Située dans le discours actuel à la mode sur la diversité culturelle, l’objet de cette thèse consiste à comprendre l’orientation pratique d’une organisation internationale en matière de gestion de sa diversité culturelle interne. Il propose que, face aux changements qui ont modifié la configuration sociodémographique de la sphère organisationnelle, il serait intéressant de partir d’une organisation pour laquelle la diversité est une tradition tributaire de son fonctionnement. L’organisation sujet d’étude est internationale, affiliée à l’Unesco. Cette dernière étant reconnue pour son mandat qui valorise et protège les cultures. L’ancrage épistémologique de la thèse est bi-disciplinaire. Il considère deux champs théoriques sur lesquels se construit la diversité culturelle. Le premier est forgé dans les théories de management dites « occidentales » sur la diversité. Le deuxième champ, s’établit sur une approche dynamique de la culture apportée par les « Cross-Cultural Studies ». La méthodologie que nous avons mobilisée pour cette recherche est principalement qualitative. Elle est également diverse puisqu’elle veut identifier trois niveaux d’analyses. D’abord, l’étude historique réalisée se fonde sur l’analyse d’articles choisis tirés des archives de l’« organisation mère » (Unesco). Elle se veut être une étude exhaustive qui révèle l’évolution du discours « global » de cette organisation sur la diversité culturelle depuis sa création. Ensuite, afin de mieux comprendre le discours interne de l’Organisation sur la diversité culturelle, une analyse du contenu d’un « halo » de ses politiques internes a lieu. Elle nous permet de comprendre la valeur que prend la diversité culturelle dans son discours « organisationnel » dans la période de temps que nous traitons. Enfin, les histoires « individuelles » des acteurs de la diversité culturelle, apportent une description riche et, complètent l’analyse avec leurs interprétions des pratiques de gestions mises en place à leur égard. Des éléments de recherche sous adjacentes sont aussi amenés dans la thèse et font également partie du processus de l’analyse de la pratique de la diversité culturelle dans l’Organisation. En effet, la thèse se penche sur le problème conceptuel sur la « diversité culturelle ». Elle apporte des éclaircissements à la terminologie à travers l’analyse de ses différents emplois dans la littérature organisationnelle. Par ailleurs, elle clarifie la notion d’organisation internationale et propose une description du contexte unesquien défini par sa diversité culturelle interne. L’ensemble des niveaux examinés a permis de mettre en évidence une double constatation. D’une part, le paradoxe entre les trois niveaux. D’autre part, la neutralité des pratiques de gestion de la diversité culturelle pour les employés et la demande implicite de reconnaissance de leurs identités culturelles. Des recommandations sont proposées et des suggestions pour de recherches ultérieures sont formulées à la conclusion de la thèse. / The thesis is developed in the current “in vogue” speech on cultural diversity. The main objective of our purpose consists in understanding the orientation of an international organization regarding the management of its cultural diversity. We think that, according to the change that modifies the socio-demographic configurations of the organizational context, it would be interesting to study an organization for which diversity is a tradition of its functioning. Our subject of study is an international organization affiliated to Unesco. The latter is recognized for its position, which values and protects the cultures. The field of knowledge is bi-disciplinary. The first one is forged in the theories of management on diversity. The second field comes from “Cross-Cultural Studies”. The methodological approach is also diversified in order to identify three levels of analysis of the cultural diversity in the Organisation. First, we have realized a historic study, based on the analysis of chosen articles from Unesco’s archives. It aims to reveal the evolution of the global discourse on cultural diversity, since its creation. Then, to better understand the internal organisational discourse about its cultural diversity, an analysis of the content of a “halo” of the internal policies takes place. This analysis allows us to understand the value of cultural diversity in a particular period. Finally, the stories of the actors of cultural diversity bring a rich description and complete the analysis with the interpretation of these actors of the management of the cultural diversity in the Organization. Additional elements of search are brought in the thesis and they are a part of the process of the analysis of the global orientation of the Organisation on the cultural diversity. We bring clarifications to the terminology of cultural diversity though an analysis of its use on the organisational literature. Besides, the thesis clarifies the notion of international organisation and proposes a description of the unesquian context defined by its internal cultural diversity. All the examined levels allowed highlighting a double observation. On one hand the paradox between the three levels; Global-organisational-individual. On the other hand, the neutrality of the practices of management of the cultural diversity and the request of recognition of the cultural identities, implicitly formulated by them. In conclusion, we provide the contributions and limitations of the thesis and we propose research possibilities.

L’objet de cette thèse est de vérifier la conviction des organisations internationales, qui considèrent les radios communautaires comme un outil efficace de développement économique et humain. En raison de leur implantation locale et de leur capacité à retransmettre de l’information en langue locale, ces radios sont en effet considérées comme des relais de développement face aux États défaillants. Elles sont aussi représentatives d’un développement participatif, supposé plus efficace que le traditionnel axe de développement « top-down ». La question, relativement nouvelle sur le plan théorique, s’avère aujourd’hui primordiale tant les politiques de développement successives, promues par les États comme par les organisations internationales, ont été génératrices de désillusions dans de nombreux pays en développement. En raison de l’absence d’une littérature théorique fournie sur la relation entre développement des radios communautaires et développement économique, l’enquête de terrain a été le pilier principal de notre analyse. Pour des raisons de faisabilité et de représentativité, nous avons choisi de la réaliser au Sénégal. Aidée par la statistique, plus particulièrement par la régression logistique et éclairée par une synthèse de l’abondante littérature théorique sur les questions de développement, notre étude défend l’idée que, si les radios communautaires constituent bien un outil de développement au potentiel affirmé, leur impact est actuellement bridé par de nombreuses limites. Une fois ces limites recensées, nous avançons des propositions pour permettre aux radios communautaires de devenir un outil véritablement efficace de développement économique et humain. / The purpose of this thesis is to examine the conviction of international organisations that consider community radios as an effective tool for economic and human development. Community radios are in fact regarded as a new source of growth to stand up to failing states due to their local presence and ability to broadcast information in local language. They are also representative of a participatory development considered as more effective than the traditional development "top-down" axis. This issue, which is quite recent in theoretical level, is very crucial since successive development policies promoted by states and international organisations have generated disappointments in many developing countries, particularly on the African continent.Due to a lack of theoretical literature in regards to the relationship between community radios development and economic and human development, the field survey was the mainstay of our analysis. We chose to perform the field survey in Senegal for reasons of practicalities and representativeness. Supported by statistics, particularly logistic regressions, and by a summary of a rich theoretical literature on development issues, our analysis convincingly argue that if community radios are a good development tool, their impact is nevertheless currently constrained by a number of limits, including their low budget. Once these limitations are identified, we will put forward proposals to allow community radios to become a truly effective tool for economic and human development while considering cooperatives or promoting the development of radio listening clubs.

Diferentemente das abordagens estadocêntricas clássicas que valorizam processos decisórios top-down, os recentes estudos sobre a atuação da sociedade civil internacional têm desempenhado importante papel nos enfoques que valorizam as dinâmicas de cooperação bottom-up. Dentre elas, a abordagem gramsciana parte da perspectiva de que a sociedade civil internacional é portadora de projetos hegemônicos alternativos, sendo o lócus onde se concentrariam as forças potencialmente transformadoras da ordem estabelecida. Assim, ao partir da perspectiva gramsciana, o analista depara-se com o potencial que a sociedade civil possui de transformação da realidade. Nela encontram-se os movimentos sociais que, através de sua atuação nas arenas internacionais de negociação, buscam resistir à hegemonia da globalização neoliberal. Dessa maneira, por meio de sua atuação em escala global, os movimentos sociais de resistência procuram expandir sua esfera de consenso em relação a seus projetos alternativos de desenvolvimento. Nesse sentido, este trabalho objetiva demonstrar como se dá a abordagem dos movimentos sociais de resistência nas Relações Internacionais a partir de sua introdução na categoria analítica de \"contra-hegemonia\", tendo por referencial teórico alguns dos conceitos de Gramsci e a tradução destes conceitos para a área das Relações Internacionais realizada por Robert Cox. Dentre os movimentos sociais de resistência que atuam em escala global, encontra-se a Via Campesina. Atuando junto à Organização das Nações Unidas para Agricultura e Alimentação (FAO), a Via Campesina tem projetado um discurso alternativo, consubstanciado pelo conceito de Soberania Alimentar, ao discurso capitalista enredado nas políticas agrícolas internacionais. Assim, objetiva-se apresentar alguns resultados da análise dessa interação, enfocando a problemática da modificação genética dos recursos fitogenéticos e o contraponto estabelecido pela Via Campesina à concepção de Segurança Alimentar sustentada pela FAO. Tendo em vista que a ação política internacional dos movimentos sociais vem sendo objeto de consideração da literatura científica de Relações Internacionais, o propósito é desenvolver uma leitura interdisciplinar do assunto, de modo a problematizar quais as possibilidades e limitações da área de Relações Internacionais em analisar o tema. Para tanto, privilegia-se esta análise a partir da perspectiva da Teoria Crítica, buscando abordar como a sociedade civil, traduzida de termos gramscianos, possui a capacidade de influenciar a hierarquia da política internacional intergovernamental por meio de sua atuação transnacional direcionada ao questionamento da manutenção e reprodução da ordem social capitalista. / Unlike the classical state-centric approaches which value top-down decision-making processes, recent studies about the performance of international civil society have played an important role on the approaches that value bottom-up cooperation dynamics. Among them, the Gramscian approach departs from the perspective that international civil society is the bearer of alternative hegemonic projects, being the locus where potential forces that can change the established order are concentrated. Thus, from the Gramscian perspective, the analyst faces the potential that civil society has to transform the reality. Included in this concept, are social movements that, through its action in the international negotiation arenas, seek to resist to the hegemony of the neoliberal globalization. There for, through its action on a global scale, the resistance social movements seek to expand their sphere of consensus regarding their alternative projects of development. In this sense, this paper aims to demonstrate how is the approach of the resistance social movements in International Relations by their introduction in the analytical category of \"counter-hegemony\", and by taking some of the Gramsci\'s theoretical concepts and its translation to the field of International Relations executed by Robert Cox. Among the resistance social movements that act on a global scale, it is located La Vía Campesina. Acting within Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), La Vía Campesina has designed an alternative discourse, embodied by the concept of Food Sovereignty, to the capitalist discourse existent in international agriculture policies. Thus, it is aimed to present some results of the analysis of this interaction, focusing on the genetic modification of plant genetic resources issue and on the counterpoint provided by La Vía Campesina to actual concept of Food Security supported by FAO. Given that the international political action of the resistance social movements has been subject of consideration of the scientific literature in International Relations, the purpose is to develop an interdisciplinary reading of the thematic, in order to discuss the possibilities and limitations of International Relations in analyzing the theme. Therefore, the focus is the analysis from the Critical Theory perspective, seeking to address how civil society, translated from Gramscian terms, has the capacity to influence the international intergovernmental political hierarchy through its transnational activity driven to questioning the maintenance and reproduction of the capitalist social order.

La notion de souveraineté est souvent analysée, interprétée et critiquée sous un angle purement individualiste, comme appartenant à l'État. Toutefois, en raison de la pluralité des États qui caractérise le droit international, la souveraineté est une notion nécessairement pluraliste. L'analyse de la structure normative et institutionnelle de l'ordre juridique international montre effectivement que la souveraineté appartient à l'ensemble des États et signifie et assure leur statut privilégié dans cet ordre juridique. Dès lors, la souveraineté devient une qualité pour justifier les privilèges et les exclusivités des États par rapport aux autres entités de la scène internationale: tout dérive des États et tout doit nécessairement et obligatoirement passer par les États. Cependant, il existe un certain nombre de phénomènes qui affectent cette configuration état-centrique de l'ordre juridique international. Il s'agit notamment des phénomènes dits de la mondialisation qui font fi des divisions spatiales fondées sur l'organisation politique des États. Dans ce processus de mondialisation qui rend floues et in effectives les frontières étatiques, le rôle des États se trouve de plus en plus affaibli et remis en question. L'émergence de nouveaux acteurs représentatifs et des normativités alternatives est la manifestationde cette évolution qui va dans le sens d'un dépassement de la conception état-centrique du droit international et, par conséquent, d'une remise en question de la souveraineté des États. / The notion of sovereignty has often been analyzed, interpreted and criticized in purely individualistic terms and deemed to belong to the State. However, due to the plurality of States characterizing the international law, the sovereignty becomes necessarily a pluralistic notion. The analysis of the normative and institutional structure of the international legal order shows, indeed, that the sovereignty belongs to ail States and also means and ensures their prevailing status in this legal order. As a consequence, sovereignty becomes a quality for justifying the privileges and exc\usivities of State in comparison to other entities on the international scene: everything derives from the State and must also necessarily and absolutely be achieved through the State. However, there are a number of phenomena affecting this State-centric configuration of the international legal order. These are the phenomena of the globalization, which flout spatial divisions based on the politicalorganization of the States. The raIe of State has increasingly become weaker and question able in this process of globalization, which renders State borders blurry and ineffective. The emergence of new representative players and alternative normativity reflects this development which is in line with an overrun of the Statecentric concept of the international law and, consequently, calls into question the State sovereignty.

Le Mercosur est une organisation d’intégration économique régionale regroupant l’Argentine, le Brésil, le Paraguay, l’Uruguay et le Venezuela. Ayant un but essentiellement économique à l’origine, son traité constitutif ne laissait prévoir aucun développement dans le sens d’une éventuelle préoccupation concernant la protection des droits de l’homme. Suite à la crise institutionnelle du début des années 2000, les États membres ont été obligés à repenser le format du groupe et ont privilégié un modèle qui diminuait l’approche économique au profit d’un Mercosur plus politique, mis en œuvre dans le Programme de Travail 2004-2006. À partir de ce moment, une architecture institutionnelle et normative s’est développée au sein du Mercosur sur une thématique plus politique et concernant aussi spécifiquement les droits de l’homme. La question qui se pose est donc de savoir à qui revient la compétence d’apprécier des questions de violations relatives aux droits de l’homme au sein du Mercosur : à un contrôle interne par les organes composant le système de résolution des différends du Mercosur ou à un contrôle externalisé par les organes du système interaméricain de protection des droits de l’homme ? La place des droits de l’homme dans le Mercosur à la lumière de l’expérience européenne est une étude sur les droits de l’homme dans le Mercosur sous un angle comparatiste avec le droit de l’Union européenne. / Mercosur is a regional economic integration organization comprising Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela. As Mercosur was originally established for economic purposes, the constitutive treaty does not contain provisions on the protection of human rights. An institutional crisis in Mercosur in the early 2000s forced the Member States to rethink the design of the organization. At the end, a more political model was chosen instead of the original purely economic approach, which was implemented in the Working program 2004-2006. From that moment onwards, an institutional and normative architecture was developed implementing its more political character, including provisions on human rights. This evolution triggers the question of who has the authority to determine issues relating to violations of human rights in Mercosur and via which procedure should this take place. Should the dispute resolution organs of Mercosur be in charge via internal control or is itpreferable that the monitoring will be outsourced to the Inter-American system of protection of human rights? The place of human rights in the Mercosur in the light of the European experience is a study on human rights in Mercosur from a comparative perspective with the law of the European Union.

Les pays d'Asie du Sud-Est ont, très tôt dans leur période post-coloniale, envisagé de se regrouper pour former une organisation régionale : l’Association des nations d’Asie du Sud-Est, dénommée l’ANASE ou, plus communément appelée par son sigle anglais, ASEAN. En nous appuyant sur l’exemple de l’ASEAN, nous aborderons le concept d’intégration régionale économique sous son angle juridique, en cherchant notamment à le distinguer des vocables contigus de régionalisme, régionalisation ou encore de coopération économique. Quelles sont les caractéristiques d'une intégration régionale? Ses manifestations? En dépit de l'hétérogénéité des organisations régionales ayant pour objectif de construire une intégration économique dans une région donnée, quels sont les points communs qu’un juriste peut observer? Comment décrypter l’ASEAN grâce au processus d’intégration économique qu’elle conduit et à la stratégie qu’elle a choisie? Quelles sont ses particularités? Quels défis doit-elle relever pour atteindre ses objectifs d’intégration à travers les trois dimensions communautaires : économique, politico-sécuritaire et socio-culturelle? De quels soutiens externes l’ASEAN peut-elle bénéficier pour renforcer son processus d’intégration régionale ? Le rapprochement entre pays d’Asie du Sud-Est s’appuie sur l’intergouvernementalité et la sauvegarde absolue de la souveraineté de ses Etats membres qui conduisent à privilégier le recours au droit souple plutôt qu’au droit dur dans leur production normative. L’approche adoptée prendra soin de se différencier de celles de l'économiste, du politiste ou du spécialiste des relations internationales et ouvrira sur des points de vue extra-européens. Les spécificités de l’ASEAN et sa dimension interne seront abordées dans un premier temps, tandis que la seconde partie couvrira la dynamique externe de l’intégration économique de l’ASEAN à partir d’un choix sélectif de partenariats (UE, accords de libre-échange, Banque asiatique du développement, APEC). / The countries located in Southeast Asia have, very soon, during the postcolonial period, foreseen to regroup to forming a regional organization named “ASEAN” (Association of nations of Southeast Asia). We would like to address the concept of economic regional integration from a legal perspective based on the example of ASEAN. This will in particular lead us to distinguish such a concept with other terms similar or very closed, such as regionalism, regionalization and economic cooperation. What are the features of regional integration? What are its manifestations? Despite all the diversity of regional organizations the purpose of which is to build an economic integration within a specific region, what are the common features that a lawyer can observe? How to reveal the ASEAN regional organization through the economic integration process it has launched and strategies chosen by it? What are its peculiarities? What are the challenges it has to face to achieve its integration goals through the following three dimensions: the ASEAN Economic Community, the ASEAN Political &Security Community, and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community? What external support can ASEAN receive to strengthen its regional integration process? Southeast Asian countries look for a closer proximity between themselves on the basis of intergovernmentality and with the deep concern of recognition and protection of their sovereignty that lead to favor Soft law more than hard law in decision-making production. Our approach will be well differentiated from those adopted so far by the economists and political scientists or experts in international relations and will not be reductive to a Eurocentric viewpoint. The main features and the internal dimension of the ASEAN will be addressed in a first part, while the second part will be devoted to the external dynamic of the economic integration of the ASEAN based on a selective choice of partnerships (EU, free trade agreements, Asian Development Bank, APEC).

La presente tesi di dottorato valuta i rapporti tra le organizzazioni della società civile e le istituzioni internazionali nel sistema della cooperazione per lo sviluppo, attraverso l'analisi delle politiche della Banca Mondiale e dell'Unione Europea, che risultano gli attori multilaterali più rilevanti nell'allocazione e gestione dei finanziamenti dell'Aiuto Pubblico allo Sviluppo (APS). Nel quadro di relazioni cooperative-dialettiche, si verificano le funzioni degli interlocutori della società civile nel rapporto con le due organizzazioni internazionali e i livelli di partnership. Si analizzano alcuni nodi problematici come la valutazione della performance dei progetti delle organizzazioni della società civile (OSC), per verificarne il valore aggiunto; la dicotomia tra un approccio top-down e bottom-up nella pianificazione di processi di sviluppo locale; la rappresentatività e l'efficacia del contributo delle OSC alla global governance per lo sviluppo. Si presentano anche due casi empirici di progetti realizzati da una stessa OSC, finanziati dalle due istituzioni considerate, al fine di favorire, attraverso l'analisi “micro”, la comprensione di eventuali diversità rispetto al quadro teorico, alle procedure sul “ciclo di progetto” e ai rilevamenti quantitativi presentati. Complessivamente, emerge che la cooperazione tra OSC e le istituzioni internazionali ha maggiori benefici che costi e conduce ad una partnership win-win per entrambi. / The present PhD thesis considers the relationships between the organisations of civil society and the international institutions in development cooperation's system through the analysis of the World Bank's and the European Union's policies. In the frame of cooperative and dialectic relationships will be verified the functions of the interlocutors of the civil society in relationship with the two international organisations and levels of partnership. Some problematic knots will be analysed such as the evaluation of projects' performance of the organisations of the social society (OSC) in order to verify the added value; the dichotomy between a top-down and bottom-up approach in the process planning of the local development; the representation and effectiveness of the OSC's contribution to the global governance for development. Two empirical cases of projects realised by an OCE will be showed. These are financed by the two above considered institutions in order to favour, through a “micro” analysis, the comprehension of possible differences regard to the theoretical picture, to the procedures of the project cycle and to the quantitative showed survey. Altogether it appears that the cooperation between the OSC and the international institutions has more benefits than costs and leads to a win-win partnership.

In this research, it was mainly aimed to develop an acceptance model for processes, namely the process acceptance model (PAM). For this purpose, a questionnaire, comprising 3-part and 81-question, was developed to collect quantitative and qualitative data from people having relationships with certain process-focused models and/or standards (CMMI, ISO 15504, ISO 9001, ISO 27001, AQAP-160, AQAP-2110, and/or AS 9100). To revise and refine the questionnaire, expert reviews were ensured, and a pilot study was conducted with 60 usable responses. After reviews, refinements and piloting, the questionnaire was deployed to collect data and in-total 368 usable responses were collected from the people. Here, collected data were screened concerning incorrectly entered data, missing data, outliers and normality, and reliability and validity of the questionnaire were ensured. Partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS SEM) was applied to develop the PAM. In this context, exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were applied, and the initial model was estimated and evaluated. The initial model was modified as required by PLS SEM, and confirmatory factor analysis was repeated, and the modified final model was estimated and evaluated. Consequently, the PAM, with 18 factors and their statistically significant relationships, was developed. Furthermore, descriptive statistics and t-tests were applied to discover some interesting, meaningful, and important points to be taken into account regarding the acceptance of processes. Moreover, collected quantitative data were analyzed, and three additional factors were discovered regarding the acceptance of processes. Besides, a checklist to test and/or promote the acceptance of processes was established.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar e compreender a influência e capacidade das organizações internacionais para apoiar e fortalecer o processo de integração regional sulamericano, tomando como modelo deste enfoque a Organização do Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica (OTCA). Este objetivo deriva do fato de que a proposta inicial da Comunidade Sul‐americana de Nações (CSN) expunha que o processo de integração seria alcançado a partir da convergência gradual entre a Comunidade Andina de Nações (CAN) e o Mercosul, somando o Chile, a Guiana e o Suriname. Com esta idéia pretendia‐se aproveitar ao máximo os avanços e esforços de integração feitos pelo Mercosul e pela CAN e também beneficiar‐se da capacidade técnica e institucional, assim como das experiências de outras organizações existentes na região. Poderia levantar‐se uma série de suposições válidas a respeito do lento avanço da integração, mas nesta dissertação assume‐se que não se sabe qual é a capacidade e o potencial das organizações sul‐americanas e latino‐americanas para encaminhar o processo de integração. Por este motivo, argumenta‐se que para conhecer aquelas potencialidades das organizações regionais é necessário primeiro saber como estão estruturados seus sistemas políticos, como funcionam e quais são os diversos elementos que atuam e intervêm nestes sistemas. Para isso, apresenta‐se a análise do sistema político da OTCA. A pesquisa permite demonstrar que existe um enorme potencial ainda por explorar, nas organizações internacionais para apoiar e fortalecer o processo da integração sulamericana e latino‐americana, não só pela adequação da OTCA ao modelo utilizado, mas porque esse recurso metodológico permitiu determinar que o organismo, por suas características, tem o potencial indicado, e que agindo em conjunto com outras organizações regionais possui a capacidade de dar dinamismo e eficiência ao processo. / The purpose of the following dissertation is the analysis and understanding of the capacity and influence of international organizations to support and strengthen the South‐ American integration process, by using the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (ACTO) as a model for this approach. This aim derives from the fact that the original proposal of the South American Community of Nations (CSN) suggested that the process of integration should be reached through the gradual convergence between the Andean Community of Nations (CAN) and Mercosur (Southern Common Market), adding Chile, Guyana and Surinam. This would allow them to benefit to the maximum from the advances and strengths that Mercosur and CAN already have in the process of integration, as well as the technical and institutional capacity and the expertise of other organizations in the region. A number of assumptions could be raised in relation to the slow progress of integration in South America; however, in this dissertation it is assumed that the capacity or potential of South and Latin American organizations to develop integration remains unknown. Therefore, it is argued that, in order to get to know these potentials it is essential to identify the structure of their political systems, how these systems work and the different elements that act and intervene in them. For that reason, an analysis of ACTOʹs political system is specifically included. This research has allowed the demonstration of the existence of an enormous potential, still to be explored, in the international organizations, to support and strengthen the South American and Latin American integration process, not merely because the ACTO adapts to the used model, but moreover because this methodological resource allowed to determine that such organization, because of its features, has the indicated potential, and acting together with other regional organizations, posses the capacity to make the process more dynamic and efficient. / La presente disertación tiene por objetivo analizar y comprender la influencia y capacidad de las organizaciones internacionales para apoyar y fortalecer el proceso de integración sudamericano, tomando como modelo de este planteamiento a la Organización de Tratado de Cooperación Amazónica (OTCA). Este objetivo se deriva del hecho de que la propuesta inicial de la Comunidad Sudamericana de Naciones (CSN) planteaba que el proceso de integración sería alcanzado a partir de la convergencia gradual entre la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN) y el Mercosur, sumando a Chile, Guyana y Surinam. Con esta idea se pretendía aprovechar al máximo los avances y esfuerzos de integración hechos por el Mercosur y la CAN y también beneficiarse de la capacidad técnica e institucional y de las experiencias de otras organizaciones existentes en la región. Podrían ser levantadas una serie suposiciones válidas con respecto al lento avance de la integración pero en esta disertación se asume que no se sabe cuál es la capacidad o el potencial de las organizaciones sudamericanas y latinoamericanas para encaminar el proceso de integración. Por este motivo, se argumenta que para conocer dichas potencialidades de las organizaciones regionales es necesario saber primero cómo están estructurados sus sistemas políticos, cómo éstos funcionan y cuáles son los diversos elementos que actúan e intervienen en estos sistemas. Para ello, específicamente se presenta el análisis del sistema político de la OTCA. La investigación ha permitido demostrar que existe un enorme potencial, aún por explotar, en las organizaciones internacionales para apoyar y fortalecer el proceso de integración sudamericana y latinoamericana, no tanto por la adecuación de la OTCA al modelo utilizado, sino porque ese recurso metodológico permitió determinar que dicho organismo, por sus características intrínsecas, tiene el potencial indicado, y que actuando en conjunto con otras organizaciones regionales posee la capacidad de imprimir dinamismo y eficacia al proceso.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar e compreender a influência e capacidade das organizações internacionais para apoiar e fortalecer o processo de integração regional sulamericano, tomando como modelo deste enfoque a Organização do Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica (OTCA). Este objetivo deriva do fato de que a proposta inicial da Comunidade Sul‐americana de Nações (CSN) expunha que o processo de integração seria alcançado a partir da convergência gradual entre a Comunidade Andina de Nações (CAN) e o Mercosul, somando o Chile, a Guiana e o Suriname. Com esta idéia pretendia‐se aproveitar ao máximo os avanços e esforços de integração feitos pelo Mercosul e pela CAN e também beneficiar‐se da capacidade técnica e institucional, assim como das experiências de outras organizações existentes na região. Poderia levantar‐se uma série de suposições válidas a respeito do lento avanço da integração, mas nesta dissertação assume‐se que não se sabe qual é a capacidade e o potencial das organizações sul‐americanas e latino‐americanas para encaminhar o processo de integração. Por este motivo, argumenta‐se que para conhecer aquelas potencialidades das organizações regionais é necessário primeiro saber como estão estruturados seus sistemas políticos, como funcionam e quais são os diversos elementos que atuam e intervêm nestes sistemas. Para isso, apresenta‐se a análise do sistema político da OTCA. A pesquisa permite demonstrar que existe um enorme potencial ainda por explorar, nas organizações internacionais para apoiar e fortalecer o processo da integração sulamericana e latino‐americana, não só pela adequação da OTCA ao modelo utilizado, mas porque esse recurso metodológico permitiu determinar que o organismo, por suas características, tem o potencial indicado, e que agindo em conjunto com outras organizações regionais possui a capacidade de dar dinamismo e eficiência ao processo. / The purpose of the following dissertation is the analysis and understanding of the capacity and influence of international organizations to support and strengthen the South‐ American integration process, by using the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (ACTO) as a model for this approach. This aim derives from the fact that the original proposal of the South American Community of Nations (CSN) suggested that the process of integration should be reached through the gradual convergence between the Andean Community of Nations (CAN) and Mercosur (Southern Common Market), adding Chile, Guyana and Surinam. This would allow them to benefit to the maximum from the advances and strengths that Mercosur and CAN already have in the process of integration, as well as the technical and institutional capacity and the expertise of other organizations in the region. A number of assumptions could be raised in relation to the slow progress of integration in South America; however, in this dissertation it is assumed that the capacity or potential of South and Latin American organizations to develop integration remains unknown. Therefore, it is argued that, in order to get to know these potentials it is essential to identify the structure of their political systems, how these systems work and the different elements that act and intervene in them. For that reason, an analysis of ACTOʹs political system is specifically included. This research has allowed the demonstration of the existence of an enormous potential, still to be explored, in the international organizations, to support and strengthen the South American and Latin American integration process, not merely because the ACTO adapts to the used model, but moreover because this methodological resource allowed to determine that such organization, because of its features, has the indicated potential, and acting together with other regional organizations, posses the capacity to make the process more dynamic and efficient. / La presente disertación tiene por objetivo analizar y comprender la influencia y capacidad de las organizaciones internacionales para apoyar y fortalecer el proceso de integración sudamericano, tomando como modelo de este planteamiento a la Organización de Tratado de Cooperación Amazónica (OTCA). Este objetivo se deriva del hecho de que la propuesta inicial de la Comunidad Sudamericana de Naciones (CSN) planteaba que el proceso de integración sería alcanzado a partir de la convergencia gradual entre la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN) y el Mercosur, sumando a Chile, Guyana y Surinam. Con esta idea se pretendía aprovechar al máximo los avances y esfuerzos de integración hechos por el Mercosur y la CAN y también beneficiarse de la capacidad técnica e institucional y de las experiencias de otras organizaciones existentes en la región. Podrían ser levantadas una serie suposiciones válidas con respecto al lento avance de la integración pero en esta disertación se asume que no se sabe cuál es la capacidad o el potencial de las organizaciones sudamericanas y latinoamericanas para encaminar el proceso de integración. Por este motivo, se argumenta que para conocer dichas potencialidades de las organizaciones regionales es necesario saber primero cómo están estructurados sus sistemas políticos, cómo éstos funcionan y cuáles son los diversos elementos que actúan e intervienen en estos sistemas. Para ello, específicamente se presenta el análisis del sistema político de la OTCA. La investigación ha permitido demostrar que existe un enorme potencial, aún por explotar, en las organizaciones internacionales para apoyar y fortalecer el proceso de integración sudamericana y latinoamericana, no tanto por la adecuación de la OTCA al modelo utilizado, sino porque ese recurso metodológico permitió determinar que dicho organismo, por sus características intrínsecas, tiene el potencial indicado, y que actuando en conjunto con otras organizaciones regionales posee la capacidad de imprimir dinamismo y eficacia al proceso.