Magister Legum - LLM / This study focuses on the assessment of the Implementation of the Integrated Development Planning (lOP) process in Stellenbosch. The relevance of the study is to investigate whether the lOP process has delivered on the objectives of delivering effective and efficient service delivery to the communities who reside in the different towns within the municipal boundaries. The study will investigate against the policy implementation model of the 5-C Protocol plus communication whether service delivery has been conducted. The primary objective has been to generate and develop options for the improvement of the implementation of the lOP in Stellenbosch. The research not only set out to cover whether service delivery was taking place, but also whether the planning and development of the lOP was moving in the right direction. This could mean that the way the lOP was planned probably needed to be revisited. This scenario has been put to different stakeholders in the interviews to gain their perspectives.In order to make the assessment on the implementation of the lOP the study drew on the theoretical perspectives ascribed to the topic under investigation. The theory covered the areas of planning and different models for policy implementation. The 5-C Protocol (context, content, commitment, clients and coalitions, capacity) plus communication was used as the theoretical model to assess the implementation of the lOP in Stellenbosch. The 5 variables plus communication was adopted to assess whether the variables have been applied and accordingly an evaluation made about how the lOP implementation was conducted. Stellenbosch municipality was used as the case study to assess whether the lOP has been successfully implemented according to the 5-C Protocol plus communication and whether this can be used as a model for future reference by other municipalities. An investigation was conducted on how the municipality implemented the lOP; the fieldwork covered the context (political, social, economic and legal context), content (distributive, redistributive and regulatory use of resourcesO, capacity (tangible and intangible resources), clients and coalitions (stakeholder engagement through public and community participation) plus communication. The fieldwork during the study revealed a number of findings. This is discussed under the different variables of the 5-C Protocol. The variable of context has shown that the political scenario which plays itself out in the municipality has a substantial influence on the other contexts of economical, social and legal. The research found that the politics within the municipality has either stunted or contributed to the growth of especially the economical and social sectors within the Municipality in one or other respect. The content variable which focuses on distributive, redistributive and regulatory approaches by the Municipality has been found to be unrealised. The majority of the stakeholders which were engaged with felt that the distribution and redistribution of resources has not been achieved, especially to marginalised communities. Under the capacity variable (tangible and intangible resources) the study found that although the services to communities are continued to be supplied, there remains a specific lack of expertise and vacant posts within specific critical areas of service delivery. Coupled to this the Municipality did not adopt an approach of sourcing assistance from resident institutions and business in Stellenbosch which could assist in alleviating the situation. The clients and coalitions variable found that different stakeholders who were interviewed came from the politicians, officials and communities / NGO I business sectors. The perspectives from the stakeholders in the study have proven to be substantially diverse. In cases where the politicians and officials agreed over an issue the study found the community / NGO or business sector were at odds with this opinion. In other cases the communities would have an opinion while business or NGO's would not readily agree with that specific opinion. The study also found that the other variables (especially communication) played a significant role on the variable of clients and coalitions. The communication variable elicited a major response from the stakeholders from the marginalised communities. The study also found that there was little congruence in this variable (communication) between the officials and politicians on the one side and the other stakeholders on the other side. While the former felt that the Municipality was doing everything within its powers and available resources the communities especially felt that the approach and methodology were not effective and needed to be revisited

利益團體以接近政府，影響政府政策制定為現代民主國家多元社會的表徵。政治學上團體理論認為，無論任何團體若欲影響政府政策制定，莫不介入政策制定過程中，政策制定為團體競爭的結果。因此，政策制定的過程充滿複雜多元的性質。 　　本文主要針對公共利益團體如何影響政策制定過程作一探討，並且以「消費者保護法」的制定過程為個案分析。因此，本文涵蓋下列章節： 　　第一章緒論。說明本文之研究動機與目的、研究方法與限制、名詞界定、研究範圍與本文的章節安排。 　　第二章為相關文獻探討。首先說明政策制定之概念，本文基於研究需要，將政策制定過程視為一從政策問題形成經政策規劃以迄於政策合法化之過程；其次就公共利益團體對政策制定可運用之資源與接近決策之管道以及公共利益團體的策略行動做一檢視；最後經由上述文獻的探討建立本文之分析架構。 　　第三章為個案研究的背景。本章將說明有關我國「消費者保護法」制定之形成背景、制定經過以及主要爭議。 　　第四章為個案分析。本章將分析中華民國消費者文教基金會在「消費者保護法」之政策問題形成階段、政策規劃階段以及政策合法化階段，如何運用組織資源及接近決策管道進而採取行動策略。 　　第五章結論。就以上各章節之研究結果提出筆者之研究發現，並提出相關建議，以供相關機關、人員以為政策制定之參考，同時提出未來相關研究之建議，期冀未來之相關研究者能對我國公共利益團體參與政策制定活動做更進一步的研究。

在社會漸趨多元化的情勢下，我國政府與企業之間的關係發生了許多變化 ，其中最主要的變化尤以利益團體的影響活動為最。而自政府播遷來台後 ，政治統治由強硬的威權政體轉型為軟性的威權政體，企業所處的政策制 定環境也產生了變化。在現代國家體系中，企業不免會影響政治機器的運 作，再者社會日趨多元化，政策考量越來越專業化，尤其關於財經方面的 政策問題，更是有賴企業業者提供政府相當的資訊，以利作出較具可行性 的政策。是故，企業確有必要參與政策制定之過程。檢視我國企業參與政 府政策制定過程之關係，本研究之主要目的在於瞭解企業如何影響政策之 制定，為此，本文討論之內容如下:第一章緒論，主要在探討筆者為此文 之動機及目的，同時就研究範圍界定文中之重要名詞，並據此提出本文之 流程架構。第二章企業參與公共政策制定之基礎理論，主要探討包括有政 策問題之形成、政策規劃、政策合法化等三階段的政策制定過程，並說明 企業在政策制定上的影響動力來源及原因，以及企業參與政策制定的途徑 。第三章我國企業政策制定環境概說，主要探討我國政治環境之轉變，以 及在當前環境下我國政府體制和政黨政治影響政策制定之情形，期冀藉由 對企業經營所面對環境變遷之分析，瞭解企業對政策制定所應採用的各種 策略以及所應施用的對象所在。第四章我國企業對政策制定的影響策略， 主要探討我國企業在特殊的政府體制及政黨政治下，企業參與政策制定之 主要接近管道及影響策略，接近管道包括有：行政機關、立法機關、政黨 及監察機關；而主要的影響策略則包括有政治性的策略、遊說活動策略、 組織策略聯盟及關係網絡的建立。第五章個案分析: 以中華民國全國工業 總會為例，主要探討全國工總之組織及權力架構，並透過深入的訪問以明 瞭該會對於政府政策制定過程之影響策略，以進一步檢視筆者就所得之資 料及個人觀察所得的結果，同時對於企業參與政策制定之影響策略及活動 作一番之推論。第六章結論，就以上各章節之研究結果提出筆者之發現， 並提出建議供相關機關、人員作為政策制定之參考，並提出未來相關研究 之建議，期冀未來之相關研究者能對我國企業與政府間關係作更進一步的 研究。

一國之國會運作可謂民主進步的原動力，其運作之良善更有賴社會大眾有力之監督，利益團體在遊說時出現盲點，甚至抓不到遊說程序的重點，就會陷入「事倍功半」的窘境，很難期待行政官員或立法委員能夠支持，甚至願意挺身而出為政策執行或立法盡一份心力。 本研究自文獻參考中整理出一「台灣利益團體遊說」研究模型，然後自1993年-2005年十三年間，從中挑選了二十個案例，以具體交叉分析該等利益團體在遊說過程時所須注意或引用之各項因素，透過質化分析，探討利益團體其策略運作情形及優缺點；並且套用策略管理學上所常用的SWOT分析模式，試圖找出利益團體遊說之台灣經驗模式。 研究發現，遊說不管是公益性組織或私利性組織，清楚知道本身的遊說目的、遊說的方法固然重要，亦必須考慮遊說的外在環境以及遊說主體本身的性質問題，若太過偏重於遊說行動策略的單向思考，而忽視外在環境的現實問題以及操作主體實力的優劣勢分析，易於產生僵化式的遊說策略模式。 所以有心進行遊說之組織均應洞悉和操作方式，但操作之前亦必須先充分掌握遊說之外在環境和操作主體的優劣勢後，再視輕重緩急、量力而為，並適時做調整，以達到截長補短、前景預測的最佳狀態，以利遊說目的圓滿成功。 關鍵詞：利益團體、遊說、倡議、國會運作、策略、SWOT / The Congress operation functions as the driving force for a country to progress towards democracy. The operational performance of the Congress depends upon powerful supervision by the general public. Sometimes the interest groups may fall into the “fruitlessness” dilemma in the event that they run into a blind spot, or even when they fail to hit the nail on the head. In turn, they can hardly win support from government officers or congressmen. They will come forward to defend the executive or legislative performance. Through literature review, this research designs a model and applies it to analyze the performance of 20 interest groups in Taiwan selected between 1993 and 2005. In particular, this model analyzes the pros and cons of different strategies employed by these interest groups. In addition, this model also uses the SWOT analysis developed from strategic management to generalize the behavior patterns of selected interest groups. This research finds out that the external environment and the nature of issues are also important factors affecting the lobbying results. If an interest group focuses only on the lobbying strategies but ignores the external environment or relative strength between the subject and others, it may generalize rigid lobbying strategies. Therefore, the success of lobbying depends on an interest group’s assessment of external environment and relative strength before operation, as well as the lobbying strategies and adjustments during operation. Key words: Interest groups, Lobby, Advocacy, Congressional operation, strategies, SWOT

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"Le pouvoir n'est rien, seule compte l'influence". Cette pensée du philosophe grec Hérodote constitue le points de départ et le fil conducteur de la présente recherche. Elle pose l'idée de l'influence qui fait partie intégrante du processus décisionnel. La décision politique contemporaine obéit à ce même principe, celui d'un pouvoir qui ne peut plus décider seul, sans concertation, sans choisir de subir la pression des lobbies de toute nature qui se constituent à l'occasion d'une décision (Giuliani, 1991). Le lobbying, en tant qu'activité d'influence, apparaît alors comme un phénomène indissociable de la décision publique. Pour déterminer l'État, il faut alors prendre en considération les « rapports de forces mouvants » (Culpepper et al., 2006) qui y existent. En France, lobbying et groupes d'intérêt connaissent un discrédit qui tend à ignorer le rôle qu'ils peuvent jouer dans les politiques publiques. Les Chambres de commerce et d'industrie font partie de ces groupes qui restent méconnus malgré leur mission de représentation de l'intérêt économique des entreprises. Il est alors intéressant de rendre compte de ce lobbying dans le contexte français à travers l'usage qu'en font les Chambres de commerce et d'industrie. La recherche représente un double intérêt : celui d'étudier un acteur de politique publique original et le répertoire d'action qu'il mobilise pour tenter d'influer sur la décision publique. Ainsi, si Robert Dahl s'interrogeait de savoir « qui gouverne » (1961), il nous apparaît important de nous demander aussi : « comment gouverner » et « avec qui gouverner » aujourd'hui ? Notre recherche vise alors à répondre à la problématique : dans quelle mesure un groupe d'intérêt peut-il concrètement agir sur le processus de politique publique ? Ainsi, pourrons-nous analyser ce que le groupe, notamment ses moyens d'action, enseignent sur le fonctionnement de l'action publique contemporaine, car comme l'avait affirmé Arthur Bentley dès 1908 dans son célèbre ouvrage The process of government : A study of social pressure : « Quand le groupe est expliqué, tout est expliqué ». / As Greek philosopher said: "Power is nothing, influence only countsé". This is the starting point and the thread of this research. It puts down the idea of influence, which is an integral part of the decision-making. The contemporary political decision obeys the same principle, that of a power who cannot decide alone, without consultation, without choosing to undergo the pressure of lobbies of all kinds that are formed in the occasion of a decision (Giuliani, 1991). The lobbying, as an activity of influence, appears then as an inseparable phenomenon of the public decision. In order to determine the State, it is therefore necessary to take into account the "unstable balance of power" (Culpepper et al., 2006) that exists there. In France, lobbying and interest groups are experiencing a discredit which tends to ignore the role that they can play in the public policies. The Chambers of commerce and industry are part of those groups that remain unknown despite their task of representing the economic interests of companies. It is therefore interesting to report this type of French lobbying through the use made from the Chambers of commerce and industry. Our research presents a double interest: to study an original actor of public policy and also the directory of action which he mobilizes in order to try to influence the public decision. So, if Robert Dahl questioned in 1961 about "who governs", it seems important nowadays to wonder about: "how to govern" and "with who"? Our research aims then to answer the following question: to what extent an interest group can concretely act on the public policy process and what does it teach us about the functioning of the contemporary public action? Thus, we can analyze what the group, and in particular its means of action, can teach us about the functioning of the contemporary public action, because as noted by Arthur Bentley, in 1908, in his famous book entitled The process of government: A study of social pressure: “When group is explained, everything is explained”.

Conçu comme une simple circonscription administrative, le département s'est institutionnalisé, il est devenu un cadre d'élection (politics), de structuration de la vie partisane (polity) et d'action publique (policy). Face au constat d'un département « mal connu », délaissé par la science politique, cette thèse propose un examen approfondi du département en tant qu'objet de luttes discursives et institutionnelles. La première partie dévoile l'état des discours autour du département. Trois focus historiques mettent au jour une structure répétitive des controverses révélée par une matrice argumentative (question de la « bonne échelle », des compétences ou encore de l'identité) et des spécificités (cadres prescriptifs). Cette perspective historique atteste les transformations tant de l'institution que de ses défenseurs. La cause départementaliste se recompose en permanence au gré des changements de la société et mutations politiques. La seconde partie dresse quant à elle l'état des forces, s'intéressant aux modes de mobilisation du lobby départementaliste. Ces modes évoluent, s'agrègent : influence sur la législation en cours par les conseillers généraux parlementaires, revues réformatrices, expertise, structure associative... Il s'est agi également de montrer comment les conseils généraux par leurs attributions structurent des intérêts. / Designed as a simple administrative constituency, the département has become institutionalised and has turned into a framework for elections (politics), the structuration of partisan activity (polity), and public action (policy). In view of the fact that the département is still relatively unknown, neglected by political science, this dissertation offers an in-depth examination of the département as an object of discursive and institutional conflicts. The first part shows the state of discourse concerning the département. Three items of historical focus highlight a repetitive structure in the controversies revealed by an argumentative matrix (the question of the "proper scale", competencies and questions of identity) and specificities (prescribed frameworks). This historical perspective pinpoints transformations in the institution itself as well as of its defenders. The "départementaliste" cause reconstructs itself as society changes and political mutations occur. The second part evaluates the state of its power structure, focusing on the modes of mobilisation of the "départementaliste" lobby. These modes evolve and aggregate: influence on legislation being debated and voted on by the general councillor members of Parliament, reform-oriented journals, expertise, association... It is also been shown how general councils, through their attributions, structure interests.

Master thesis "European cultural lobby. Case of We Are More campaign" is analyzing the European lobbying in the cultural domain. As an area of European policies, culture has been established continuously since the 80's of the 20th century. The role that culture gained at the European Union (EU) level is specific by its double dimension. At the same time, culture is perceived as a source of common values and an area with high economic potential. This thesis examines whether the exclusive role of culture within the EU signifies specific features of lobbying in the cultural domain. Theoretical part of this work is using the concept of europeanization in order to explain how culture became an area of European public policy. The same part develops the theory of European lobbying to demonstrate division of the EU interest groups into public and private. Second part of this thesis presents the case study of the nowadays biggest European cultural lobby, Culture Action Europe, and We Are More campaign organized by this lobby in order to influence future European framework programmes for culture and audiovisual in 2014-2020 period. Features that decide whether an interest group is public or private, as defined by the theoretical part of this thesis, are studied on the case of Culture Action Europe. In order to...

To categorize groups of people is a necessity in our society. Categorization of people is used by decision makers and authorities. In the national social service legislation, categorization can be used to instruct municipalities to prioritize vulnerable groups of clients in need of support and services. The negative aspect of categorizing is that people are being labeled in a certain way, which can affect how people are being treated. The current Social Services Act in Sweden contains specific regulations to certain groups in society. One of the proposals in the extensive investigation for a new Social Services Act is to tone down these certain groups. The investigation for a new Social Services Act was sent out for consultation to 193 relevant community actors, including municipalities, government authorities and interest groups. These are given the opportunity to submit opinions and comments before the legislation is amended. This study is based on the received responses from the community actors through a qualitative text analysis. 55 of the received 157 responses addressed categorization of the target groups in the legislation. The results show that the majority of the 55 responses are in favour of target groups being toned down. In the responses there are arguments that highlight an increased individual perspective and a holistic view in social work. Other actors highlight risks with toning down the target groups, such as an increased difficulty for individuals to claim their rights and that it increases the risk of inequality. The results also show that there is a difference in the responses depending on whether the respondent is a municipality, a government authority or an interest group. The municipalities are in favour of the target groups being toned down while we find government authorities and interest groups on both sides of the argument. It also shows how different organizations take their interests into account in a consultation procedure.

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