Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-08-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:58:48Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 budini_tf_me_mar.pdf: 514083 bytes, checksum: 9ba3fc940ec356af624fc1b728a12d46 (MD5) / O trabalho retrata a diversificação do debate sobre “sociedade civil global” e sobre a ação política não-estatal além das fronteiras na literatura recente no campo das Relações Internacionais. O interesse no tema por parte de uma crescente gama de perspectivas teóricas reflete debates mais amplos em torno de conceitos que, ao lado da idéia de “sociedade civil global”, surgiram na disciplina a partir do início dos anos 1990. Apresenta-se como cenário desta pluralização a insuficiência da literatura de inspiração liberal para explicar a permanência das desigualdades e hierarquias de poder no sistema mundial. Parte do imaginário positivo associado à “sociedade civil global” reside na idéia de que a perda de autonomia em âmbito doméstico - causada pelos processos de “globalização” - poderia ser compensada com o ativismo transnacional e/ou global, ou seja, na idéia de reformular a mediação entre universalidade/particularidade, formalizada na constituição das fronteiras modernas. Desse modo, o objetivo é estabelecer diálogos entre as várias perspectivas e mapear estas discussões tanto no que se refere aos atores e processos diretamente envolvidos na ação política não-estatal transnacional, quanto apontar sua inserção no debate teórico sobre as transposições de fronteiras, rearticulações das relações entre o doméstico e o internacional e a idéia de constituição de um campo político “global” / This research shows the diversification of the debate on “global civil society” and the non-state political action beyond borders in the recent International Relations literature. The interest of an increasing variety of theoretical perspectives on these issues reflects wider debates on the concepts that – as the idea of “global civil society” – have emerged in the discipline since the beginning of the 1990s. The insufficiencies of liberal-oriented literature to explain the maintenance of inequalities and power hierarchies in the world system is the background to this diversification. Part of the positive image associated to a “global civil society” lies on the idea that the lost of autonomy in domestic realm – engendered by the globalization processes – could be counterbalanced with the transnational/global activism, that is to say in the idea of reformulating the mediation between universality/particularity formalized by the constitution of modern political boundaries. The objective is establishing dialogues between these variety of perspectives and mapping these discussions, not only in relation to the actors and process directly involved in the transnational political action, but also shedding light in their intersection with the wider and more theoretical debate on the problem of borders, of mediation

L’échec des négociations sur le climat en 2009 à Copenhague invite à penser un modèle complémentaire de gouvernance internationale environnementale, dont les prémisses ont émergé par la voix des États insulaires de l’AOSIS. Des États, se regroupant sur la base d’une perception du risque partagée, mettant en exergue des fragilités grandissantes, telle est la base de départ de cette enquête. Le niveau régional se présente comme l’un des compléments à la crise de l’universalisme. Mais penser un niveau de gouvernance internationale en environnement requiert d’identifier les conditions d’émergence de celui-ci et de son efficacité. Nous nous concentrerons sur les premières. Nous interrogerons l’identité des acteurs de sa création, les outils qu’ils utilisent et les raisons pour lesquelles est créé ce régionalisme permettant de lutter contre les changements climatiques. Différents courants des relations internationales proposent une approche théorique de la coopération régionale et plus génériquement du régionalisme, sans pour autant qu’un modèle uniforme n’ait été identifié. L’approche théorique par le biais de problématiques environnementales au niveau régional nécessite l’intervention de plusieurs courants permettant d’expliquer le phénomène : le constructivisme par la construction de l’objet sécuritaire, les théories de la stabilité hégémonique par la recherche d’un hégémon régional incitant les autres États à coopérer, le néolibéralisme institutionnel pour expliquer le rôle des réseaux et la recherche du gain que les États peuvent espérer en entrant dans le processus coopératif, les théories de l’interdépendance complexe par l’intervention d’acteurs non étatiques. Ces différentes approches parviennent-elles ou échouent-elles à expliquer ce phénomène ? / The failure of the climate negotiations in Copenhagen in 2009 prompts us to reflect on a complementary model of international environmental governance, whose premises have emerged through the voice of the island States of AOSIS. States, coming together on the basis of a shared perception of risk, highlighting increasing fragilities, this is the starting point of this investigation. The regional level is presented as one of the complements to the crisis of universalism. But reflecting on alevel of international governance environment requires identifying the conditions for its emergence and for its efficiency. We will focus on the first ones. We will question the identity of the actors of its creation, the tools they use and the reasons why this regionalism, allowing fighting against climate change, is created. Various trends of international relations offer a theoretical approach to regional cooperation, and regionalism more generically, without having identified a uniform model. The theoretical approach through environmental issues at the regional level requires the intervention of several schools of thought to explain the phenomenon: constructivism by building a climate threat and its perception , theories of hegemonic stability by seeking a regional hegemon encouraging other States to cooperate, institutional neoliberalism to explain the role of networks and the search for profit States can expect by entering the cooperative process, theories of complex interdependence through the intervention of non- State actors. Do these various approaches succeed or fail to explain this phenomenon?

[pt] O argumento principal da dissertação é que o processo de interação entre Ucrânia e Rússia no pós-URSS dá origem a identidade social de inimigo, a qual é a fonte dos conflitos de interesse entre os dois países. Para sustentar o argumento, propõe-se um modelo teórico com base na importância das idéias para a constituição dos interesses e na crença de que os interesses são determinados pelas identidades. Depois, demonstra-se porque a identidade entre os dois países é de inimigo. A Rússia não admite a independência da Ucrânia, a qual reage denunciando a mentalidade imperial russa. A Rússia aceita o papel atribuído ao manifestar sua pretensão sobre o território ucraniano. Em resposta, a Ucrânia assegura a posse de armas nucleares para se defender de uma possível agressão russa. No final do processo, a identidade de inimigo está construída. A reação dos dois países à expansão da OTAN é utilizada para ilustrar as conseqüências da inimizade. Como as identidades determinam os interesses, as relações entre Estados amigos envolvem interesses comuns, e entre inimigos, interesses divergentes. Assim, a percepção de ameaça é compartilhada entre amigos e, entre inimigos, o amigo de um se torna o inimigo de outro. Por isso a Ucrânia coopera com a OTAN em busca de proteção, enquanto a Rússia não aceita sua expansão. A fim de evitar que os conflitos entre Ucrânia e Rússia representem uma ameaça à segurança da Europa, é necessário que a identidade construída na interação entre eles seja transformada. / [en] The main argument of this dissertation is that the interaction between the Ukraine and Russia generates a social identity of enmity, which is the source of the conflict of interests between the two countries. In order to defend the argument, a theoretical model is proposed based on the importance of ideas to the constitution of interests and on the belief that interests are determined by identities. The next task is to demonstrate why the relationship between the two countries is one of enmity. Russia does not admit the independence of Ukraine, which reacts accusing Russia of imperial mentality. Russia accepts this conferred role when it manifests its claim over the Ukrainian territory. As a result, Ukraine assures its possession of nuclear weapons to defend itself from a potential Russian aggression. By the end of the process, an enemy`s identity is already constructed. The reaction of both countries towards NATO`s expansion is used to illustrate the consequences of enmity. Because identities determine interests, the relationship between friend States involves common interests, whereas that between foes involves divergent interests. The perception of a threat is shared by friends. Between enemies, the friend of one becomes the enemy of the other. That is why Ukraine cooperates with NATO and Russia does not accept its expansion. In order to avoid that the conflicts between Ukraine and Russia become a threat to Europe`s security, it is necessary to change the identity constructed in through their interaction.

[pt] O propósito desta dissertação é desconsagrar o caráter heróico que a obra de Hobbes assumiu para os estudantes de relações internacionais ao ter sido enquadrada - junto às de Tucídides, Maquiavel, Rousseau, Hegel e etc. - na histórica épica realista. Veremos, no primeiro capítulo, que a subsunção do filósofo à tradição realista é raramente questionada, mesmo pelos críticos das concepções veiculadas por essa tradição. O nome de Hobbes permanece, em grande medida, associado à analogia entre anarquia internacional e estado de natureza. No segundo capítulo, deixaremos em evidência a confluência dos elementos do estado de natureza hobbesiano para a descrição/explicação da política internacional levada a cabo pelos ilustres expoentes do realismo, Hans Morgenthau e Kenneth Waltz. Por último, resgataremos o caráter hipotético do modelo de estado de natureza, dando ênfase especial ao reconhecimento de Hobbes à limitação de seu reducionismo motivacional para a descrição da realidade. Também, partindo do pressuposto de que a dicotomia interno-externo era inexistente na época de Hobbes, exploraremos, a partir de sua obra, o argumento de que a paz internacional estaria diretamente relacionada à resolução do problema da ordem nas sociedades domésticas. / [en] The purpose of this dissertation is to deconsecrate the heroic status that international relations students have attached to Hobbes`s texts - an attachment that results from their inclusion, together with texts by Thucydides, Machiavelli, Rousseau and Hegel, in a realist epic history. In the first chapter, we will see that the subsuming of the philosopher under the realist tradition is rarely questioned, even by the critics of the conceptions endorsed by it. The name of Hobbes remains, in a large extent, associated to the analogy between international anarchy and the state of nature. In the second chapter, we`ll clarify the confluence from the elements of the hobbesian state of nature to the description/explanation of international politics elaborated by the two of realism`s remarkable exponents: Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz. For last, we`ll bring to light the hypothetical status of the state of nature model, emphasizing the fact that Hobbes himself recognized the limitation of its motivational reductionism to the description of reality. Also, having taken as a premise the fact that the dichotomy inside/outside did not exist in Hobbes`s time, we`ll explore the argument that international peace would be directly associated to the resolution of the problem of order in domestic societies.

Mexico and China established official diplomatic relations in 1972. Since then, their mutual economic, political and social links have been developed in an unprecedented way. However, from the perspective of International Relations, the analytical richness of the relationship is obscured by hegemonic conceptualisations of global power, materiality or teleological truths. The literature dealing with the relation in itself has not prioritised a theoretical or holistic approach. Through an analysis of the discursive production of a series of diplomatic, media and academic sources, this thesis demonstrates that, embedded in the great technological and political transformations of the contemporary world, Mexico‐China relations have embodied a complex process of knowledge formation out of the confrontation of their socially constructed conceptions of time, space and otherness: a cultural encounter. During the period from 1972‐2012, not only did Mexico‐China relations involve state and trade interactions, but also a complex intellectual construction of the world and of themselves ranging from the formation of a common anti‐Western identity and the erection of binary oppositions between them, to the formulation of rich proposals for self-criticism and cultural learning. Mexico-China cultural encounter, therefore, provides a fundamental case for understanding world politics and human interaction from a truly global perspective beyond reductionist views of materiality.

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The intent for this thesis is to explain and inform the process of the Iranian Nuclear Program throughout the last decades. The stand of the Islamic Republic of Iran has brought very delicate issues and confrontations to the international community. This thesis discusses the history of key countries that play an important part into developing the Iranian nuclear program. These countries being the United States, Israel, Russia and other countries part of the UN Security Council. This thesis also attempts to analyze and focuses on the domestic policies the government of Iran and its people have interacted with the nuclear deal. The nuclear deal between the UN Security Council members and the Islamic Republic of Iran have shown an array of acceptance and rejection within, specially, the United States, Arab countries in the region and Israel. The implementations of the solution to future confrontation are probably the main ideal to a healthy international community who can adapt to new measures and policies to a safer world. Using classical realist theory, based on Hans J. Morgenthau realist theory, the Iranian nuclear program could be explained with a different perspective. There are other international relations theories that could help explaining Iran’s government behavior and how it interacts with the international community. Iran’s move in the past years has shown progress towards the international community and has lowered the potential military action against Iran. Some countries like Israel continue on the dissatisfaction against the nuclear deal signed by Iran and the UN Security Council member countries. This thesis will show the behavior the country of Iran has had towards other countries based on their domestic policy.

Recent AI advancements have prompted calls for regulatory measures, which have faced opposition due to foreign policy concerns about China. This study researches the origins and implications of these concerns by analyzing U.S. public opinion toward China in the context of AI and foreign policy. It examines how these attitudes correlate with social and political factors and uses the ‘Micro-Foundation of International Relations Theory’ to assess potential impact on U.S. policies. The research employs a quantitative analysis of 2018 survey data from the Future of Humanity Institute at Oxford University. Using game theory models, the study operationalizes foreign policy attitudes through survey responses. Responses are analyzed utilizing cluster analysis, logistic regression, and multinomial logistic regression. The results indicate that 21% of the U.S. population adopts more conflict-promoting views, likely individuals with high political capital and conservative leaning. Another 29% share the first group’s general opinions and characteristics but differentiate in prioritizing U.S.-led de-escalation and liberal-leaning. 29% support cooperation with China but also preemptive armament; they are younger, liberal-leaning, and have lower political capital. 20% abstained from expressing clear opinions due to lack of knowledge, indicating socio-economic disparities. Policy implications include a future high risk of an AI arms race.

[pt] A tese investiga as narrativas de crise e crítica na trajetória das teorias de relações internacionais, a fim de compreender como o atual debate acerca do fim ou crise da disciplina expõe os limites paradoxos da crítica neste campo. Para tanto, a tese está dividida em dois movimentos estruturantes. No primeiro movimento (Capítulos 2 a 4), questiona-se as atuais narrativas da crise teórica em sua trajetória histórica e conceitual, a fim de debater suas implicações políticas e axiológicas. No segundo movimento (Capítulos 5 a 7), explora-se o status teórico das narrativas críticas contemporâneas, a tendência para a análise crítica incorrer em dogmatismo, e a possibilidade de resistir o potencial dogmático das narrativas de crise nas relações internacionais. De maneira geral, a análise apresenta crise e crítica como diferentes possibilidades de articular a política moderna, apoiadas em pressupostos distintos sobre (i) temporalidade, (ii) soberania, e (iii) conhecimento. Consequentemente, a tese argumenta que os pontos mais vulneráveis das narrativas de crise na política internacional se dão em relação aos limites do sujeito do conhecimento e da política soberana de amigos e inimigos. Nesse contexto, uma abordagem mais efetivamente crítica da política deve oferecer um enquadramento distinto do problema, no qual o sujeito estético abra a possibilidade de buscar formas de universalidade que se baseiem em uma afirmação mais profunda da diferença e da pluralidade, bem como em um maior entendimento dos limites das narrativas - mesmo as mais progressistas - sobre o sujeito soberano do conhecimento. Esse argumento aponta para a necessidade de as teorias de relações internacionais irem além de si mesmas. / [en] The dissertation investigates the narratives of crisis and critique expressed at significant moments in the history of international relations theory in order to explain how recent debates on the end or crisis of international relations theory expose the paradoxical limits of critique in this field. The dissertation is structured by two organizing movements. The first movement, Chapters 2-4, examines the recent debates about a crisis of theorizing, placing them in their historical and conceptual context, and highlighting their axiological and political stakes. The second movement, Chapters 5-7, explores the contemporary theoretical status of claims to critique, the tendency for critical analysis to relapse into dogma, and the possibility of resisting the dogmatic potential of narratives of crisis in international relations. The overall analysis presents crisis and critique as two different possibilities of framing modern politics, predicated on diverging assumptions about (i) temporality, (ii) sovereignty, and (iii) knowledge. As a consequence, the dissertation argues that the points at which claims about crisis and international politics become most vulnerable to dogmatic tendencies occur in relation to the limits of the subject of knowledge and the sovereign politics of friends and enemies. A more effectively critical approach to politics in this context must work through a different framing in which the aesthetic subject may pursue claims to universality that rest on much stronger affirmations of difference and plurality and a much greater awareness of the limits of established and even progressive accounts of a sovereign subject of knowledge. Thus international relations theory must consider what it means to go beyond itself.