This thesis explores aspects of what happened to the state Church of Sweden during the rise of the importance of public opinion and the evolution of the democratic nation state. Denmark provides the most well known Nordic example of how an old state Church became a democratic Folk (i.e. National) Church during this general transition. By comparing the Swedish with the Danish case, this study elucidates the less well known Folk Church ideology in Sweden. In Denmark a strong agrarian movement influenced by revivalism managed to take hold of public opinion making the state Church a part of the Danish national identity. Such a movement never appeared in the more industrialised Sweden. Instead a secular working class movement took hold of public and national opinion. The investigation is focused upon Harald Hallén (1884-1967), a pastor and a Social Democratic Member of Parliament. Lacking the revival elements of the Danish nationalism Hallén found that in order to get a Folk Church accepted within the secular Working class movement, it had to rest upon the heritage of the Enlightenment. Hallén regarded the Church as an expression of common ethical values within the Swedish nation. The Folk Church was supposed to strengthen existing ideals for a righteous socialist society by delivering the message of the Kingdom of God. Hallén strove to make the Church more democratic in order to express this ethical folk religion. Social Democratic nationalism became the dominant factor in Swedish political life between 1905 and 1933. The period was characterised by conflicts. First Hallén and those whom he represented fought against the Youth Church movement, which strove to establish another Folk Church ideology, by supporting the Swedish King against the rise of political Democracy. Later on, within his own Social Democratic party, Hallén fought his battle against the Marxist view of the state Church as a simple reflection of the dominant class. Hallén was in line with the political development, which resulted in a period of solid Social Democratic nation building from the 1930s onwards. From that decade on the Folk Church ideology of Hallén was established.

This thesis analyses how 'public opinion' was conceptualised by Members of the Swedish Parliament (MPs) between 1848 and 1919. The source material consists of the printed minutes from parliamentary debates where issues such as religious freedom, constitutional reform and reform of the Press were discussed. What happened to the ideal of an enlightened public opinion when the development of a large-scale industrial economy changed the nature of the Press? Two main aspects of public opinion are analysed. Firstly, the question of what MPs considered the most reliable source of public opinion is examined. The legitimacy of manifestations claiming to represent public opinion, such as written petitions, the Press, Parliament itself, quantitative estimations and also the silent opinion was discussed. In the 1910s the voices of women were also included by some MPs when assessing public opinion. The second main aspect is how MPs envisioned the relationship between the reliability of public opinion and the conditions for public discourse. Here an important distinction was made between public opinion formed in a free and unhindered debate and that brought about by persuasion. The study shows that public opinion was a contested concept in the Swedish Parliament. In the 1850s, Conservatives gave the religiously conservative nature of public opinion as a reason to postpone the reform of religious laws. In debating constitutional reform, on the other hand, it was the Liberals who argued that decisions should follow public opinion. In the 1910s, the Left was divided over the relationship between public opinion and the State, with some arguing that the State should intervene in the public debate to offset the negative influence of market mechanisms. Others felt that public opinion rather than legislation should set the limits of the public discourse, especially in the case of religion, but also concerning the Press.

This dissertation studies the development of a regulation of prostitution in Stockholm during the period 1812-1880. The development of the regulation system is seen in the light of an analytical framework, developed from Carole Pateman's ideas on the sexual contract, and a feministic critique and elaboration of Jürgen Habermas's ideas on the public sphere. The regulation of prostitution was a common characteristic for many metropolises in Europe during the nineteenth century, where supposedly loose and lecherous women were medically and spatially controlled to impede the spread of venereal diseases. Stockholm, and Sweden as a whole, went from a non-gendered to a gendered control of venereal disease, which eventually developed into a spatial control of public women. This study argues that the practices of a regulation system was at first part of an attempt to import what was seen as part of modernisation. Rather than to prohibit extra-marital sexual relations, these were to be controlled and supervised. Eventually the system was adapted to local circumstances in Stockholm, and a control of women's sexuality in public became part of a metropolitan modernity. In the process of the professionalisation of groups such as the police and the physicians, public women were over time perceived as a group of professional prostitutes. The possibility to live off prostitution as a transitory stage in women's lives disappeared, and prostitution became a medically and spatially controlled trade.

Le point de départ des travaux entrepris est la définition lefortienne de la démocratie par opposition au totalitarisme. Le totalitarisme est l'institution d'une société organique, une et homogène, dans laquelle aucune division sociale, aucun désaccord avec l'idéologie véhiculée par le parti ne sont possibles. La spécificité de la démocratie, a contrario, est de s'enrichir de la désintrication du pouvoir, du droit, et du savoir. Les citoyens, dotés de droits fondamentaux, sont juges de la légitimité du pouvoir établi. Leurs désaccords ainsi que l'antagonisme entre les classes sociales nourrissent l'exercice d'un commun litigieux. De là, une question fondamentale : une telle définition de la démocratie est-elle historiquement datée, ou continue-t-elle d'être pertinente aujourd'hui ? Doit-on encore concevoir la démocratie, pour la rendre authentique, par le conflit civil érigé en principe politique, ou faut-il l'envisager de manière consensualiste au lendemain de son opposition avec le totalitarisme ? Claude Lefort s'inspirait de Machiavel pour dépasser les limites du marxisme et repenser la démocratie par la valorisation du conflit civil, indissociable de la figure de l'imaginaire social. La thèse ici soutenue adopte différemment une perspective néo-machiavélienne. Elle revient à proposer un espace public dissensuel à partir du modèle machiavélien de l'entente dans le conflit, par confrontation avec l'espace public habermassien et d'autres conceptions du tort et du conflit dans les démocraties contemporaines. Comment concevoir aujourd'hui les figures du conflit civil et de l'imaginaire social, en s'inspirant paradoxalement de Machiavel pour interroger la démocratie ?

Cette étude propose une lecture critique des courants doctrinaux et jurisprudentiels contemporains qui, notamment sous l'influence du système anglo-saxon, font reculer les conceptions fondamentales du droit d'auteur. Elle a pour objectif de démontrer que la propriété de l'auteur sur son oeuvre n'est pas un dogme juridique, mais un effet des principes généraux du droit civil français, voire du système juridique français tout entier. D'où l'idée que le droit moral, dans sa conception classique, trouve un fondement adéquat dans le Code civil français. Le débat actuel, qui oppose " romantiques " et pragmatiques, fournit donc le fil conducteur de l'élaboration d'une théorie générale du droit d'auteur.

A presente tese resulta de uma pesquisa teórico-empírica e tem como propósito, à luz dos pressupostos da Teoria da Ação Comunicativa de Jürgen Habermas compreender a racionalidade da Pedagogia, bem como, apresentar argumentos para a construção de uma outra racionalidade com vistas a uma nova identidade pedagógica centrada na razão comunicativa numa perspectiva que cunhamos de Pedagogia do Entendimento Intersubjetivo. Com apoio na hermenêutica filosófica, na dialética, na teoria crítica e na razão comunicativa buscamos compreender as premissas filosóficas e pedagógicas da modernidade, enfatizando os movimentos que constituíram o chamado paradigma metafísico moderno da filosofia do sujeito e da consciência e fundamentaram os discursos identitários da Pedagogia Moderna. A racionalidade comunicativa, que resulta da virada lingüística, analisa o estreitamento da razão decorrente da filosofia mentalista moderna, reformula os pilares dos ideais iluministas e amplia o sentido de razão substantiva para um conceito aberto e amplo de razão exercida de forma processual e intersubjetiva cujo propósito visa produzir entendimentos entre os sujeitos capazes de linguagem e ação. A Pedagogia contemporânea, analisada sob os dois padrões de racionalidade - o paradigma da subjetividade moderna e o paradigma da razão comunicativa - embora adote uma linha crítica em relação às premissas da modernidade ainda permanece sustentada pelos seus pressupostos. A Pedagogia do Entendimento Intersubjetivo ao ressignificar o sentido dos princípios pedagógicos formulados pela filosofia moderna, à luz de uma razão argumentativa, interativa, dialógico-intersubjetiva tem a pretensão de inscrever-se como possibilidade concreta para uma outra identidade da Pedagogia.

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The problem of universal oppression has caused Gutierrez, Cone and Moltmann to advocate that God is orchestrating an historical programme of liberation from socio-economic, racial and political suffering. They feel that God's liberating actions can be seen in the Abrahamic promise, the exodus and the Christ-event. Moltmann, especially, has emphasized both the trinitarian identification with human pain and the influence of the freedom of the future upon the suffering of the present. According to our theologians, Jesus Christ identified with us, and died the death of a substitutionary victim. Through the resurrection, Jesus Christ overcame the problem of suffering and death, and inaugurated the New Age. The cross and resurrection were the focal point of God's liberating activity. Liberation, or freedom, from sin and suffering is now possible, at least proleptically. We are to understand the atonement as having been liberative rather than forensic or legal, although judgement is not ignored. Both the perpetrators of injustice and their victims are called upon to identify with, and struggle for, freedom, with the help of the liberating Christ. We agree with our theologians that God has historically indicated his desire for justice and freedom. The magnitude of evil and suffering still existing, however, forces us to abandon the idea that God is progressively liberating history. Nevertheless, we affirm the idea that the Trinity has absorbed human suffering into its own story through the incarnate Son. Jesus identified with suffering in a four-fold way, namely: its existence, the judgement of it, the overcoming of it, and the need to oppose it. This comprehensive identification gives Christ the right to demand the doing of justice, because the greatest injustice in history has happened to him. The atonement was forensic, rendering all people accountable to Christ; but it was also liberative, validating the struggle against oppression. Furthermore, at his second coming, Christ will be vindicated in whatever judgement he will exact upon the perpetrators of injustice or oppression. For today the resurrection still gives hope and faith to those who suffer and to those who identify with them / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / Th.D. (Systematic Theology)

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A presente tese resulta de uma pesquisa teórico-empírica e tem como propósito, à luz dos pressupostos da Teoria da Ação Comunicativa de Jürgen Habermas compreender a racionalidade da Pedagogia, bem como, apresentar argumentos para a construção de uma outra racionalidade com vistas a uma nova identidade pedagógica centrada na razão comunicativa numa perspectiva que cunhamos de Pedagogia do Entendimento Intersubjetivo. Com apoio na hermenêutica filosófica, na dialética, na teoria crítica e na razão comunicativa buscamos compreender as premissas filosóficas e pedagógicas da modernidade, enfatizando os movimentos que constituíram o chamado paradigma metafísico moderno da filosofia do sujeito e da consciência e fundamentaram os discursos identitários da Pedagogia Moderna. A racionalidade comunicativa, que resulta da virada lingüística, analisa o estreitamento da razão decorrente da filosofia mentalista moderna, reformula os pilares dos ideais iluministas e amplia o sentido de razão substantiva para um conceito aberto e amplo de razão exercida de forma processual e intersubjetiva cujo propósito visa produzir entendimentos entre os sujeitos capazes de linguagem e ação. A Pedagogia contemporânea, analisada sob os dois padrões de racionalidade - o paradigma da subjetividade moderna e o paradigma da razão comunicativa - embora adote uma linha crítica em relação às premissas da modernidade ainda permanece sustentada pelos seus pressupostos. A Pedagogia do Entendimento Intersubjetivo ao ressignificar o sentido dos princípios pedagógicos formulados pela filosofia moderna, à luz de uma razão argumentativa, interativa, dialógico-intersubjetiva tem a pretensão de inscrever-se como possibilidade concreta para uma outra identidade da Pedagogia.