Though Argentine women have made marked advancements in terms of equality since the Latin American country’s return to democracy in the 1980s, they still face barriers to the full exercise of their sexual and reproductive rights in a number of arenas. For low-income women, the added dimension of poverty further erodes the ability to seek necessary services to maintain sexual and reproductive health. As a result, high rates of maternal mortality and adolescent pregnancy persist. Given the broad socioeconomic inequality among Argentine provinces, the policies created by Argentina’s government to address sexual and reproductive health lack widespread implementation and oversight. Furthermore, a strong opposition to these policies is in place, promoted by the heavy presence of the Catholic Church in Argentine institutions and society as well as deeply entrenched perceptions of motherhood. This study identifies the social, economic, legal, cultural, and political challenges that face the sexual and reproductive autonomy of Argentine women, evaluates the current policies in place to address them, and projects potential solutions for Argentina’s government, women’s movement, and NGOs.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the role of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) as an international governmental organisation in regional co-operation and stability from 1963 until 2000. It is also aims to evaluate the OAU's success or failure as the initiator of African unity and the driver of regional co-operation and stability in Africa within political, economic and social spheres. As background, the motivation for the study is discussed and the problem is stated. From this, research questions are formulated, and objectives identified. Three hypotheses are formed, which the study aimed to prove. The range of core theoretical foundations, concepts, characteristics, theories, approaches and classifications are examined in detail as foundations for an understanding and evaluation of the role of the OAU. Regional organisations as a phenomenon are also studied in-depth with reference to their nature, meaning and historical origins. Inter-state relations in the international community are theoretically explored, as well as the position and potential of regionalism within international public administration. Concepts, characteristics, types and functions of regional organisations and the role of co-operation, sovereignty and supra-nationalism in regional co-operation are covered. Following this, a study is made of the historical origins, nature and character of Pan-Africanism and the evolution of the OAU. Based on the structural-functional approach, the nature and essential characteristics of the organisation are analysed, with reference to its structures, and the tasks of the Secretary-General and its various commissions. In addition, the former relationship between the OAU and the UN is also highlighted. The role of the OAU is evaluated as a regional organisation involved in the establishment of regional co-operation in Africa in the political, economic, cultural and social spheres. The study concludes with an evaluative synthesis of its findings, proposals and conclusions. The OAU is found to have been successful in certain regards, but in others, it failed to attain its primary purpose: to forge unity on the continent and to create co-operation among states. Its successor, the African Union could learn some valuable lessons from the OAU's history. / Public Administration and Management / (D.P.A.)

A la suite de la Conférence de Chicago et de l'adoption de la Convention relative à l'aviation civile internationale en 1944, les relations interétatiques au sein de l'espace aérien se développèrent dans un cadre principalement bilatéral qui permit aux États de s'échanger des droits et des libertés de l'air. Les négociations durent trouver un délicat équilibre entre les différentes visions protectionniste et libérale. Grâce à ce cadre, les États tissèrent un véritable réseau d'accords qui encouragea l'augmentation du trafic. A la fin des années 1970, les États-Unis choisirent de déréglementer leur ciel, avant de vouloir exporter cette conception au reste du monde, notamment par la renégociation des accords existants. Ainsi naquit le mouvement de libéralisation de l'espace aérien, qui entraîna une réelle modification des échanges et de leur fondement, tout en permettant une évolution de ceux-ci, vers le régionalisme. Si l'Union européenne fait figure de précurseur en la matière, elle a été imitée dans différentes régions au sein desquelles les États tentent d'intégrer leur politique aérienne ou d'unifier les échanges, par la conclusion d'accords plurilatéraux. Si les relations entre les régions pourraient être amenées à se développer, le multilatéralisme est également à l'étude, et la question d'un accord global qui conduirait les États à s'échanger les mêmes droits et libertés se pose à l'heure actuelle. D'ailleurs, le multilatéralisme permet d'ores et déjà aux États de s'entendre sur les actions à mener dans certains domaines, comme dans celui de la protection de l'environnement. / Following to the Chicago Meeting and to the adoption of the Convention on International Civil Aviation in 1944, States relations within air space evolved in a bilateral framework, which allowed States to exchange rights and freedoms of the air. Negotiations had to be balanced between protectionist and liberal vision. With this framework, States wove a real network of agreements which encouraged the increase of the traffic. In the term of 70's, United States of America chose to deregulate their sky, before trying to export this concept to the rest of the world, in particular by the renegotiation of existing agreements. Thus was born the movement of liberalization of airspace, which led to a real modification of the exchanges and of their basis, while allowing their evolution towards regionalism. If the European Union is a pioneer in this field, it has been imitated in different regions in which the States are trying to integrate their air policy or unify the exchange, through the conclusion of multilateral agreements. If relations between regions could be brought to develop, multilateralism is also for the study, and the issue of a comprehensive agreement which would lead States to share the same rights and freedoms currently arises. Moreover, multilateralism already allows States to agree on action to be led in certain domains, like in that of the environmental protection.

Esta tese busca analisar os limites e possibilidades do regime da responsabilidade internacional do Estado como garantia da Ordem Pública Internacional, procurando demonstrar os riscos da implementação unilateral da responsabilidade. Inicialmente, através da análise do desenvolvimento normativo do instituto da responsabilidade internacional do Estado, a partir do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial, buscamos apontar os principais indicadores do momento de transição paradigmática do sistema internacional contemporâneo, ao revelarem-se tanto as bases de identidade desse sistema quanto os traços de transformação que o atravessam. Partimos da hipótese de que as mudanças normativas operadas no instituto da responsabilidade internacional, no período em estudo, têm sido orientadas, em sua maioria, no mesmo sentido das transformações valorativas verificadas no âmbito do Direito Internacional Público como um todo. O que, já adiantamos, significa dizer, em apertada síntese, mudanças no sentido de um direito interestatal ? relacional e bilateral ? para um direito da comunidade internacional no seu conjunto. Tendo, então, em mente a realidade de descentralização em que se concretizam as normas internacionais, nossa segunda hipótese é de que esses avanços normativos não têm par no plano institucional e que essa lacuna gera à comunidade internacional os riscos da implementação unilateral da responsabilidade. Especificamente, analisamos o conceito, os valores, a legitimidade e as consequências substanciais e instrumentais do instituto da responsabilidade internacional do Estado como garantia da ordem pública internacional, focando a projeção da noção de comunidade internacional no seu regime, e os obstáculos normativos e sistêmicos que a sua proteção enfrenta em um sistema internacional descentralizado.

In the last few years, an ever growing number of States have recognized same-sex marriage. For that reason, it is important to ask what would happen if two same-sex individuals that have legally contracted marriage in another countrywould sue for its recognition in Peru. The authors of this article study the courses ofaction available to legal operators facing this situation, in the context of the public policy exception and International Human Rights Law.For that purpose, they analize European and Inter-American case-law on the matter and offer a way forward on how to solve conflicts between foreign law, domestic law, and human rights. / Durante los últimos años, cada vez más ordenamientos jurídicos han regulado el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo. Es importante por ello preguntarse qué sucedería si dos personas del mismo sexo que hayan contraído matrimonio legalmente en otro país exigieran que el mismo fuera reconocido en Perú.Los autores de este artículo indagan sobre las posibilidades de acción de los operadores jurídicos ante esta situación, en el marco del orden público internacional y el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos. Para ello, analizan jurisprudencia tanto europea como interamericana sobre el tema, además de ensayar una solución sobre cómo resolver conflictos entre los ordenamientos extranjeros, la normativa nacional y los derechos humanos.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-29T11:13:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_9138_Dissertação JULIANA BATISTA CALLEGARIO - Para PPGCON.pdf: 1179487 bytes, checksum: b205d451b055ddd4d249f7f030326b26 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-18 / Este estudo investiga quais fatores culturais, sociais, políticos e econômicos influenciam na adoção das Normas Internacionais de Contabilidade Aplicadas ao Setor Público (International Public Sector Accounting Standards - IPSAS) pelos países. Com base em informações disponibilizadas pela IFAC (2007) e Deloitte (2013) foram analisadas e segregadas as diferentes posições tomadas pelos países, como adoção por completo das IPSAS; sinalização de intenção de adoção; adoção parcial pelo regime de caixa (Cash-Basis) das IPSAS; e adoção do regime de competência com base nas IPSAS. Os fatores levantados foram PIB per capita; número de habitantes; não adoção das IFRS (International Financial Reporting Standard) pelos países; índice de percepção da corrupção; origem do sistema legal; e dimensões culturais de Hofstede (2015), coletados entre 1995 e 2013 de 214 países, inicialmente. Na abordagem metodológica é aplicado modelo de regressão logística (logit) baseado em Clements, Neill e Stovall (2010), adaptando para dados em painel com efeitos aleatórios. Os resultados indicam que países que têm a intenção de adotar as IPSAS podem ser explicados pela variação positiva das variáveis PIB per capita, quantidade de habitantes, origem de sistema legal anglo-saxão, socialista e francês, e pela variação negativa das variáveis culturais: individualismo e indulgência. Em outro teste realizado, foi detectado que os países que adotaram parcialmente as IPSAS, com aplicação do regime de competência, podem ser explicados pela variação positiva das variáveis PIB per capita, quantidade de habitantes e pela cultura individualista de uma sociedade; e pela variação negativa do índice de percepção da corrupção, origem de sistema legal escandinavo e variáveis culturais: masculinidade e orientação a longo prazo. A regressão logística que uni qualquer interesse pelas IPSAS mostrou que os países de origem socialista e com culturas com pouca desigualdade social, menos aversão à incerteza e poucos pragmáticos podem justificar tal escolha. Houve também uma relação positiva com o número de habitantes e o PIB per capita, que sugere que países mais populosos e desenvolvidos tendem adotar as IPSAS. As outras regressões logísticas testadas não permitiram inferência estatística. Ainda, em nenhuma regressão testada, houve comprovação de dependência entre a não permissão do IFRS pelos países com a não adoção das IPSAS. / This study investigates which cultural, social, political and economic factors influence the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards Applied to the Public Sector (International Public Sector Accounting Standards - IPSAS) by countries. Based on information provided by IFAC (2007) and Deloitte (2013) the different positions were analyzed and segregated taken by countries such as adoption of IPSAS completely; signaling intent to adopt; Partial adoption on a cash basis (Cash Basis) IPSAS; and adoption of the accrual basis based on IPSAS. The factors were raised GDP per capita; number of inhabitants; non-adoption of IFRS (International Financial Reporting Standards) by the countries; perception index of corruption; origin of the legal system; and cultural dimensions of Hofstede (2015), collected between 1995 and 2013 for 214 countries, initially. The methodological approach is applied logistic regression model (logit) based on Clements, Neill and Stovall (2010), adapted for panel data with random effects. The results indicate that countries that intend to adopt IPSAS can be explained by the positive variation of the variables GDP per capita, number of inhabitants, the origin of Anglo-Saxon legal system, socialist and French, and the negative variation of cultural variables: individualism and indulgence. In another test conducted, it was found that countries that have partially adopted the IPSAS, applying the accrual basis can be explained by the positive variation of the variables GDP per capita, number of inhabitants and the individualistic culture of a company; and the negative variation of the variables of the Corruption Perceptions Index, Scandinavian legal system of origin and cultural variables: masculinity and long-term orientation. As a complement, logistic regression that uni any interest in IPSAS showed that socialist countries of origin and cultures with little social inequality, less uncertainty avoidance and pragmatic few can justify such a choice. There was also a positive relationship with the number of inhabitants and GDP per capita, which suggests that more populated and developed countries tend to adopt IPSAS. The other tested logistic regressions did not allow statistical inference. Still, in any regression tested, there was evidence of dependency between the IFRS not allowed by the countries with the non-adoption of IPSAS.

O desenvolvimento da tecnologia da informação e das comunicações em todo o mundo propicia condições para que a comunidade internacional possa vir a se relacionar sem enfrentar os obstáculos oferecidos pelas barreiras geográficas ou temporais, bem como possa vir a atuar diretamente na defesa de seus interesses, acrescentando novas formas de disciplina do seu comportamento além dos tradicionais mecanismos normativos oferecidos pelo Estado. O direito fundamental de livre acesso à informação por intermédio da tecnologia digital deve ser garantido em igualdade de condições a todos os indivíduos, na qualidade de participantes da sociedade global, em obediência aos princípios e disposições contidos na Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, bem como da Declaração do Direito do Desenvolvimento e sua atualização na Declaração do Milênio. Ocorre, que, os países em desenvolvimento não participam dos beneficios da evolução tecnológica e por não estarem conectados à rede mundial, estão alijados do processo e excluídos do acesso à informação transmitida por via digital. Os Estados, que originalmente foram considerados os únicos sujeitos de direito na ordem internacional, não se mostram mais aptos a gerir, com eficácia, os interesses da sociedade, tornando-se incapazes de oferecer as condições necessárias para o exercício pleno da cidadania. O presente estudo visa ampliar os limites da discussão acadêmica a respeito dos efeitos produzidos pelo avanço tecnológico e pela globalização transpondo o debate para a ordem jurídica internacional. O exame dos documentos produzidos pela Cúpula Mundial da Sociedade da Informação, organizada pela UIT, por intermédio da ONU, demonstra que os representantes dos países membros, juntamente com a iniciativa privada e a sociedade civil foram capazes de produzir Declarações de Princípios e Planos de Ação contendo regras de utilização da tecnologia da informação e das telecomunicações de forma a eliminar as desigualdades, e criando a possibilidade de que a humanidade possa, finalmente, vir exercer seu direito ao desenvolvimento. Ademais, criação do Fórum de Governança da Internet, como decorrência da Cúpula Mundial da Sociedade da Informação, evidencia que as regras para a utilização da rede mundial dos computadores permanecem sob a responsabilidade da comunidade internacional, restando, portanto, demonstrado que atuação da sociedade civil, através de mecanismos próprios para proteger seus interesses, repercute diretamente na esfera internacional e merece ser levada em consideração no estudo das fontes de Direito Internacional. / The development of information technology and communications all over the world created the ideal conditions for the international community to the improvement of relationship without any of the obstacles caused by geographical or chronological barriers, and turned possible to civil society to act directly in the defense of its own interests, adding new forms of ruling its behaviors besides the traditional legal mechanisms offered by the State. The free and direct access to information in digital format must be guaranteed in equal conditions as a fundamental right to all individuals, in their condition of members of global society, in accordance with the principles and provisions established by the Universal Human Rights Declaration, as well as of the Declaration of the Right to Development, dully amended by the Millennium Declaration. Nevertheless, the developing countries cannot benefit from technological revolution and since they cannot not connect to the Internet they are maintained apart from this process and therefore are prevented to exercise their right of access to information transmitted in digital format. On the other hand, the States that originally were considered the sole subjects of rights in the international order are not capable anymore to efficiently manage the interests of civil society and therefore cannot offer the necessary conditions to the plain exercise of citizenship. This paper intends to wide the limits of the academic discussion already in place analyzing the effects of the technological revolution and globalization enlarging the debate to the level of the international legal order. The exam of the documents produced by World Summit of Information Society, organized by ITU, dully authorized by UN, demonstrates that the representatives of the member States, jointly with the private sector and the civil society, were able to prepare the Declaration of Principles, Plan of Action and other related documents disciplining the use of information technology and communications in order to eliminate the differences and conduct the human beings to the plain exercise to of their right to development. Furthermore, the establishment of the Internet Governance Forum as a consequence of the World Summit of Information Society provides strong evidences that the rules for Internet access shall remain in the hands of Non Governmental Organizations and moreover demonstrates that the utilization by civil society of specific legal mechanisms in order to protect its own interests, may generate important consequences for the international legal order and therefore deserves to be examined as a phenomenon affecting the sources of International Law.

C’est en 1758 que Rousseau constate qu’il ne peut achever rapidement les Institutions Politiques, et décide d’en séparer le Contrat social et Lettre à d’Alembert sur les spectacles. En 1761, Il finit de travailler sur une partie des textes de l’Abbé de Saint-Pierre qui lui permis d’avoir une approche claire avec les relations internationales. Ce texte dit extrait du projet de paix perpétuelle de l’abbé de Saint-Pierre se veut une solution de sortie de crise politique dans laquelle les États européens s’étaient engouffrés. Les premières notions telles l’idée d’une citoyenneté européenne ou d’une confédération voyaient le jour. / It is in 1758 that Rousseau finds that he can quickly complete the Political Institutions, and decided to separate the Social Contract and Letter to d'Alembert on the shows. In 1761 he finished work on a part of the texts of the Abbot of St. Peter which allowed him to have a clear approach to international relations. This text says excerpt of perpetual peace project of the Abbot of Saint-Pierre wants a political crisis solution in which European states were engulfed. The first such concepts the ideas of European citizenship or a confederation were emerging.

A rebours du schéma élaboré dans le cadre du Traité d’Abuja signé le 3 juin 1991 par les Etats membres de L’Organisation de l’unité Africaine (OUA), la divergence actuelle des systèmes régionaux africains constitue une dénaturation de l’approche convenue. Ce texte prévoit en effet dans son article 6, la création des Communautés économiques régionales (CER) comme une modalité de l’intégration continentale. A ce titre, huit CER sont aujourd’hui reconnues par l’Union Africaine : la Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) ; la Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique Centrale (CEEAC) ; la Communauté de l’Afrique de l’Est (CAE) ; la Southern Africa Development Community (SADC); l’Autorité Intergouvernementale pour le Développement (IGAD); le Marché Commun de l’Afrique Australe et Orientale (COMESA); l’Union du Maghreb Arabe (UMA); et la Communauté des Etats Sahélo-Sahariens (CEN-SAD). L’établissement de la Communauté économique africaine instituée par le Traité, reste subordonné à la réussite de ces systèmes communautaires régionaux. Toutefois, la multiplication d’autres organisations communautaires sous-régionales - en plus de celles reconnues - d’une part, et la mise en œuvre de programmes et activités similaires dans le domaine économique d’autre part, tendent à compromettre la réalisation du projet africain. Cette situation fait échec au concept de départ qui établit le principe d’une exclusivité régionale à la faveur de la CER reconnue. A cause de chevauchements des objectifs poursuivis, il s’ensuit entre les organisations régionales, des rapports de rivalité plutôt que de complémentarité, aboutissant à la coexistence des systèmes d’intégration concurrents. Les rapports entre les CER et l’Organisation continentale rendent également visibles les insuffisances liées à la coordination du processus projeté. L’Union Africaine ne disposant pas du tout ou pas suffisamment des moyens juridiques lui permettant une intrusion dans la mise en œuvre des programmes communautaires régionaux, l’application des dispositions du Traité d’Abuja par les CER, ne semble pas homogène. La matérialisation des ambitions affichées par les Etats signataires demeure à ce jour conditionnée par la rationalisation de l’intégration envisagée. Cette étude vise à proposer quelques pistes de solutions en ce sens. / In stark contrast to the vision which emerged from the Treaty of Abuja, ratified by the member states of the Organisation of African Unity on the 3rd of June 1991, the present divergence of regional systems in Africa constitutes a serious distortion of the approach that was agreed upon. Indeed, in Article 6, the treaty sets forth the “strengthening of existing regional economic communities” (RECs) as a means of achieving integration on a continental scale. Along these lines, the African Union now recognizes eight RECs: the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the East African Community (EAC), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), and the Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD). As laid out in the treaty, the establishment of the African Economic Community is entirely dependent upon the success of these regional community systems. At the same time, the increase of other community organisations at the sub-regional level, beyond those officially recognized, on the one hand, and the implementation of similar programmes and activities, on the other hand, tend to endanger the realisation of the African project. This situation flies in the face of the original idea, which was based on the principle of the regional exclusivity of the recognized RECs. As a result of the various overlapping goals that are being pursued by difference organisations, competitive rather than complimentary relations have led to a coexistence of rival systems of integration. The relations between the RECs and the continental organization (the AU) have also made apparent the inadequacy of the coordination procedure that had been envisaged. As the African Union does not have sufficient legal means at its disposal to intervene in the implementation of regional community programmes, the execution of the Treaty of Abuja by the RECs lacks homogeneity. In order to achieve the ambitions declared by those member states who signed the treaty, a rationalisation of the proposed integration is necessary. The present study puts forward several proposals as to how such a rationalisation may be accomplished.

La réparation des dommages environnementaux en droit international concerne le droit international public et le droit international privé. Considérant qu’une réparation efficiente des dommages environnementaux est difficilement réalisable par le seul biais du droit international public, la méthode du droit international privé contribue à une meilleure réparation des dommages. La limite du droit international public est liée à la difficulté d’harmoniser les règles matérielles environnementales dans les cadres nationaux, régionaux et internationaux. Une autre raison est le faible contrôle du déplacement des entreprises ainsi que la difficulté de les rendre responsables pour les dommages environnementaux commis. Le droit international de l’environnement nécessite un ensemble d’outils juridiques, publics et privés, ayant comme objectif la protection de l’environnement. Les outils publics comme les traités et les mécanismes de surveillance institutionnalisés doivent opérer en complémentarité avec les outils privés comme la responsabilité civile et l’arbitrage privé. L’utilisation du droit international privé permet d’organiser un ensemble de normes appartenant à différents espaces juridiques. Cette méthode permet l’utilisation, dans un Etat, de mesures juridiques prévues dans le système juridique d’un autre État sans qu’une uniformité ne soit exigée. Le droit international privé, par le biais d’une fonction environnementale accordée aux règles de conflit de lois et de juridictions, conduit à une meilleure interaction entre les espaces normatifs et entre les différentes branches du droit, ce qui favorise une coopération plus efficace pour la protection de l’environnement. / The reparation of environmental damages in international law concerns public and private international law. Due to the fact that efficient reparation of environmental damages is hardly achieved only by public international law, private international law methods can be used to fill the gaps of the former law field. Public international law limits are related to the difficulty of harmonising substantial environmental rules on national, regional and international context. Another reason is that it is hard to control company’s international movements and to hold them liable for damages committed. International environmental law depends on some public and private legal instruments in order to protect the environment. Public instruments such as treaties and Secretariats' mechanisms of control must work jointly with private instruments such as liability and arbitration. Private international law application is useful to organise rules from different legal orders. This methode enables the use of legal measures of one State in another State without looking for uniformity. Private international law, by the environmental function of conflict of laws and conflict of jurisdictions rules, paves the way towards a better interaction between different normative orders and between different law fields. It leads to a more effective cooperation for environmental protection.