin, for individual non-domination depends upon the non- domination of the national group to which the individual belongs. Lastly, I claim that grasping the relationship between the two systems of rights in this manner should be reflected by a set of concrete institutional measures, the most important being the recognition of a right, for national collectivities, to self-determination.

The name of this essay is The legitimacy of the free choice of school – a philosophical studyabout the value of autonomy in the context of paternalistic interventions and principles ofjustice. The aim of this essay is to examine how the free choice of school can be legitimizedthrough perspectives regarding principles of justice. The results show that the free choice ofschool can be legitimized from several different standpoints such as the intrisic value ofautonomy, the negative concept of freedom and the rights based perspective of equality.Further, the free choice of school can also be legitimized from an epistemic viewpoint aswell as through theories about fair processes and compensatory efforts. My ambition withthis study is to broaden the discourse surrounding the topic. A discussion based on ideas andprinciples is a valuable complement to the more common debate about outcome regardingthe free choice of school. / Denna uppsats heter Det fria skolvalets legitimitet – en filosofisk analys om autonominsegenvärde, paternalistiska interventioner och rättviseteoretiska principer. Syftet meduppsatsen är att undersöka hur och på vilka grunder det fria skolvalets legitimitet kanmotiveras utifrån ett rättviseteoretiskt perspektiv. Mina resultat visar att det fria skolvaletkan legitimeras utifrån ett antal olika utgångspunkter såsom autonomins intrinsikala värde,det negativa frihetsbegreppet och ett rättighetsbaserat perspektiv på jämlikhet. Det friaskolvalet kan också legitimeras utifrån ett epistemiskt perspektiv samt utifrån teorier omlegitima processer och kompensatoriska insatser. Min ambition med uppsatsen är att breddadiskussionen genom att angripa det valda området utifrån ett filosofiskt perspektiv då det iden politiska debatten kring det fria skolvalet tenderar att vara fokus på de faktiska utfallenav reformen. Min uppfattning är att en idéburen och principiell utgångspunkt i frågan är ettviktigt komplement som jag anser borde få större utrymme i debatten.

A tese propõe uma análise multidisciplinar e dogmática da arbitragem societária, notadamente do processo de inclusão de cláusula compromissória no estatuto social de sociedades anônimas fechadas, com base em uma deliberação assemblear tomada pela regra da maioria (fase pré-arbitral). O ponto de partida do trabalho é o exame da dimensão jurídica do contrato de sociedade aliado à verificação dos limites da autonomia privada dos sócios na definição da estrutura do negócio jurídico societário, à compreensão da categoria dos direitos subjetivos e dos traços fundamentais que formam a tipologia das anônimas fechadas, incluindo o tratamento dado aos direitos individuais dos acionistas. Ato contínuo, desloca-se a discussão para as esferas arbitral e constitucional, com especial atenção para os pressupostos da arbitragem como método de resolução de conflitos. O cerne do trabalho reside na relação entre a situação subjetiva ativa do acionista de manifestar sua vontade favorável ou contrariamente à escolha da arbitragem e a eficácia da regra da maioria como pilar de funcionamento das sociedades anônimas. Sustenta-se que a escolha da arbitragem constitui um direito fundamental de todo o acionista, cuja renúncia depende de manifestação, expressa ou tácita, de sua vontade, a qual não pode ser elidida ou alterada pelo estatuto ou pela assembleia geral majoritária sem o seu consentimento. Após examinar as correntes doutrinárias sobre o tema no Brasil e as possíveis alternativas para resolver o imbróglio, o estudo concluiu que a alteração legislativa que cria uma hipótese adicional de recesso representa a melhor solução para a problemática. / The thesis examines arbitration in corporate law, namely the inclusion of a statutory arbitration clause in the by-laws of a closely held corporation based on a deliberation taken by the majority rule (pre-arbitration phase). The study starts by analyzing the legal aspects of the corporate contract together with the limits of shareholders autonomy in defining the structure of such contract and the characteristics that form the typology of corporations, including shareholders individual rights. The discussion then moves on the arbitration and constitutional spheres, particularly to the premises of arbitration as a form of settling conflicts. The core of the thesis is the relation between the prerogative of a shareholder to express its will in favor of or against arbitration and the incidence of the full effects of the majority rule as an essential element in the structure of a corporation. The study sustains that the choice for arbitration is a fundamental right of all shareholders, which is why renunciation depends on their express or tacit individual manifestation and therefore, majority deliberation cannot in itself insert or remove it from by-laws. Finally, the thesis provides different scholars understandings on the issue as well as the main possible alternatives to dealt with it. The creation of an additional hypothesis of appraisal right within the existing law is suggested as the best solution to solve this conundrum.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Geocarlos Augusto Cavalcante da Silva.pdf: 1180183 bytes, checksum: c0aa939ac412100043f589734d3238ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-04 / This paper aims to address the collective right in Brazil, with emphasis on homogeneous individual rights. In order to achieve this purpose, it presents the legal structure of class action in Brazil, its substantive and procedural aspects: the dichotomy between interest and right; types of transindividual right, res judicata; standing; and other legal concepts. Moreover, it performs a specific analysis of the emergence of new rights from the transformation of society. It concludes that the homogeneous individual right, as a type of transindividual right characterized by a common origin, is not to be confused with pure individual right, being an autonomous subjective right / Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar a tutela jurisdicional coletiva no Brasil, com ênfase no direito individual homogêneo. Para tanto, investigam-se os aspectos legais de direito material coletivo no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, tais como: a dicotomia interesse e direito; a titularidade dos direitos transindividuais; e as suas espécies. São também analisados os aspectos processuais do direito coletivo: competência, legitimidade, causa de pedir, pedido e coisa julgada, além da dinâmica da liquidação e da execução. Efetua-se ainda uma abordagem específica sobre o surgimento de novos direitos a partir da transformação da sociedade. Conclui que o direito individual homogêneo, espécie de direito transindividual caracterizado pela origem comum, não se confunde com o direito individual puro, sendo independente deste, constituindo-se em verdadeiro direito subjetivo autônomo

In the mid-1970s, state courts began to interpret state constitutions independently of the federal constitution in a way that provided greater protection for individual rights at the state versus federal level. Scholars have generally attributed the rise of this movement, known as state constitutionalism, to the actions and scholarship of judges and point to the cause as a fear that the Burger court would rollback Warren court era protections for individual rights. In reality, the concept of state constitutionalism had been present throughout the 1950s-1970s period of state constitutional revision and was deeply influenced by concerns over the status of the federal system. Montana's 1972 Constitutional Convention illustrates the role that constitutional revision had in the subsequent adoption of state constitutionalism. In particular, the creation, adoption, and interpretation of two provisions--the privacy and dignity clauses--shows that the public was engaged in a conscious decision to go beyond the federal protections for individual rights. Montana's experience suggests that further research is needed in order for scholars to fully understand the rise and adoption of state constitutionalism.

Há leis que instituem programas de parcelamento tributário, concedendo benefícios fiscais e exigindo contrapartidas por parte dos contribuintes, a fim de encerrar os litígios fiscais pendentes e de promover a arrecadação tributária. As exigências mais comuns são a confissão irrevogável e irretratável dos débitos parcelados, a desistência de processos administrativos e judiciais que discutam esses débitos e a renúncia às alegações de direito sobre as quais se fundamentam esses processos. Nesse contexto, o objetivo deste trabalho é verificar a validade e a eficácia dessas cláusulas, a partir de sua conformidade com o sistema constitucional tributário. As condições para adesão aos programas de parcelamento tributário serão analisadas por meio da investigação dos efeitos da manifestação de vontade do sujeito passivo na instituição da obrigação tributária à luz da legalidade e por meio da averiguação da compatibilidade das imposições legais com os direitos fundamentais e com as normas estruturantes do Estado de Direito. Para tanto, analisam-se as leis federais, estaduais e municipais que instituíram os principais programas de parcelamento tributário, com o objetivo de identificar os benefícios fiscais concedidos pelo Poder Público e os requisitos impostos aos contribuintes que quiserem aderir aos programas. Em seguida, passa-se ao exame da legalidade tributária e do papel que a manifestação de vontade do sujeito passivo pode assumir frente a essa norma estruturante do Estado de Direito. A partir das conclusões alcançadas na investigação sobre o papel da manifestação de vontade do sujeito passivo no Direito Tributário, estuda-se a validade e os efeitos da cláusula de confissão irrevogável e irretratável do débito parcelado. Por fim, analisam-se as cláusulas de desistência e de renúncia tendo em vista os limites às restrições de direitos fundamentais no Estado de Direito. Ao final, pretende-se encontrar uma forma de compatibilizar as exigências para ingresso no programa de parcelamento fiscal com o caráter ex lege da obrigação tributária e com os direitos fundamentais dos contribuintes. / Some statutes establish tax installment programs, granting tax reductions and requiring counterparts from taxpayers, in order to terminate tax disputes and promote tax collection. The most common requirements are irrevocable and irreversible confession of the debt inserted in the tax installment program, withdrawal of administrative and judicial procedures against this debt, and waiver of the rights that substantiate these procedures. In this context, the aim of this dissertation is to verify the validity and effectiveness of these clauses, from the point of view of their compliance with the Brazilian constitutional tax system. The conditions to adhere to the tax installment programs will be analyzed by investigating the effects of taxpayers consent in the institution of tax obligation, considering the legality principle, and the compatibility of the legal requirements with fundamental individual rights and the Rule of Law principles. To achieve this objective, federal, state and municipal statutes which established tax installment programs will be analyzed, in order to identify the tax reductions usually granted and the requirements imposed to the taxpayers who want to subscribe to these programs. Subsequently, the tax legality principle will be scrutinized and the role of taxpayers consent will be analyzed considering this Rule of Laws principle. From the conclusions reached in the investigation of the role of taxpayers consent in Tax Law, the validity and effectiveness of the irrevocable and irreversible confession clause will be studied. Finally, the withdrawal and waiver clauses will be analyzed in view of the limits imposed to restriction of fundamental individual rights in the Rule of Law. At the end point, this essay aims to find a way to reconcile the requirements imposed for the subscription to tax installment programs with the tax obligations ex lege character and with taxpayers fundamental rights.

This research develops the social psychological study of lay perception of human rights and of rights-based reactions to perceived injustice. The pioneering work by social representation theorists is reviewed. Of particular interest is the use of rights-based responses to perceived relative subgroup disadvantage. It is argued that these responses are shaped by the historical development of the legal concept of unique subgroup rights; rights asserted by a subgroup that cannot be asserted by outgroup members or by members of a broader collective that includes all subgroups. The assertion of unique subgroup rights in contrast to individual rights was studied by presenting participants with scenarios suggestive of human rights violations. These included possible violations of privacy rights of indigenous Australians (Study 1), civil and political rights of indigenous Australians under mandatory sentencing schemes (Study 2), privacy rights of students in comparison to public servants (Study 3), refugee rights (Study 4), and reproductive rights of lesbians and single women in comparison to married women and women in de facto relationships (Study 5). The scenarios were based on real policy issues being debated in Australia at the time of data collection. Human rights activists participated in Studies 4 and 5. In Study 5, these activists participated via an online, web-based experiment. Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected. A social identity theory perspective is used drawing on concepts from both social identity theory and self-categorization theory. The studies reveal a preference for an equality-driven construal of the purpose of human rights law (i.e. that all Australians be treated equally regardless of subgroup membership) in contrast to minority support for a vulnerable groups construal of the purpose of human rights (i.e. that the purpose of human rights law is to protect vulnerable subgroups within a broader collective). Tajfelian social belief orientations of social mobility and social change are explicitly measured in Studies 3-5. Consistent with the social identity perspective, these ideological beliefs are conceptualised as background knowledge relevant to the subjective structuring of social reality (violation contexts) and to the process of motivated relative perception from the vantage point of the perceiver. There is some indication from these studies that social belief orientation may determine construals of the purpose of human rights. In Study 5 the observed preference for using inclusive human rights rhetoric in response to perceived subgroup injustice is explained as an identity-management strategy of social creativity. In Studies 4 and 5, explicit measurement of activist identification was also made in an attempt to further explain the apparently-dominant preference for an equality-driven construal of the purpose of human rights law and the preferred use of inclusive, individualised rights rhetoric in response to perceived subgroup injustice. Activist identification explained some action preferences, but did not simply translate into preferences for using subgroup interest arguments. In Study 5, metastereotyping measures revealed that inclusive rights-based protest strategies were used in order to create positive impressions of social justice campaigners in the minds of both outgroup and ingroup audiences. Ideas for future social psychological research on human rights is discussed.

The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.