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The research reported in this dissertation centers around John Irwin's recent book, The Jail: Managing the Underclass in American Society (1985)', and provides a data informed critique of his study. It examined the records of people booked and incarcerated in jails varying in size and other characteristics in order to evaluate Irwin's conclusions that were made from his study of inmates at one jail in San Francisco County, California. The research portion of this dissertation was a comparative study of six Northwest jails in Multnomah County, Oregon and Skamania County, Washington and the varying characteristics of 1,306 jail prisoners incarcerated in them. Drawing upon inmate records, it was possible to obtain a charge distribution of the population selected for study as well as pertinent findings on other variables of age, gender, race, location, time incarcerated in the six detention locations, and disposition of charges. Most important to this study was the issue of crime severity for which a Statutory Seriousness Scale (SSS) was designed. The scale was based on the revised codes (criminal laws) of Oregon and Washington. Irwin put forth the argument that jails are occupied predominantly by a rabble class of inmates who have committed mostly petty crimes or no crimes at all. He defined the rabble class as those who are detached and disreputable persons who do not fit into conventional society and are irksome and offensive lower class members. It is not so much Irwin's definition of rabble that is at issue, rather, it is his contention that the nation's jails are populated predominantly by persons whose "crime" is that they are "offensive," rather than lawbreakers involved in serious criminal acts. According to Irwin, the primary function of the police is to manage, by various means, this disreputable underclass. The data gathering procedures used by Irwin were not entirely satisfactory, casting doubt on the accuracy of his claims. Accordingly, additional inquiry into jail populations is in order. The data uncovered in the present study suggests that, contrary to Irwin's thesis, many people arrested, booked, and jailed as a result of committing fairly serious crimes. This conclusion was true for the six jails and the 1,306 persons whose records were studied. The research suggests that Irwin's argument is not true for jails everywhere and that jails here do not seem to be filled mainly with persons whose primary problem is their offensive behavior. Instead, jails house a majority who have committed fairly serious acts of lawbreaking.

When the COVID-19 pandemic erupted in early 2020, many of the first known clusters were in jails and prisons. With poor ability to socially distance, inadequate access to prophylactic and preventative supplies, and a populace with more comorbidities than the general population, prisons and jails quickly transformed into incubation centers for the most virulent novel antigen of the last century. The United States faced a particularly daunting challenge in that despite making up just 4.2% of the global population, the correctional system houses 25% of the world’s incarcerated population. With public health experts sounding the alarm regarding the dangers to the incarcerated and surrounding communities, bold strategies were needed to prevent the spread of COVID-19. Reducing population, it was argued, by either temporarily or permanently releasing inmates who were deemed the most medically vulnerable and least threatening to public safety, was largely viewed as the most effective strategy nationwide. Instead of heeding these recommendations, administrators and legislators at both the federal and local level opted instead to try to combat the virus in prison and jails primarily with quarantines and lockdowns, draconian violations of human rights that 18 months after the pandemic’s beginning would result in an infection rate for the incarcerated population 5.5 times higher than the general population and a mortality rate 3 times that of the general population. By looking at a timeline of the pandemic in the US with a particular focus on Pennsylvania and Philadelphia County more specifically, we are able to confront the missteps that led to this humanitarian crisis. Using contemporary data and research we establish the bioethical violations that occurred due to the abdication of population reduction policies and provide data corroborating the efficacy of decarceration as a preventative tool. Furthermore, acknowledging that this public health crisis is both ongoing and likely to occur again, we argue that there is a bioethical imperative for broad decarceration measures that are inclusive of the majority of inmates in the United States. Recognizing the failures of lengthy sentencing policies to deter crime, the exorbitant costs associated with high per capita incarceration, and the obsolete and racist policies that led to these high incarceration rates in this country, we argue that our elderly and ill incarcerated population poses a negligible risk to public safety, and it is essential we reduce the number of individuals in our nation’s jails and prisons immediately. By reassessing the role of our corrections system we can not only prevent the next humanitarian crisis but recalibrate our correctional system within a rehabilitative rather than punitive paradigm. / Urban Bioethics

Between 1664 and 1885 labour in Sweden was regulated by compulsory-service statutes. Able-bodied but idle persons could be compelled to submit to em­ployment as a servant. Compulsory service was part of a larger system of laws and regulations that regulated mobility, settlement, begging, and poor relief, all of which aimed at restricting the labouring poor’s freedom and agency. Some parts of this system had medieval roots, such as vagrancy laws. From the per­spective of the propertied classes, this system of interacting regulations served several purposes, such as fighting idleness, labour shortage, high wages, begging, demands for poor relief, unwanted settlement in the parishes, and geographical movement. The obligation to serve was abolished in 1885. Failure to comply with these service statutes was punishable by being treated as a ‘vagrant’, which could mean being jailed in a house of correction, or simply being ordered to find employment within a specific time. In short, it was illegal to be without work or other means of supporting oneself, such as property. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the social practices of the compulsory-service statutes and related issues such as mobility and settlement. The thesis has dealt with four areas of inquiry: the judicial framework, the policing of ‘vagrancy’, in what situations people were exempt from having to comply with the compulsory service statues, and the identity of the ‘vagrant’. The system for dealing with ‘vagrancy’ has left a large number of sources, and different sources give different images of the poor. This applies most clearly in the case of the Swedish Romani population, the Resande.  The thesis deals with the county (län) of Västmanland during the 1830s. It highlights how the compulsory-service statutes and related vagrancy laws shaped the lives of people and points to how these institutions restricted poor people’s agency and formed their experiences.

This thesis is built on the knowledge and experience I learned working with CURB and as a member of L.A. No More Jail, particularly in the ongoing fight against the Mira Loma gender responsive “Women’s Village” Jail expansion, which is part of a larger jail building boom on going in California right now. I write this thesis to engage in the reimagining of justice that abolitionist community organizers, formerly and currently incarcerated people and others who work to challenge the prison industrial complex have been envisioning for California.

Objetivo: A prevalência e incidência da tuberculose na população prisional é muito maior que na população geral. Conhecer a prevalência de infectados, doentes e características físicas, sociais e criminais dos presos, foram objetos deste estudo. Método: Realizou-se uma busca ativa de casos de tuberculose nos 1.052 detentos de 9 Distritos Policiais da Zona Oeste da Cidade de São Paulo, entre 2000-2001. Após a aplicação de um inquérito e da prova tuberculínica, foram realizados os exames de baciloscopia, cultura, identificação e teste de sensibilidade às drogas antituberculose. Resultados: Do total de 1.052 detentos 99,7 por cento eram homens; 71,3 por cento tinham entre 18 e 29 anos; 82,4 por cento eram solteiros ou amasiados; 51,4 por cento eram pretos ou pardos; 64,5 por cento não completaram o 1º grau; 40 por cento praticaram o roubo como principal delito; 3,7 por cento tiveram tuberculose no passado e 32,8 por cento eram sintomáticos respiratórios. Dos 932 que fizeram a prova tuberculínica, 64,5 por cento estavam infectados. Dos 1.017 escarros analisados, 8 (0,8 por cento) foram positivos na baciloscopia e 54 (5,3 por cento) na cultura. Das 54 cepas isoladas, 38,9 por cento eram M. tuberculosis e 61,1 por cento eram micobactérias não tuberculosas. Das 21 cepas de M. tuberculosis, 85,7 por cento eram sensíveis, 9,5 por cento eram resistentes à isoniazida e rifampicina e 4,8 por cento à isoniazida, rifampicina e pirazinamida. Conclusões: Pela baciloscopia, o coeficiente de prevalência de tuberculose (por 100.000 detentos) foi de 787, e pela cultura de 5.310, cerca de 30 e 203 vezes mais que o da população da cidade de São Paulo, respectivamente. O fato de haver 3 detentos com cepas multirresistentes às drogas antituberculose é uma ameaça à saúde pública / Purpose: The prevalence and incidence of tuberculosis in inmates population is much larger than in the general population. The purpose of this study was acquiring good knowledge of the prevalence of infected person and tuberculosis patients, as well as the physical, social and criminal characteristics of inmates. Method: An active search of tuberculosis cases was conducted among the 1,052 inmates of 9 County Jails of the West Section of the São Paulo City between 2000-2001. After application of an inquiry and the tuberculin skin test, laboratory investigations were also conducted such as sputum bacilloscopy, culture, identification and the test of sensitivity to anti-TB drugs. Results: Out of the total number of 1,052 inmates, 99.7 per cent were males; 71.3 per cent were in the group of ages 18 and 29 years old; 82.4 per cent were single or had sexual mates; 51.4 per cent were negroes or mulattos; 64.5 per cent had low education level; 40 per cent had been engaged in thefts/robberies; 3.7 per cent had tuberculosis episodes in the past and 32.8 per cent displayed respiratory symptoms. Out of the 932 which underwent the tuberculin skin test, 64.5 per cent were infected. Out of the 1,017 sputum samples analyzed, 8 (0.8 per cent) had positive bacilloscopy and 54 (5.3 per cent) positive culture. Of the 54 strains isolated, 38.9 per cent were M. tuberculosis and 61.1 per cent were non-tuberculosis mycobacteria. Of the 21 M. tuberculosis strains 85.7 per cent were sensitive, 9.5 per cent were resistant to isoniazide and rifampicin and 4.8 per cent to isoniazide, rifampicin and pyrazinamide. Conclusions: Based on the bacilloscopy, the tuberculosis prevalence rate (per 100,000 inmates) was 787 and based on the culture was 5,310 inmates, around 30 and 203 times higher than that of the São Paulo city population, respectively. The fact that 3 inmates had strains multi-resistant to anti-TB drugs can be deemed a threat to the public health

Objetivo: A prevalência e incidência da tuberculose na população prisional é muito maior que na população geral. Conhecer a prevalência de infectados, doentes e características físicas, sociais e criminais dos presos, foram objetos deste estudo. Método: Realizou-se uma busca ativa de casos de tuberculose nos 1.052 detentos de 9 Distritos Policiais da Zona Oeste da Cidade de São Paulo, entre 2000-2001. Após a aplicação de um inquérito e da prova tuberculínica, foram realizados os exames de baciloscopia, cultura, identificação e teste de sensibilidade às drogas antituberculose. Resultados: Do total de 1.052 detentos 99,7 por cento eram homens; 71,3 por cento tinham entre 18 e 29 anos; 82,4 por cento eram solteiros ou amasiados; 51,4 por cento eram pretos ou pardos; 64,5 por cento não completaram o 1º grau; 40 por cento praticaram o roubo como principal delito; 3,7 por cento tiveram tuberculose no passado e 32,8 por cento eram sintomáticos respiratórios. Dos 932 que fizeram a prova tuberculínica, 64,5 por cento estavam infectados. Dos 1.017 escarros analisados, 8 (0,8 por cento) foram positivos na baciloscopia e 54 (5,3 por cento) na cultura. Das 54 cepas isoladas, 38,9 por cento eram M. tuberculosis e 61,1 por cento eram micobactérias não tuberculosas. Das 21 cepas de M. tuberculosis, 85,7 por cento eram sensíveis, 9,5 por cento eram resistentes à isoniazida e rifampicina e 4,8 por cento à isoniazida, rifampicina e pirazinamida. Conclusões: Pela baciloscopia, o coeficiente de prevalência de tuberculose (por 100.000 detentos) foi de 787, e pela cultura de 5.310, cerca de 30 e 203 vezes mais que o da população da cidade de São Paulo, respectivamente. O fato de haver 3 detentos com cepas multirresistentes às drogas antituberculose é uma ameaça à saúde pública / Purpose: The prevalence and incidence of tuberculosis in inmates population is much larger than in the general population. The purpose of this study was acquiring good knowledge of the prevalence of infected person and tuberculosis patients, as well as the physical, social and criminal characteristics of inmates. Method: An active search of tuberculosis cases was conducted among the 1,052 inmates of 9 County Jails of the West Section of the São Paulo City between 2000-2001. After application of an inquiry and the tuberculin skin test, laboratory investigations were also conducted such as sputum bacilloscopy, culture, identification and the test of sensitivity to anti-TB drugs. Results: Out of the total number of 1,052 inmates, 99.7 per cent were males; 71.3 per cent were in the group of ages 18 and 29 years old; 82.4 per cent were single or had sexual mates; 51.4 per cent were negroes or mulattos; 64.5 per cent had low education level; 40 per cent had been engaged in thefts/robberies; 3.7 per cent had tuberculosis episodes in the past and 32.8 per cent displayed respiratory symptoms. Out of the 932 which underwent the tuberculin skin test, 64.5 per cent were infected. Out of the 1,017 sputum samples analyzed, 8 (0.8 per cent) had positive bacilloscopy and 54 (5.3 per cent) positive culture. Of the 54 strains isolated, 38.9 per cent were M. tuberculosis and 61.1 per cent were non-tuberculosis mycobacteria. Of the 21 M. tuberculosis strains 85.7 per cent were sensitive, 9.5 per cent were resistant to isoniazide and rifampicin and 4.8 per cent to isoniazide, rifampicin and pyrazinamide. Conclusions: Based on the bacilloscopy, the tuberculosis prevalence rate (per 100,000 inmates) was 787 and based on the culture was 5,310 inmates, around 30 and 203 times higher than that of the São Paulo city population, respectively. The fact that 3 inmates had strains multi-resistant to anti-TB drugs can be deemed a threat to the public health

This study explores the associations between the independent variables of organizational motivations and culture with the dependent variable of organizational commitment to local jail reentry partnerships. A cross-sectional, mixed methods design was used based primarily on a quantitative survey mailed to organizational informants involved in jail reentry activities within three central Florida counties. Qualitative data was also collected by observing conveniently sampled reentry meetings and analyzing the content of social artifacts, such as meeting handouts, minutes, e-mails, and other related documents. This study extends the literature by using the theoretical framework of Oliver (1990) to develop measures of organizations' motivations (i.e., reciprocity, stability, efficiency, asymmetry, and legitimacy) to partner with jails in reentry. It also extends the literature of Fletcher, Lehman, Wexler, Melnick, Taxman, and Young (2009) by furthering the development of valid measures of interorganizational relationships. Fletcher and associates found two levels of relationships (i.e., structured and unstructured); whereas this study found that organizations are linked according to elements (i.e., linking clients, services, providers, data, program evaluation and grant funding, and management) within increasing levels of complexity. Bivariate and multivariate analyses indicated positive associations between the predictor and outcome variables, as hypothesized. However, the sample size was not large enough to determine the strength or significance between the variables. The directed content analysis of the qualitative data supported the presence of the theoretical constructs, but also indicated that they were not mutually exclusive or exhaustive. Two of the three counties ended formal reentry meetings, so a case study approach was used to analyze the three counties using the theory of loose coupling (Orton & Weick, 1990; Weick, 1976). Although all three counties experienced the same external pressures to begin formal meetings, there were differences in partnership structures, leadership goals, and events which serve to explain why only one county was able to sustain those formal meetings. Results of this study have both research and practical implications. The development of valid measures for moderating variables in reentry will allow researchers to relate those variables to reentry program outcomes. By exploring the associations between organizational motivations and cultures with varying levels of commitment to interorganizational relationships, correctional officials will better understand who will partner, why, and to what degree. As a result, we may better understand the extent to which reforms targeting offender reentry can be successfully planned, implemented, and sustained. There are limitations to this study. Methodological errors associated with surveys, the primary data collection method herein, include the following: measurement, coverage, sampling, and nonresponse (Dillman, Smyth, & Christian, 2009). Despite having a relatively large sample size for analysis at the organizational level, the correlation design and small sample size (N = 68) limit the ability to draw causal inferences.

There is a higher rate of recidivism for U.S. veterans compared to the general population of offenders. To address the unique needs of veterans, separate housing units for veterans (VSUs) are now operating within correctional facilities in 29 U.S. states. Despite reports that VSUs are having a positive impact on recidivism, little is known of the experiences of correctional administrators who have implemented a VSU. The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the lived experiences of several individuals who have implemented a VSU in their correctional facility. Guided by the quality implementation framework (QIF), data collected through semistructured interviews conducted with 7 U.S. correctional administrators were analyzed by reducing the information to significant statements, when combined into themes provided a descriptive analysis. Results from this study affirm that implementing a VSU is a feasible option for many correctional administrators with the desire to address the needs of veteran offenders. Key findings indicate most steps taken to implement a VSU align with quality implementation. Additional results indicate that presently there may be less consideration for VSU implementation processes associated with quality in the areas of ensuring staff training to work with the veterans, and in conducting process evaluations including outcomes tracking. VSUs have a profound and nearly immediate, effect on veteran inmate behaviors and reducing recidivism. This examination of the phenomenon of VSU implementation may offer implementers with evidenced-based practices to advance understanding of VSU implementation in the future, ultimately to benefit veteran offenders and the communities in which they reintegrate.

Cette étude exhume la poésie créée dans les espaces carcéraux du premier franquisme, depuis l’occupation progressive de l’Espagne par le camp national, entre 1936 et 1939, jusqu’à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale voire des années cinquante selon les incarcérations. Ce phénomène, souvent réduit en Espagne à deux figures héroïsées (Miguel Hernández et Marcos Ana), recouvre pourtant une multitude de cas, allant du poète emprisonné, dont les ambitions littéraires sont entravées, aux prisonniers de guerre ou politiques qui s’essayent au romance pour tuer le temps : au-delà de la valeur littéraire de l’œuvre, on s’intéresse à la poésie de témoignage autant qu’à la poésie lyrique, aux poèmes en prose et en vers, oraux ou écrits, à travers un corpus varié, tant sur le plan générationnel qu’idéologique, d’une soixantaine d’auteurs. José Luis Gallego (1913-1980) est un exemple paradigmatique, puisqu’il compose une vingtaine de recueils en prison de 1939 à 1942 puis de 1943 à 1960, dont seulement trois ont été publiés. Toute la géographie espagnole est concernée (notamment Madrid, l’île de Saint Simon ou les Canaries) et divers espaces carcéraux, dont des camps. Si certains symboles singularisent un auteur, la culture ou la situation espagnole, cette poésie carcérale relève globalement d’une poétique de la libération, visant à fuir l’espace-temps oppressant de l’enfermement, tout en évacuant les émotions douloureuses dans des moules métriques qui disent la contrainte, et en glissant occasionnellement une subversion entre les vers. On envisage également les processus de création et de diffusion de ces œuvres lyriques, l’enjeu de la collaboration avec le pouvoir dans les pages de l’hebdomadaire pénitentiaire Redención et le destin de vers confiés aux réseaux semi-clandestins ou exposés à un silence éditorial. À partir d’archives familiales et nationales, on analyse ces voix lyriques d’une résilience difficile, inédites ou méconnues, en tension entre l’enfermement dans l’intimisme de l’insilio et l’extériorisation subtile d'une dissidence réprimée. / This study sets out to uncover the poetry created in carceral spaces during early Francoism, from the progressive advancement of the Nationalist faction in Spain, between 1936 and 1939, to the end of the Second World War, up until the late fifties in some cases in line with the duration of imprisonment. This phenomenon, mainly reduced in Spain to the two heroicized figures of Miguel Hernández and Marcos Ana, nonetheless, involves a vast number of others, ranging from the jailed poet, whose literary ambitions are thwarted, to the prisoners of war or political prisoners who try their hand at romances to kill time. The focus of this study is not limited to the literary value of a poem, but also considers testimonial as well as lyrical poetry, prose poems and verse, both written and orally-transmitted. The corpus in question varies widely both in terms of generation and ideology and spans sixty authors. José Luis Gallego (1913-1980) is paradigmatic, since he composed around twenty collections of prison poems from 1939 to 1942 and then from 1943 to 1960, of which only three were published. The whole of Spanish geography is covered (especially Madrid, San Simón island and the Canaries) and several prison spaces, including prison camps. Even if certain symbols underline the specific circumstances of a particular author, specific cultural aspects or the Spanish situation on the whole, the prison poetry discussed here mainly derives from a poetics of liberation, whose goal is to leave behind the oppressive space-time of imprisonment. At the same time, the poetry acts as a release for painful emotions expressed and compressed into metrical moulds indicative of the constraint, occasionally letting slip subversive comments between the lines. In addition, the process of creation and diffusion of these lyrical works, the implications of collaborating with power in the pages of the prison weekly Redención and the destiny of those verses that were entrusted to semi-clandestine networks or met with editorial silence are examined. Taking family and national archives as the starting point, these lyrical voices of a difficult resilience, unpublished or unappreciated, in constant tension between being locked into the intimism of the insilio and the subtle exteriorization of a repressed dissidence. / Este estudio exhuma la poesía creada en los espacios carcelarios del primer franquismo, desde el avance progresivo en España del bando nacional, entre 1936 y 1939, hasta el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, incluso de los años cincuenta según los encarcelamientos. Este fenómeno, que suele reducirse en España a dos figuras heroizadas (Miguel Hernández y Marcos Ana), abarca sin embargo una multitud de casos, que van desde el poeta encarcelado, cuyas ambiciones literarias son obstaculizadas, hasta los prisioneros de guerra o políticos que se ejercitan escribiendo romances para matar el tiempo: más allá del valor literario de la obra, nos interesamos tanto por la poesía testimonial como por la poesía lírica, por los poemas en prosa o en verso, orales o escritos, a través de un corpus variado, tanto a nivel generacional como ideológico, de unos sesenta autores. José Luis Gallego (1913-1980) es un ejemplo paradigmático, ya que compone una veintena de poemarios en prisión de 1939 a 1942, y de 1943 a 1960, de los cuales solamente tres han sido publicados. Se aborda toda la geografía española (especialmente Madrid, la isla de San Simón o las Canarias), y diversos espacios carcelarios, como los campos. Si bien algunos símbolos singularizan a un autor, la cultura o la situación española, esta poesía carcelaria implica en general una poética de la liberación, que apunta a huir del espacio-tiempo opresivo del encierro a la vez que evacua las emociones dolorosas en unos moldes métricos que expresan la coerción, y desliza a veces una subversión entre los versos. Igualmente, contemplamos los procesos de creación y de difusión de estas obras líricas, la cuestión de la colaboración con el poder en las páginas del semanario penitenciario Redención y el destino de unos versos confiados a redes semiclandestinas o expuestas al silencio editorial. A partir de archivos familiares y nacionales, analizamos esas voces líricas de una resiliencia difícil, inéditas o desconocidas, en tensión entre el encierro en el intimismo del insilio y la exteriorización sutil de una disidencia reprimida.