The thesis constitutes a detailed historical reconstruction of the creation, contestation and subsequent amendment of the Imprisonment for Public Protection sentence, the principal ‘dangerous offender’ measure of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. Underpinned by an interpretive political analysis of penal politics, the thesis draws on a detailed analysis of relevant documents and 53 interviews with national level, policy-oriented actors. The thesis explores how actors’ conceptions of ‘risk’ and ‘the public’ interwove with the political beliefs and political traditions relied upon by the relevant actors. It is argued that while there was general recognition of a ‘real problem’ existing in relation to dangerous offenders, the central actors in the creation of the IPP sentence crucially lacked a detailed understanding of the state of the art of risk assessment and management (Kemshall, 2003) and failed to appreciate the systemic risks posed by the IPP sentence. The creation of the IPP sentence, as with its subsequent amendment, is argued to highlight the extreme vulnerability felt by many government actors. The efforts of interest groups and other pressure participants to have their concerns addressed regarding the systemic and human damage subsequently caused by the under-resourcing of the IPP sentence is explored, and the challenge of stridently arguing for substantial change while maintaining ‘insider’ status is discussed. As regards senior courts’ efforts to rein in the IPP sentence, it is argued that the increasingly conservative nature of the judgments demonstrate that the judiciary are not immune from the creep of a ‘precautionary logic’ into British penal politics. Regarding the amendment of the IPP sentence, the Ministry of Justice’s navigation between the twin dangers of a systemic crisis and a political crisis are explored. In conclusion, the IPP story is argued to demonstrate a troubling ‘thoughtlessness’ by many of the key policymakers, revealing what is termed the ‘banality of punitiveness.’ The potential for a reliance on political beliefs and traditions to slip into this thoughtless state, and possible ways of ensuring that such policy issues are engaged with in a more inclusive and expansive manner, are discussed.

Plusieurs indices permettent de croire que le premier ministre Harper a pour projet de faire du Parti conservateur le parti politique dominant au Canada. À cette fin, il doit transformer l’organisation sociale et politique du pays de façon à le rendre plus conservateur. L’objectif du présent mémoire est de préciser les fondements idéologiques du projet de réforme de l’État canadien du premier ministre en m’appuyant sur les écrits des membres de l’École de Calgary. Je fais l’hypothèse que les politiques publiques mises en place par Harper sont inspirées des convictions des membres de cette école de pensée, dont il est un proche. Dans le premier chapitre, je détermine la signification du concept d’idéologie et établis la pertinence de l’analyse des idéologies pour expliquer les décisions politiques. Je définis ensuite les principaux types de conservatisme, afin de déterminer lequel inspire les membres de l’École de Calgary et le Parti conservateur. Dans le second chapitre, je dresse un portrait de la pensée de l’École de Calgary relativement à quatre thèmes, soit ceux du développement économique et social, du pouvoir judiciaire, de la politique étrangère et de l’identité nationale. Enfin, dans le troisième chapitre, je recense les décisions prises par le gouvernement Harper en relation avec ces quatre mêmes thèmes et vérifie leur concordance avec les idées portées par l’École de Calgary. / Several signs suggest that Prime minister Stephen Harper is seeking to make the Conservative Party the new dominant political party in Canada. For this purpose, he has to transform the social and political organization of the country to make it more conservative and move the ideological preferences of the majority to the right. The objective of this thesis is to explain the ideological foundations of the reform strategy adopted by Harper in light of the writings of the members of the Calgary School. Because the Prime minister is close to the members of this school of thought, my hypothesis is that the public policies he implements are inspired by their convictions. Through a brief review of the literature, I clarify, in the first chapter, the meaning of the concept of ideology and establish the relevance of studying ideologies to explain political decisions. Then, I define the main types of conservatism to determine which one inspires the Calgary School and the Conservative Party. In the second chapter, I draw a portrait of the ideas promoted by the members of the Calgary School, on issues of social and economic development, on the role of the judiciary, on foreign relations and on national identity. Finally, in the third chapter, I identify the decisions taken by the Harper government in relation to these four themes since it came to power and I verify their consistency with the ideas promoted by the Calgary School.

1 Abstract: The division of state authority ilustrated on the example of the Czech Republic and French Republic with the focus on the position of the head of the state Key words: separation of state authority, constitutional laws, the legislative, the executive, the judiciary, the head of state, presidential system, parliamentary system Abstrackt: This thesis addresses the historical separation of state authority which is illustrated on the example of the Czech Republic and French Republic, especially on the position of the head of the state. The goal is to identify the identical and differing characteristics of the presidential status of both republics. The thesis is divided into three chapters and into a sub-chapters. The first chapter explains the development of the decomposition of the state authority from the first theoretical thoughts to the practical incorporation into the political system. The Second chapter describes in separate sub-chapters, the division of the state authority in Czech Republic and France. Third chapter is dedicated to the position, mandate, election and the competencies of the head of the state in both countries. Subsequently the gathered information is summarized in a sub-chapter, where the identical and differing characteristics of both presidential functions is discussed.

La présence chinoise en Afrique est généralement présentée par les médias occidentaux sous un angle défavorable. Les Chinois porteraient atteinte à la bonne gouvernance locale, ils ne respecteraient pas les droit africains du travail ou ne transféreraient pas suffisamment leur technologie. La thèse confirme l'existence de ces risques en démontrant notamment le manque de transparence des investissements directs chinois et les difficultés de l'Afrique subsaharienne à protéger ses intérêts. Mais à travers l'analyse du système juridique sud-africain et camerounais, l'auteur prouve que les risques que peuvent présenter les investissements chinois pour les Africains diffèrent d'un pays à l'autre, en fonction du droit local des affaires. La démonstration soulève par ailleurs un point peu traité des relations Chine-Afrique : les investissements directs chinois à destination du continent noir nécessitent, plus que ceux des Occidentaux, d'être sécurisés. L'auteur y voit deux raisons. Premièrement, la coopération juridique et judiciaire sino-africaine, par rapport à celle qui existe entre l'Occident et l'Afrique, est limitée. Deuxièmement, les investissements chinois en Afrique soulèvent des problèmes de droit international privé inédits. Entre autres, la détermination de la loi applicable peut être difficile en cas de litige opposant un investisseur chinois à son cocontractant africain. Face à cette situation de risques partagés entre l'investisseur chinois et l’État africain hôte de l'investissement, l'auteur souligne les limites du droit international et des traités bilatéraux d'investissement sino-africains tout en proposant des solutions pour équilibrer les contrats. / Western media typically portrays Chinese presence in Africa unfavorably. Chinese are accused of impairing good governance, breaching local labour laws, and impeding the transfer of technologies. This PhD thesis examines these risks; including the Jack of transparency on the part of Chinese investors and the difficulties faced by African states in protecting their interests. Analysis of South African and Cameroonian legal systems shows that the degree of risk facing African countries depends greatly on local business laws. In addition, the thesis makes a point seldom raised in debates about China-Africa relations: Chinese direct investments need, more than western countries, to be secured. According to the author, this is for two reasons. Firstly, Sino-African legal and judiciary cooperation, compared to existing relationships between the West and Africa, is limited. Secondly, Chinese investments into Africa present unanticipated problems with private international law. Among others, determining applicable laws can be problematic in the event of a conflict between a Chinese investor and his African partner. In situations where risks are shared by both the Chinese investor and the African host state, the author addresses the limits of international investment law, as well as the failings of Sino-African bilateral investment treaties, and proposes solutions to balance the scales and mitigate risks.

The dissertation examines current European patent court system and the possibilities of its improvement. First of all it identifies main problems of the existing fragmented patent litigation and in response to those findings, examines possible solutions to the situation. First, it deals with the possibility of adopting certain measures to improve the current situation, while maintaining the current system, in which national courts remain competent in patent disputes. The second option is linked to the issue of creating new specialized European patent jurisdiction. Thus the dissertation chronologically analyses individual legislative proposals and documents on the creation of a specialized European patent court system at supranational (EU) and international level. Namely Community Patent Convention (1975), Protocol on Litigation to the Agreement relating to Community Patents (1989), draft EPLA (European Patent Litigation Agreement 2003), proposals on decisions establishing Community Patent Court (2003) and draft Agreement on the European and Community Patents Court (2009). Separate section is devoted to the most recent Agreement on Unified Patent Court opened only to EU Member States, which was signed early in 2013 by most of them. The main objective of the research is to answer the question whether...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Livia de Paiva Ziti Afonso.pdf: 720736 bytes, checksum: dfad43a24c7a9b97f129b8b34b642e67 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-25 / This dissertation aims to study the role of the judiciary in the effectiveness of fundamental social rights. Besides the traditional functions performed as guarantor of rights, the judiciary has acted to give effect to the social rights under the Constitution, such as the right to education, health and others. However, this performance has been criticized by many scholars as judicial activism, since the judiciary, when giving effect to social rights, acts as to fill the gap left by the omission of the Government, participating in spheres of the Legislative and Executive. Article 5, paragraph 1 of Federal Constitution (CF/88) expressly consecrates that: "The rules defining the rights and guarantees are immediately applicable". This rule reinforces the imperative of social rights and reflects the inevitable commitment made especially by the judiciary in ensuring the effectiveness of them. Reaching the conclusion that social rights are authentic subjective public rights, it is a Judiciary important role to implement the abovementioned rights and guide the actions within the limits set by the Federal Constitution. What is underlined here is the responsibility of the Judiciary in the enforcement of social rights, demystifying the ideas against the effectiveness of social rights and also contrary to the actions of the Judiciary concerning the implementation of these rights / A presente dissertação de mestrado pretende estudar o papel do Poder Judiciário na efetividade dos direitos fundamentais sociais. Além das funções clássicas desempenhadas como garantidor de direitos, o Poder Judiciário tem atuado no sentido de dar efetividade à norma que estabelece os direitos sociais previstos na Constituição, como o direito à educação, o direito à saúde, entre outros. No entanto, tal atuação tem sido criticada por muitos doutrinadores como ativismo judicial, uma vez que o Judiciário, ao dar efetividade aos direitos sociais, acaba superando, por via judicial, as omissões do Poder Público, atuando nas esferas dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo. O artigo 5o, parágrafo 1º da CF/88 prevê expressamente que: As normas definidoras de direitos e garantias fundamentais têm aplicação imediata . Tal norma reforça a imperatividade dos direitos sociais e reflete o compromisso inevitável dos Poderes constituídos, especialmente do Judiciário, em garantir a sua efetividade. Chegando-se à conclusão de que os direitos sociais são autênticos direitos públicos subjetivos, cabe ao Judiciário o importante papel de implementador desses direitos, tendo sua atuação pautada dentro dos limites estabelecidos pela própria Constituição Federal. O que se pretende demonstrar é a responsabilidade do Poder Judiciário na efetivação dos direitos sociais, desmitificando não somente os argumentos contrários à eficácia dos direitos sociais, como também aqueles infensos à atuação do Poder Judiciário na concretização desses direitos

Dissertação propositiva que teve por objetivo demonstrar a importância de se realizar o monitoramento qualitativo dos trabalhos de conciliação realizados pelo Cejusc da comarca de Palmas-TO. O estudo se justifica pela relevância da matéria entendida como indispensável para a concretização do direito humano de acesso à Justiça. O método qualiquantitativo apresentou-se como o mais adequado aos objetivos propostos de se diagnosticar o grau de satisfação dos jurisdicionados no que tange aos serviços conciliatórios prestados pelo Cejusc. A coleta de dados se deu pela aplicação de Pesquisa de Satisfação do Usuário, sendo a direcionada aos advogados/defensores públicos composta por 19 perguntas fechadas e a destinada aos jurisdicionados consistente em 17 perguntas fechadas, aplicada aos usuários do Cejusc de Palmas-TO, no período de 2 a 8 de maio de 2018. Quanto ao universo amostral da pesquisa, 100 advogados/defensores públicos e 95 jurisdicionados responderam ao formulário, totalizando 195 usuários participantes. Além do resultado obtido com a aplicação do instrumento de pesquisa de satisfação do usuário, houve a utilização de vasto material bibliográfico que se deu por meio de consultas a livros, artigos científicos, legislação e páginas da internet. Os resultados indicam a necessidade de monitoramento de ordem qualitativa dos trabalhos de conciliação realizados pelo Cejusc de Palmas-TO como forma de balizar a administração pública no sentido de adotar medidas tendentes à melhoria do serviço prestado e como forma de concretização do direito humano de acesso à Justiça. / The purpose of this dissertation was to demonstrate the importance of carrying out qualitative monitoring of the conciliation proceedings, carried out by CEJUSC of Palmas – TO region. The study is justified by the relevance of the matter, understood as indispensable for accomplishing the human right of access to justice. The quantitative – qualitative method presented itself as the most adequate to the proposed objectives of diagnosing the satisfaction degree of those under jurisdiction in relation to the conciliatory services provided by CEJUSC. The data collection was done by the application of an User Satisfaction Survey, being directed to the lawyers/public defenders composed of 19 closed-ended questions and the one destined to those under jurisdiction consisting of 17 closed-ended questions, applied to the users of CEJUSC of Palmas-TO in the period of May 2nd to May 8th of 2018. Turning to research sample universe, 100 lawyers/public defenders and 95 of those under jurisdiction replied to the research form, totalling 195 participating users. In addition to the result obtained with the application of the User Satisfaction Survey tool, a vast bibliographic material was used through books, scientific articles, legislation and web pages consultation. The results indicate the need for qualitative monitoring of the conciliation proceedings carried out by Cejusc of Palmas-TO as a way of marking out the public administration in order to adopt measures to improve the service provided and as a way of accomplishing the human right of access to justice.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Izabel Sanches Costa.pdf: 7821633 bytes, checksum: c864063665dd0fb83a3ec0c4334cff44 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation aims to genealogically analyze the approach of legal and psychiatric discourses in defense of the insane criminal restraint in regard to security measure issues and they internment in Manicômios Judiciários (a Judiciary Mental Health Hospital), currently known as the Hospitals of Custody and Psychiatric Treatment (HCPT). Since the appearance of the psychiatrist in court, the figure of the insane criminal emerged as a freak that needs to be studied, treated and normalized. Thus, the knowledge of criminal psychiatry led health policies to approach the security policies as a way to suppress these dangerous individuals, removing them from the social living, legitimized by the concept of social dangerousness. Indeed, they were taken to the State custody, for the maintenance of order and the social welfare through the execution of the security measure. This work tried to investigate the technical procedures of power that produces a disciplinary control over the body, in regard to gestures, attitudes and behavior of insane criminals. From a study of the different historical phases of Manicômio Judiciário de Franco da Rocha, it was shown that the notion of dangerous individuals, and its proposal for the model of treatment / custody, changes in each current socio-political discourse / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar genealogicamente a aproximação dos discursos jurídico e psiquiátrico, em defesa da contenção do louco criminoso, no que tange à problemática da medida de segurança e à internação nos Manicômios Judiciários, atualmente conhecidos como Hospitais de Custódia e Tratamento Psiquiátrico (HCTP). A partir do aparecimento do psiquiatra nos tribunais, a figura do louco criminoso emergiu como um anormal que necessita ser estudado, tratado e normalizado. Desse modo, o saber da psiquiatria penal levou as políticas de saúde, legitimadas pelo conceito de periculosidade a aproximarem-se das políticas de segurança, como uma forma de reprimir esses indivíduos perigosos, retirando-os do convívio social. Com efeito, eles passam à custódia do Estado, em prol da manutenção da ordem e do bem-estar da sociedade através da imputação da medida de segurança. Neste trabalho, procurou-se investigar os procedimentos técnicos de poder que realizam um controle disciplinar do corpo, em relação aos gestos, atitudes, comportamento dos loucos criminosos. A partir de um estudo das diferentes fases históricas do Manicômio Judiciário de Franco da Rocha, demonstrou-se que tanto a noção de indivíduo perigoso, bem como o modelo tratamento/custódia, modificam-se em cada discurso sócio-político vigente

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Izabel Sanches Costa.pdf: 7821633 bytes, checksum: c864063665dd0fb83a3ec0c4334cff44 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation aims to genealogically analyze the approach of legal and psychiatric discourses in defense of the insane criminal restraint in regard to security measure issues and they internment in Manicômios Judiciários (a Judiciary Mental Health Hospital), currently known as the Hospitals of Custody and Psychiatric Treatment (HCPT). Since the appearance of the psychiatrist in court, the figure of the insane criminal emerged as a freak that needs to be studied, treated and normalized. Thus, the knowledge of criminal psychiatry led health policies to approach the security policies as a way to suppress these dangerous individuals, removing them from the social living, legitimized by the concept of social dangerousness. Indeed, they were taken to the State custody, for the maintenance of order and the social welfare through the execution of the security measure. This work tried to investigate the technical procedures of power that produces a disciplinary control over the body, in regard to gestures, attitudes and behavior of insane criminals. From a study of the different historical phases of Manicômio Judiciário de Franco da Rocha, it was shown that the notion of dangerous individuals, and its proposal for the model of treatment / custody, changes in each current socio-political discourse / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar genealogicamente a aproximação dos discursos jurídico e psiquiátrico, em defesa da contenção do louco criminoso, no que tange à problemática da medida de segurança e à internação nos Manicômios Judiciários, atualmente conhecidos como Hospitais de Custódia e Tratamento Psiquiátrico (HCTP). A partir do aparecimento do psiquiatra nos tribunais, a figura do louco criminoso emergiu como um anormal que necessita ser estudado, tratado e normalizado. Desse modo, o saber da psiquiatria penal levou as políticas de saúde, legitimadas pelo conceito de periculosidade a aproximarem-se das políticas de segurança, como uma forma de reprimir esses indivíduos perigosos, retirando-os do convívio social. Com efeito, eles passam à custódia do Estado, em prol da manutenção da ordem e do bem-estar da sociedade através da imputação da medida de segurança. Neste trabalho, procurou-se investigar os procedimentos técnicos de poder que realizam um controle disciplinar do corpo, em relação aos gestos, atitudes, comportamento dos loucos criminosos. A partir de um estudo das diferentes fases históricas do Manicômio Judiciário de Franco da Rocha, demonstrou-se que tanto a noção de indivíduo perigoso, bem como o modelo tratamento/custódia, modificam-se em cada discurso sócio-político vigente

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Rosset.pdf: 2437906 bytes, checksum: 6ec53bb4896a0aca474141bcbe4cd3d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-29 / This study is not intended to provide solutions for the complex problems in which the States are inserted in the world today due to the clear mitigation of the Principle of Sovereignty and the enormous difficulty in defending democracy in the formal aspect. Today s society presents itself with a factual multiplicity arising from the existence of actors in the decision-making arena in economy, political power, corporate power, the NGOs and internet among others. The State is not the only actor in the national and international scene, this is a unanimous position among contemporary philosophers, constitutionalists or not. What we aim in this study is to outline what can be taken under consideration analyzed institutional relationships in the Brazilian political system, focusing in the Legislative, how it presents and which are its constitutional competences, the challenges that are set and then give solutions for better performance and efficiency in its fundamental prerogatives, that is, as representative of the Brazilian people. Therefore, from the reading of the constitutional text, analyze the factors that led to the current situation where the Legislative meets. In this context it is necessary to outline how the State and the Legislative presents contemporaneously and the difficulties posed by global complexities the next step is to approach the Legislative in the 1988 Constitution, resuming the discussions that preceded the constitutional text during the debates of the Constituent mentioning the debates, the concerns and suggestions presented, to understand the configuration of the Magna Carta text and what resulted from those studies. Thirdly analyze the institutional role of the Supreme Court in these relations between the powers in the Constitution safeguard. To finally focus in the coalition presidentialism, current modus operandi in the current relationship between the powers in native scenario, based in its definition, how it shows and its requirements of existence, questioning such practices installed since it is an institutional anomaly against the constitutional principles of our current Charter. In conclusion, we present our answers and proposals for some of this problems and possible solutions to strengthen the Legislative / O presente estudo não visa dar soluções para tão complexos problemas em que estão inseridos os Estados no mundo, hoje, com a clara mitigação do princípio da soberania e na enorme dificuldade em defender a democracia no aspecto formal. A sociedade de hoje se apresenta com uma multiplicidade fática, decorrente da existência de atores na arena decisória no âmbito da economia, do poder político, do poder empresarial, das ONG(s), da internet, dentre outros. O Estado não é o único ator no cenário nacional e internacional, posição essa unânime entre os filósofos contemporâneo, constitucionalistas ou não. O que visamos no presente estudo é delinear o que pode ser levado à reflexão, analisado no âmbito das relações institucionais, no sistema político brasileiro, focando o Poder Legislativo, como se apresenta e quais são suas competências constitucionais, os desafios que estão postos para então dar algumas soluções visando um melhor desempenho e eficácia nas suas prerrogativas fundamentais, ou seja, de representante do povo brasileiro. Assim da leitura do texto constitucional, analisar os fatores decorrentes que levaram ao quadro atual em que se encontram as relações entre os três poderes. Nesse contexto, faz-se necessário delinear como o Estado e o Poder Legislativo se apresentam contemporaneamente e suas dificuldades postas pelas complexidades mundiais. O passo seguinte é abordar o Poder Legislativo na Constituição de 1988, retomando as discussões que precederam o texto constitucional durante o período da Constituinte, fazendo menções aos debates e às preocupações e sugestões apresentadas, para entender a configuração do texto da Magna Carta e o que resultou desses trabalhos. Em terceiro lugar, analisar o papel institucional do Supremo Tribunal Federal nessas relações entre os poderes na salvaguarda da Constituição. Para, enfim, focar o presidencialismo de coalizão, modus operendi atual de relação entre os poderes no cenário Pátrio, com base na sua definição, como se apresenta, e requisitos de existência, problematizar que tal prática instalada se trata de uma anomalia institucional face aos princípios constitucionais da nossa Carta vigente. Para concluir, apresentamos nossas respostas e propostas para alguns desses problemas e possíveis soluções no sentido de fortalecer a instituição Legislativa