Cette recherche aborde la question de l’avis consultatif de la CIJ sur la conformité au droit international de la déclaration unilatérale d’indépendance relative au Kosovo du 22 juillet 2010 et ses possibles incidences sur la question de la sécession du Québec. Plus précisément, ce mémoire traite de la migration des idées constitutionnelles au sujet des questions d’autodétermination dans les cas kosovar et québécois, en effectuant une analyse comparative des deux situations. Le présent mémoire conclut tout d’abord à un respect du droit international public par la CIJ dans son avis, le Kosovo remplissant les conditions de mise en oeuvre de la sécession remède. Néanmoins, notre recherche conduit à affirmer une impossibilité de transposition de solution du cas kosovar à la problématique québécoise, mais à une possible migration des influences, qui assouplirait la position prise ces dernières années par le Canada, notamment avec la Loi sur la clarté. / This research studies the ICJ advisory opinion on the accordance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo delivered on 22 July 2010 and its probable impacts on the question of Quebec’s secession. Specifically, it examines the migration of constitutional ideas concerning the right to self-determination in the cases of Kosovo and Quebec. A comparative analysis of both situations is thereby undertaken. This thesis concludes to a non-violation of general international law by the ICJ in its opinion, Kosovo being an illustration of remedial secession. Nonetheless, our research leads us to assert an impossibility of transposition of the ICJ solution about the former Serbian province to the Quebec issue. However, the case is not closed as a migration of the spirit of the advisory opinion could take place, which would soften the position adopted by Canada, especially with the Clarity Act.

No description available.

No description available.

Judicial activism implies a hidden politicization of the Court. The legal arguments and the methods used by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) might seem coherent. However, an inquiry into judicial activism means looking beyond the legal reasoning of the Court and trying to “connect the dots” of an alternative narrative that can explain the Court’s long-term approach to certain issues. In the case of judicial activism of the CJEU in the case-law concerning public international law, the veil for the politicization of the Court is provided by the pluralist architecture of global law. The heterarchical structure of relations among legal orders in the international arena activates the CJEU as an actor of global governance. Simultaneously, it results in the Court adopting a rather internal and defensive approach, undermining legal security.<p><p>Judicial activism of the CJEU finds its particular expressions in the case-law concerning public international law. The pro-integrationist tendency of the CJEU often raised in the literature concerning the Court’s role in the process of EU integration, translates into a substantial and an institutional dimension of judicial activism. The substantial articulation of judicial activism in the case-law concerning international law is the Court’s emphasis on the autonomy of the EU legal order. This internal perspective is adopted not only for virtuous reasons, but also in defense of definitely not universal European interests. The institutional dimension refers to the Court’s position within the EU structure of governance. The case-law concerning international law is marked by a close alignment with the European Commission and the integration of the EU goals in external relations. Moreover, the pluralist veil can cover the extent to which the Court’s decisions concerning international law are influenced by considerations completely internal to the EU. <p><p>In my analysis I proceed in three steps that are reflected in three chapters of the thesis. There is no clear and prevalent definition of judicial activism, but instead rather multiple possibilities of approaching the concept. While the general intend of the research project is to critically reflect on the concept of judicial activism of the highest courts within a legal order, the particular focus will be on the CJEU dealing with international law. I proceed in three steps. First, I assess different understandings of the role of the judge and the concept of judicial activism in legal literature in view of ascertaining the relevance of the debate and distilling some general components of a possible definition. Secondly, I identify the factors particular for the position of the CJEU within the EU legal order and with regard to international law. The particular characteristics of the CJEU result in a limited applicability of the general definitions of judicial activism. Finally, I analyze the case-law in view of identifying examples as well as counter-examples of the particular symptoms/attributes. Because judicial activism broadens the scope of the factors guiding judicial decision-making, it enables us to better understand the contingencies in the Court´s jurisprudence. / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La responsabilité de protéger a été élaborée en 2001 par la Commission internationale de l’intervention et de la souveraineté des États. Le concept se voulait une réponse aux controverses suscitées par les interventions armées à des fins humanitaires menées dans les années 1990. Il cherchait à concilier l’intervention à des fins humanitaires et le principe de souveraineté afin d’assurer la protection universelle des populations civiles, notamment par les actions du Conseil de sécurité, tout en respectant les principes qui constituent les fondements de la société internationale basée sur la Charte des Nations Unies. Avec son entérinement par les 191 États membres des Nations Unies lors du Sommet mondial de 2005, la responsabilité de protéger est devenue un sujet incontournable du discours international. En 2011, la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité de protéger par le Conseil de sécurité durant la guerre civile en Libye et la crise postélectorale en Côte d’Ivoire a mis le concept au premier plan de l’actualité internationale. Notre mémoire cherche à déterminer les répercussions juridiques qu’a eues la responsabilité de protéger sur le principe de la souveraineté étatique et sur le fonctionnement institutionnel du Conseil de sécurité. / The Responsibility to Protect was elaborated in 2001 by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty following the controversies surrounding humanitarian interventions lead during the 1990s. The Responsibility to Protect aimed at reconciling intervention for human protection purposes and sovereignty in order to ensure the universal protection of civilian populations, notably through the Security Council, while respecting the principles constituting the foundation of the international society based on the Charter of the United Nations. Since its acceptance by the 191 Member States of the United Nations during the 2005 World Summit, the concept has become a subject of first importance at the international stage. The implementation of the Responsibility to Protect by the Security Council in 2011 during the Civil War in Libya and the post-electoral crisis in Ivory Coast has put the concept on the headlines of the international news. Our thesis aims at determining the juridical repercussions that the Responsibility to Protect had on the State Sovereignty principle and on the institutional functioning of the Security Council.

D’essence interétatique, le droit international public semble fermer ses frontières à toute responsabilité des entreprises transnationales. Cette imperméabilité à la reconnaissance d’une responsabilité juridique per se des pouvoirs économiques globaux n’a cependant pas empêché l’ordre international d’être réactif et d’évoluer en douceur. Face à l’apparition de plusieurs scandales liés à de graves violations des droits de l’homme, notamment dans le cadre des chaînes d’approvisionnement globales, il n’était plus concevable pour l’opinion publique de laisser les entreprises transnationales profiter du vide juridique existant. D’un cafouillis normatif émerge une régulation globale fortement imprégnée par le mouvement de responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE). Cette institutionnalisation de la RSE s’appuie sur plusieurs instruments normatifs parmi lesquels les principes directeurs des organisations internationales occupent une place centrale. Ces principes ont vocation à guider les actions des entreprises indépendamment de leur localisation géographique par le biais d’une sorte de toile normative uniforme pour tout le globe. En revanche, la mise en œuvre de cette régulation globale de la RSE n’est possible que par les pressions des acteurs sociaux (société civile et marché) qui tendent à promouvoir la responsabilité des entreprises et facilitent ainsi la transformation de la nature de ses normes. Des normes d’origine privée tendent progressivement à devenir une valeur incontournable dans la gouvernance des chaînes d’approvisionnement globales. En intronisant la RSE dans les relations contractuelles, cette gouvernance signerait l’avènement de nouvelles formulations de la RSE. Cette normativité nouvelle et innovante entend dès lors combler l’espace normatif inoccupé par les États. / Destined, in essence, to regulate interstate relations, public international law seems closed to the idea of recognizing liability of transnational corporations. However, this imperviousness to recognizing legal responsibility per se of global economic powers has not prevented a soft evolution of the international order. Following several scandals related to violations of human rights, some in the context of global supply chains, civil society could no longer allow transnational companies to take advantage of the existing legal vacuum. As a result, a global regulation strongly influenced by the trend of corporate social responsibility (CSR) emerged from a normative muddle. This institutionalization of CSR is based on several instruments, including guiding principles on Business and Human Rights which occupy a central position in this regulatory trend. It is intended that these principles will apply as a uniform, global normative canvas. Therefore, they should guide actions of companies regardless of their geographic location. The implementation of this CSR global framework is possible due to substantial pressure exerted by non-governmental actors, such as civil society and the market. These actors seek to promote CSR and facilitate the transformation of this regulation. Particularly, private standards are playing an increasingly important role in the governance of global supply chains. By establishing CSR in contractual relations, this governance would mark the advent of new regulatory tools which seek to fill in the public law gaps.

Le MERCOSUR est la plus grande entité économique de l'Amérique latine. Ces dernières années, des nouveaux États ont intégré cette institution. Ces nouveaux membres amènent l'arrivée de nouvelles formes de constitutionnalisme, intitulées pluriel. Comment le MERCOSUR fera t-il face à ces nouveaux changements ? Comment fera t-il pour profiter de ce nouveau souffle et comment montrera t-il au monde les idées apportés par les changements ? Le MERCOSUR a été créé dans le contexte de la globalisation, avec l'objectif de renforcer économiquement les États de l'Amérique latine. Cette intégration régionale se montre hautement structurée avec un système juridique et institutionnelle propre, issue des traités et des protocoles qui définissent les modes de coopération entre les États parties. Il est important de signaler que la création de ce bloc s'est inspiré du modèle de l'Union Européenne. Les derniers changements survenu en Amérique latine, ont modifié les lignes directrices du MERCOSUR. Le constitutionnalisme pluriel, apportés par les nouveaux membres de l'intégration sud font renaître les idéologies des peuples autochtones. Le pluri-nationalisme latin, met en valeur le Pachamama et le Buen Vivir. Le MERCOSUR, principalement économique, est une structure découlant de l'eurocentrisme, instauré en Amérique du Sud, depuis les années 1500. Il est en cours de mutation car accompagne maintenant les changements constitutionnelle du continent, avec la renaissance des idéologies originaires et autochtones des États latino-américains. / MERCOSUR is the largest economic entity in Latin America. Last years, the new states have incorporated this institution. These new members bring the arrival of new forms of constitutionalism, entitled plural. How will he do MERCOSUR face these new changes? How will it be to enjoy this new life and how he will show the world the ideas brought by the changes? MERCOSUR was created in the context of globalization, with the aim to economically strengthen the Latin American States. This regional integration shows highly structured with a legal and institutional system, derived from treaties and protocols that define the forms of cooperation among States Parties. It's important to note that the model of the European Union inspired the creation of this block. Recent changes occurred in Latin America, have altered the MERCOSUR guidelines. The plural constitutionalism, brought by the new members of the South integration is re-born the ideologies of indigenous peoples. Latin plurial-nationalism, showcases the Pachamama and the Buen Vivir. MERCOSUR, mainly economic, is a structure resulting from Eurocentrism, introduced in South America since the 1500s. It's changing because the new form of constitutionalism revives the old ideologies of indigenous peoples, with the unique standards of Latin America. / O MERCOSUL é a principal integração econômica da América Latina. Nos últimos anos, novos Estados passaram a fazer parte desta instituição e trouxeram novas formas de constitucionalismo conhecido como plural ou multicultural. Diante dessa nova realidade, indaga-se : Como o MERCOSUL enfrentará estas novas mudanças? Como administrará essas inovações e como mostrará ao mundo as ideias inovadoras trazidas pelas alterações constitucionais? Na realidade, o MERCOSUL foi criado no contexto da globalização mundial, com o objetivo de fortalecer economicamente os Estados latino americanos. Esta integração regional mostra-se altamente estruturada, com um sistema legal e institucional, derivado de tratados e protocolos que definem as formas de cooperação entre os Estados membros. É importante notar que a criação deste bloco fora inspirado no modelo da União Europeia. As recentes mudanças na América Latina, em seu contexto geral, tem alterado as diretrizes do MERCOSUL. O constitucionalismo plural, trazido pelos novos membros da integração sul, é marcado pelas ideologias dos povos indígenas, que colocam em valor o plurinacionalismo, revivendo os valores ancestrais através da Pachamama e do Buen Vivir. O MERCOSUL é uma instituição principalmente econômica e sua estrutura é resultante de eurocentrismo introduzido na América do Sul desde os anos 1500. Os novos ideais latinos, vão de encontro a antiga estrutura, uma vez que visam o renascimento das ideologias dos povos nativos latino americanos.

The purpose of this thesis is to prove the existence of the right to adequate healthcare through a critical analysis of the law of obligations, constitutional law and international law framed in the wider focal point of South African medical law. The Constitution only makes provision for the right to access to health care. Conclusively this thesis will have to establish a link between a minimum standard in health care and the Constitution. It is submitted that the most efficacious method of establishing this link is with the duty of care, which is intrinsically linked to the doctor-patient relationship. If a critical analysis of the doctor-patient relationship can establish a clear link between the duty of care and state liability then such a link can successfully be applied to the Constitution. If this link is transposed onto the Constitution, a critical evaluation of the rights in the Bill of Rights will then reveal the most applicable right that can house the right to an adequate standard of health care. Such an analysis is only part of the solution however. In order to make this right effective, the international body of medical laws must be critically analysed and juxtaposed against this adequate standard. This carries the dual purpose of adding normative content as well as determining the current state of South Africa’s obligations under international human rights law, and to what extent those obligations have been discharged. Finally, and most significantly, the right to adequate healthcare, as it was forged in the international legal analysis, will be transposed onto the current South African jurisprudence of socio-economic rights. This practical application will then be reflected onto the new National Health Care Insurance to show conclusively that the current governmental approach of effecting health care is wholly inoperable and will ultimately result in significant harm and extensive human rights violations. This is based on the government only considering access to health care sufficient to discharge its duties and being totally incapable of effectively managing its resources. The core outcome for this thesis is to prove the existence of the right to adequate healthcare. Secondary outcomes are tracing the history of medicine to illustrate the creation and evolution of the doctor-patient relationship, a critical analysis of the application of medical ethics to South African law of obligations, a critical analysis of the Constitution and its fundamentals, an exhaustive evaluation of South Africa’s duties and accomplishments under its international obligations and effectively applying the right to adequate healthcare which is diametrically opposed to the current course South Africa is taking to provide health care. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Public Law / unrestricted

Current research shows moderate alcohol consumption is associated with decreased risk of diabetes and excessive consumption or binge drinking can cause insulin resistance and diabetes. In 2010, diabetes was the seventh leading cause of death in the United Statesand was responsible for significant health complications: blindness, kidney failure, and limb amputations, and is a large national economic burden. Fasting blood glucose (FBG) is a tool used to help diagnose diabetes. Abnormally high FBG, ≥100 mg/dl, is indicative of diabetes and pre-diabetes. Few studies have observed diabetic prevalence among young adults or college students. Studying young adults can help provide added information about early risk factors for diabetes and pre-diabetes, facilitating public health efforts to stem the rising tide of the diabetes epidemic. This study aimed to research the associations between alcohol consumption (numbers of days alcohol consumed in the past month and binge alcohol consumption in the past month) and FBG in a college population as part of the FLASH cohort study. FBG levels were measured in 141 young adult participants and alcohol consumption was determined by self report. Other individual-level characteristics and potential confounding variables were also collected. The association between alcohol consumption and FBG followed a J-shaped curve whereby students who reported drinking 6-8 days within the last 30 days showed significantly lower FBG levels than those who did not drink and those who consumed alcohol on nine or more days (p=0.04). Binge drinking did not have a significant association with FBG (p=0.4). Sex and body mass index were also significantly associated with FBG. In conclusion, moderate frequency of alcohol consumption is found to have an inverse relationship with FBG and excessive drinking can reverse these effects.

Le cyberespace a radicalement changé la donne sur le plan de la sécurité internationale, modifiant la représentation que nous pouvions avoir de la guerre. Nous assistons aujourd’hui à une nouvelle forme de conflit où l’information constitue à la fois un support d’action, mais également un actif sensible qu’il convient de maitriser. L’encadrement des comportements dans le cyberespace est donc devenu de facto un impératif pour maintenir sa stabilité. C’est ainsi que de nombreuses initiatives ont été amorcées tant par les États (par exemple avec la création du groupe d’experts gouvernementaux en charge des progrès des technologies de l’information et des communications dans un contexte de sécurité internationale), que par les acteurs privés (normes alternatives en tout genre). Cependant, leur convergence n’est que partielle leurs positionnements géopolitiques et stratégiques divergents considérablement. Alors que les États veulent préserver leur marge de manœuvre dans le cyberespace, les acteurs privés souhaiteraient quant à eux assurer la continuité et le développement de leurs activités par la création d’un cadre juridique contraignant les comportements étatiques. Notre travail de recherche vise ainsi à trouver une solution au clivage entre ces différents acteurs. Selon nous, peu importe les perceptions et les désirs de chacun ; si un encadrement juridique du cyberespace doit voir le jour en droit international, celui-ci ne pourra aboutir sans le concours des États et des acteurs privés qui doivent donc collaborer. Cependant, il est essentiel de ne pas s’abandonner dans une quête de l’idéal, et ce en adoptant une démarche pragmatique ancrée dans la réalité. La régulation du cyberespace étant multiple en ce sens où chaque acteur est la source d’un flux normatif précis (réglementation étatique et régulation technique), il convient de trouver le moyen de faire coïncider leurs approches, tout en conservant la place de chacun dans l’ordre international pour éviter tensions et conflits. Dans notre travail de recherche, nous avons fait le choix de présenter notre argumentation en quatre temps. Il s’agit tout d’abord de rappeler les spécificités du cyberespace faisant de lui un lieu de conflits à part entière (Chapitre 1). Dans un second temps, nous expliquerons cette volonté des États de vouloir rendre à tout prix applicable aux cyber-attaques, un droit international pourtant inadapté aux défis techniques posés par ces nouvelles armes (Chapitre 2). Les acteurs privés étant les grands experts du réseau, nous étudierons dans un troisième temps les initiatives normatives qu’ils ont su mettre en place, celles-ci venant d’ailleurs concurrencer le travail de réflexion mené par les États (Chapitre 3). Finalement, nous arriverons à la conclusion que la cyberpaix ne sera réellement possible que si trois éléments sont réunis : la corégulation, l’internormativité et la confiance entre les États et les acteurs privés (Chapitre 4). / Cyberspace has radically changed international security, altering our understanding of warfare. Today, we are witnessing a new form of conflict in which information is both a medium for action and a sensitive asset that must be controlled. In order to maintain the stability of cyberspace, it has de facto become imperative to regulate actions in cyberspace. For this reason, many initiatives have been started by States (for example, the Group of Governmental Experts in the Field of Information and Telecommunications in the Context of International Security) and by private actors (various alternative norms). However, their convergence is only partial, as their geopolitical and strategic positions diverge considerably. While States want to preserve their room for maneuver in cyberspace, private actors would like to ensure the continuity and development of their activities by creating a legal framework which constrains the behavior of States. This research project seeks to find a solution to the divide between these different actors. From our point of view, regardless of one's perceptions and desires, a legal framework for cyberspace in international law will see the light of day only if States and private actors cooperate. However, it is essential that we do not abandon ourselves to a quest for the ideal and adopt a pragmatic approach that is rooted in reality. Because the regulation of cyberspace is animated by multiple sources of norms stemming from different actors (state regulation and technical rules), it is necessary to find a way to make their approaches coincide, while preserving everyone's place in the international order to avoid tensions and conflicts. In our research, we have chosen to present our argument in four chapters. We first recount the features of cyberspace that make it a place of conflict in its own right (Chapter 1). Second, we explain the desire of States to apply international law to cyber-attacks, although it is ill-suited to the technical challenges posed by these new weapons (Chapter 2). Third, given that private actors are the major experts of the network, we will examine the normative initiatives that they put in place and that compete with the work carried out by States (Chapter 3). Finally, we will come to the conclusion that cyberpeace will be possible only if three elements are brought together: coregulation, internormativity, and trust between States and private actors (Chapter 4).