Thesis (M.A.)--University of Alberta, 2010. / A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, History of Art, Design and Visual Culture, Dept. of Art and Design, University of Alberta. "Spring 2010." Title from pdf file main screen (viewed on April 27, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis deals with Vietnamese scholar Nguyễn Thuật and his Diary of Journey to Tiānjīn (Wǎng Jīn rìjì 往津日記; hereinafter the Diary), which contains records of the journey of the Vietnamese diplomatic envoy to China in 1883. The aim is to identify the informative values of the Diary as well as Nguyễn Thuật's perception of China from a political and cultural standpoint by analyzing the content of the Diary. The first chapter provides cultural context of historical events during the second half of the 19th century. The following chapter is the main chapter where Nguyễn Thuật and his Diary are elaborated on. The thesis concludes with hypotheses of Nguyễn Thuật's intentions to write his Diary and assessment of informative values and thus opens the way to deeper comprehension of the historical development of Sino-Vietnamese relations.

In this interdisciplinary study, narrative portraiture is used as a methodology to depict three visual artists who draw on their lived experience, traditions and values to engage viewers, through their artwork, about issues of landscape and identity. I argue for an educative paradigm applied to art practice that seeks individual and social/cultural transformation within and across communities through pedagogical processes that recognize diverse audiences. Questions guiding this study are: How do the artists' ideas and practices relate to living in British Columbia and the representation of the land? What are their motivations and strategies for expressing those ideas? How are the roles of these artists and the roles of teachers linked? The study considers the ways in which Jin-me Yoon, Lawrence Paul Yuxweluptun and Marian Penner Bancroft foreground landscape in British Columbia as a complex phenomenon and as a powerful icon in Canadian culture. Through interviews and analysis of artwork, this study examines how these artist/pedagogues challenge artistic conventions, myths and historical narratives that have framed Western culture and influenced their experience. By employing and disrupting conventions of representations of the land, they construct new narratives concerned with issues of identity, the environment, Native land claims, and urban history. This research portrait of artists who attempt to inscribe a place for themselves and their communities within the life of the province, is also a portrait of 'place', or the complex interrelationship of people and the environment. As role models and spokespersons who link knowledge and culture, the artists share a desire'to foster understanding through postmodern art practices and dialogic pedagogical processes. This study acknowledges their dual role as artist and teacher, involving models of practice that aim to effect social change and environmental care. It examines how their work integrating art and education, reflects and attempts to shape the social, cultural and political landscape within shifting conditions of society today. This study aims to provide a greater understanding of artist/pedagogues and calls for an increased focus on a pedagogical role for artists in museums, schools and other community-based sites, particularly with respect to multicultural and environmental art education. / Education, Faculty of / Curriculum and Pedagogy (EDCP), Department of / Graduate

No description available.

abstract: Based on literary works produced by the multiethnic literati of the Jin dynasty (1115–1234), this dissertation examines Chinese conceptions of the Steppe world in the early years of the Mongol era (1206–1260). As I show, late Jin literati, who took arduous journeys in the Eurasian Steppes, initiated transcultural communications between the Chinese and Steppe worlds. Their writings encouraged more Chinese literati to reach out to the Mongols and hence facilitated the spread of the ideal Confucian-style governance to the Mongol empire. In general, I follow the approach of New Historicism in analyzing poetic works. Even though the Mongol conquest of China damaged many northern literary texts, materials surviving from the thirteenth century still feature a great diversity. I brought historical records and inscriptions on stela to study the social conditions under which these literary works were produced. This dissertation aims to contribute a new voice to the ongoing effort to modify the traditional linear understanding of the development of Chinese literary tradition. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation East Asian Languages and Civilizations 2020

L’ensemble romanesque Les Thibault de Roger Martin du Gard (publié de 1922 à 1940) est sous-tendu par un témoignage que l’auteur adresse au lecteur sur le monde réel dans lequel l’écrivain français vécut. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser ce témoignage à travers certains aspects des relations multilatérales entre ces trois pôles que sont la société, l’œuvre et l’auteur. L’œuvre romanesque de Roger Martin du Gard informe la société de son époque autant qu’elle est informée par elle, et l’écrivain, façonné par la société, façonne à son tour une société romanesque. La relation au monde des personnages des Thibault puise ses sources dans l’expérience même de l’auteur : relations familiales, relations entre les deux sexes, relations sociales et religieuses, autant de clés pour comprendre l’œuvre mais peut-être aussi la vie de l’auteur. Pour permettre d’apprécier la réception de l’œuvre de Roger Martin du Gard auprès du public chinois, la dernière partie de cette thèse analyse les deux traductions des Thibault publiées dans les années 1980 en Chine, et propose aussi quelques éléments de comparaison avec une fresque romanesque chinoise à portée elle aussi familiale et sociale, la trilogie de Ba Jin (Pa Kin) intitulée Torrent (Famille – Printemps – Automne, 1932-1940). L’étude des analogies entre ces deux œuvres certes très différentes permet de découvrir comment le roman de Roger Martin du Gard et son message dépassent les frontières, trouvent écho dans d’autres cultures, et finissent par rejoindre l’humanité universelle. / In the eight novels Les Thibault by Roger Martin du Gard (published between 1922 to 1940), the author addresses the reader and describes the world in which the former lives. The objective of this thesis is to examine Martin du Gard’s discourse with respect to some aspects of the multilateral relationships between society, author and oeuvre. R.M.G’s novels informed society of his time and were themselves shaped by society. The author moulded by society then constructs a fictional world. The relationships in Les Thibault are autobiographical in nature whether familial, gender, social or religious and these constitute the principal means of understanding the oeuvre and the author’s own life.To evaluate the reception of Roger Martin du Gard’s work among the Chinese public, the final part of this thesis analyses the two translations of Les Thibault, published in China in the 1980s. Comparison with a Chinese trilogy, Torrent (Family – Spring – Autumn, 1932-1940), by Ba Jin (Pa Kin), although very different but which also considers family and social relationships, allows consideration of how Roger Martin du Gard’s message crosses frontiers and reflects universal concerns, those of humanity itself.

邊疆是國家領土的一部分，有邊疆便有邊疆政策。中國邊疆族支眾多，為適應邊疆地 位之重要、地形之特殊，環境之複雜，幾千年來，無論中華民族中任何一族系掌握中 原政權，均各有其治邊方針。 本論文旬在研究 國父與先總統 蔣公的邊疆政策思想，全文約八萬餘字，共分六章 十二節，各章要點如下﹕ 第一章 緒論，首先說明邊疆定義、特質及邊疆政策之意義。 第二、三、四章 國父「民族」、「民權」、「民生」主義邊疆政策思想。此三章之第一節簡略敘述「 民族」、「民權」、「民生」之要旨。其第二節仍蒐集國父三民主義及相關的言論、 著作中包含邊疆政策思想，以說明 國父對邊疆亦相當重視。 第五章 先總統 蔣公邊疆政策思想，蒐集 蔣公有關邊疆政策思想，並加以討論 蔣公將邊疆政策實施於蒙藏及台灣山地的成果。 第六章 結論。探討對當前邊疆應有的認識，及光復大陸後邊疆政策的原則。

歐陽潔美. / "2000年6月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2000. / 參考文獻 (leaves 131-153) / 附中英文摘要. / "2000 nian 6 yue" / Ouyang Jiemei. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2000. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 131-153) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 硏究目的 --- p.2 / Chapter 第二節 --- 金批西廂的硏究槪況 --- p.6 / Chapter 第三節 --- 金聖嘆《第六才子書西廂記》簡介 --- p.12 / Chapter (一) --- 金聖嘆之評點及《第六才子書西廂記》的成書年代 --- p.12 / Chapter (二) --- 版本 --- p.13 / Chapter 1. --- 原刻本及原刻翻印本 --- p.17 / Chapter 2. --- 鄒聖脈本 --- p.19 / Chapter 3. --- 鄧汝寧本 --- p.20 / Chapter 4. --- 校注本 --- p.21 / Chapter (三) --- 體例特色 --- p.24 / Chapter 第二章 --- 金批《西廂記》的底本問題 --- p.11 / Chapter 第一節 --- 金批《西廂記》所據之底本 --- p.27 / Chapter 第二節 --- 金批《西廂記》對底本的删改 --- p.31 / Chapter 第三章 --- 《西廂記》的評點源流 --- p.35 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《西廂記》的評點版本 --- p.35 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《西廂記》評點的發展 --- p.40 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《西廂記》評點的三大類別 --- p.42 / Chapter (一) --- 考證角度 --- p.42 / Chapter (二) --- 演出角度 --- p.45 / Chapter (三) --- 鑑賞角度 --- p.49 / Chapter 第四節 --- 金批西廂所屬的評點類型 --- p.52 / Chapter 第四章 --- 金聖嘆《西廂記》評點與八股文的關係 --- p.53 / Chapter 第一節 --- 八股文的特點及其與戲曲評點的關係 --- p.54 / Chapter 第二節 --- 金聖嘆《西廂記》評點中的八股文章法 --- p.57 / Chapter (一) --- 結構 --- p.58 / Chapter (二) --- 尊題 --- p.60 / Chapter (三) --- 細密 --- p.63 / Chapter (四) --- 代人立言 --- p.64 / Chapter (五) --- 金聖嘆所標舉的筆法 --- p.66 / Chapter 第三節 --- 金聖嘆《西廂記》八股評點的評價 --- p.69 / Chapter 第五章 --- 金聖嘆《西廂記》評點的主導性 --- p.72 / Chapter 第一節 --- 評點者的角色 --- p.73 / Chapter (一) --- 評點者與作者 --- p.74 / Chapter (二) --- 評點者與讀者 --- p.78 / Chapter 第二節 --- 評點者的權力 --- p.84 / Chapter (一) --- 改動權 --- p.84 / Chapter (二) --- 詮釋權 --- p.85 / Chapter (三) --- 否定權 --- p.86 / Chapter 第三節 --- 對閱讀過程的影響 --- p.88 / Chapter (一) --- 全知視角 --- p.88 / Chapter (二) --- 對讀者的干擾 --- p.90 / Chapter 第六章 --- 金聖嘆《西廂記》評點的隨意性 --- p.94 / Chapter 第一節 --- 無嚴密系統 --- p.94 / Chapter (一) --- 主題與手法混淆 --- p.94 / Chapter (二) --- 隨文而發 --- p.98 / Chapter 第二節 --- 閑筆 --- p.100 / Chapter (一) --- 突發的聯想 --- p.100 / Chapter (二) --- 宗教議論 --- p.103 / Chapter (三) --- 插科打諢 --- p.105 / Chapter (四) --- 與斲山的對話紀錄 --- p.106 / Chapter (五) --- 閑筆的意義 --- p.107 / Chapter (六) --- 閑筆與說書的關係 --- p.108 / Chapter 第三節 --- 詳略的安排 --- p.112 / Chapter (一) --- 觀點重複 --- p.112 / Chapter (二) --- 過度詳細 --- p.116 / Chapter (三) --- 過度簡略 --- p.117 / Chapter 第四節 --- 前後矛盾 --- p.120 / Chapter (一) --- 語言運用 --- p.120 / Chapter (二) --- 情節結構 --- p.122 / Chapter (三) --- 人物塑造 --- p.123 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.129 / 參考資料 --- p.131

金山寺位於江蘇省鎮江市，這座今天依然著名的佛寺最初是當地祭拜水神蛇仙的場所。從公元820年代開始，金山佛寺出現，寺內拜佛的活動逐漸成為主流。這個民間拜蛇的場所，逐漸開始拜佛，這個轉變是中唐之後鎮江地區一系列社會變化的結果，闡述這些社會改變，便能大致揭示出鎮江納入王朝行政體系具體過程。 / 金山寺所在的金山，在唐代是一個方圓到一公里的岩石島嶼。這裡祭祀水神蛇仙的記錄，最早可以追述至南朝。在這裡接受祭祀的水神蛇仙中，以白蛇為首位。從隋朝開始，隨著胡商在長江下游經營活動逐漸增加，金山小島上所祭祀的水神，同時融匯了江南本土水神蛇仙信仰和在華胡商的女神信仰兩方面的祭拜傳統。這種不同文化、不同祭祀傳統的融合，是通過商稅逐漸成為中唐王朝的主要經濟來源而逐步形成的。 / 隨著唐玄宗初步確立的運河溝通南北的格局，運河於安史之亂後成為唐帝國的生命線，這一點令位於長江水道與運河水道相交匯的鎮江，以其經濟意義而成為王朝勢力的必爭之地。鎮江的地方官職（唐時稱潤州刺史）也從一個王朝官員畏懼的「凶闕」而一躍成為「望」職，常由宰相兼領。 / 鎮江經濟地位的提升以及朝廷重臣的駐守，令王朝的行政體系高調出現在鎮江，並且引發了朝廷與地方勢力之爭。恰在此時，唐王朝的鹽政令朝廷成功獲得商人以及地方權貴的支持，北方朝廷與鎮江地方社會的衝突，在商人和權貴的介入下，得到了緩和。鎮江社會的結構出現了改變，編戶數量大增。 / 隨著社會結構的轉變，王朝重臣同時成功地將王朝的文化成功地帶到了鎮江。從公元820年代開始，文化在鎮江出現的轉變，對於民間對於王朝的認同來說，是決定性的一步。鎮江的金山寺，不僅通過這種文化認同而被描述成佛寺，並且更成為當地代表北方文化的一個傳播中心。 / 從此之後，金山寺便開始被官員和文人稱為“佛寺。雖然如此，金山島上的水神並沒有消失。這位號稱是白蛇的神靈，以其融匯在華胡商女性水神信仰而由老叟變成美婦。水神祭祀和對佛教的禮拜，在晚唐五代的金山寺中並行不悖，其表現形式，則是以佛教傳統為主導、水神祭祀為輔。晚唐金山寺逐漸成為遠近聞名的佛寺，從這個時候開始，鎮江便完成了其由化外之邦至化內之地的轉變。 / Monastery Jinshan locates in Zhenjiang today. Though it is famous for its Buddhist rituals since 11th century, the monastery was originally a sacred palace for preying Water Gods of Snakes. Since the palace was first being addressed as “Buddhist monastery in mid 820s, the Buddhist tradition was recorded as the dominant one. The conversion from local serpent cult to state Buddhist Religion resulted from a mix of social transformations in Zhenjiang. Therefore, the converting process revealed the process of the place getting incorporated into the state during the transformation period of late Tang Dynasty (AD 618-903). / During Tang Dynasty, Monastery Jinshan sat on a small rocky island in the middle of lower range of Yangzi River. The earliest record of serpent cult in the island could be traced back to late fourth century. Snake White led the pantheons of water gods in Zhenjiang, and the serpent cult in Zhenjing witnessed a profound transformation because of the foreign merchants who traveled around the lower range of Yangzi River in Sui and Tang Dynasties (AD 581-907). The foreign merchants of the time profiled their Water Gods as twin females with impressively young faces. Though Chinese tradition imaged the Snake White as an old man in white suits, the convergence of the two distinct traditions ended up with a popularity of a beautiful Chinese lady of Madam Snake White whom was escorted by the other beautiful maid of Snake Blue. The mixing of the two different traditions revealed the increasingly influential economic status of merchants, especially the foreign traders, after Mid Tang Dynasty. / With the economic importance of merchants was escalating, the canal system also started to work regularly during the final 1.5 centuries in Tang. The canal system physically linked Capital Chang’an with Zhenjiang (addressed as “Runzhou City in Tang) which was the waterway conjunction of Yangzi River and the Great Canal. Since 9th century, the waterway conjunction shed off the negative image of a remote and perilous area and became one of the leading places in the empire. Zhenjiang was then governed directly by the prime ministers during late Tang Dynasty. / The arrival of the prime ministers in Zhenjiang was accompanied with the high-profiled introduction of state administration here, which aroused the confrontation and conflicts between the state and the local. The confrontation was pacified by the newly-established salt policy during the first half of the 9th century. The salt policy ensured the court to gain the support from the local strongmen and merchants. / The cooperation of local strongmen in Zhenjiang made it possible for the state to nurture the cultural environment that appreciated the leadership of Chang’an. The cultural transformation in Zhenjiang started with the establishment of Monastery Jinshan, and the monastery became the venue of demonstrating the cultural trend in the state. / Though Monastery Jinshan was shaped as a local authority of Buddhism, the serpent cult died hard in the island. Both Buddha and Snake White were prayed in the Jinshan, with Buddha as the higher god. The authority of Monastery Jinshan was finally constituted in 870s, indication the finalization of the incorporation. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳越溪. / "2012年6月". / "2012 nian 6 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-125). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Chen Yuexi. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 來自金山的“江心鏡 --- p.12 / Chapter 1、 --- 來自鎮江的進奉 --- p.12 / Chapter 2、 --- 唐代的五月初五 --- p.19 / Chapter 第三章 --- 祭祀中心與藥市 --- p.24 / Chapter 1、 --- 金山是水神祭祀中心 --- p.24 / Chapter 2、 --- 鎮江的藥市 --- p.31 / Chapter 第四章 --- 金山上的水神 --- p.35 / Chapter 1、 --- 壯麗的水神廟 --- p.35 / Chapter 2、 --- 水神是蛇仙 --- p.36 / Chapter 3、 --- 水神：老叟還是美婦？ --- p.38 / Chapter 4、 --- 水神從男性變為女性 --- p.40 / Chapter 第六章 --- 運河 --- p.48 / Chapter 1、 --- 政之不行 --- p.48 / Chapter 2、 --- 地方勢力 --- p.49 / Chapter 3、 --- 潤州新進士 --- p.51 / Chapter 4、 --- 潤州新刺史齊濣 --- p.52 / Chapter 5、 --- 運河之利 --- p.57 / Chapter 6、 --- 施政不易 --- p.58 / Chapter 7、 --- 再看唐明皇守城門樓 --- p.61 / Chapter 第七章 --- 拜佛 --- p.64 / Chapter 1、 --- 僧蛇之鬭 --- p.65 / Chapter 2、 --- 顯貴移民：練湖的勝利 --- p.69 / Chapter 第八章 --- 金山名日新 --- p.76 / Chapter 1、 --- 唐朝的鹽商 --- p.76 / Chapter 2、 --- 金山名日新 --- p.82 / Chapter 3、 --- 馬祖玄素和護航寶塔 --- p.84 / Chapter 4、 --- 宰相命輪 --- p.93 / Chapter 第九章 --- 寺成 --- p.94 / Chapter 1、 --- 處心積慮的李德裕 --- p.94 / Chapter 2、 --- 削弱水神蛇仙的影響力 --- p.100 / Chapter 3、 --- 德裕努力的成功 --- p.102 / Chapter 4、 --- 漕路通了 --- p.105 / Chapter 5、 --- 金山寺成 --- p.107 / Chapter 第十章 --- 結論 --- p.115

By reconstructing his lecture activities, I found and discussed the conflicts and debates Li had with other philosophical schools of his times. In so doing, I also discussed the interaction between Li's learning and the philosophical traditions of places where he taught, for example, his difference with the traditions of the Zhu Xi school in Fujian. What emerged is that Li was a strong and unyielding philosopher who was able to give theoretical coherence to his disciples but failed to spread his teachings into established schools of thought. / From the case of Li Cai, this dissertation finds that three elements were common and crucial to the founding of a new philosophical school in middle and late Ming times---a doctrine couched in some terse expressions, expressions deriving from the Great Learning as key terms of the doctrine, and organized lecture activities. The dissertation also argues that it was the fundamental notions of achieving learning by oneself (zide) and transmission of the orthodox Way (daotong) that drove the creation of original arguments and "discussion of learning" activities in the late Ming. Li Cai worked himself to distinction amid this practice of the time by formulating his own doctrine on ethics. His emphasis on "cultivation of the person" is a deliberate counteraction to the "extension of innate knowledge" of Wang Yangming, whose school by Li's time had much indulged in the liberation of the individual to the neglect of social norms. Engaging himself as a teacher, Li Cai also cast himself as a rival to Wang Yangming. He considered his endeavor as an act of transmitting the Way and his doctrine as providing true insights into the teaching of Confucianism. More precisely, he considered his zhixiu doctrine a loyal representation of the teachings of Confucius and his great disciple Zeng Shen. / Li talked about his zhi-xiu doctrine everywhere he went. He advanced this doctrine by means of establishing academies (shuyuan), publishing his own works, organizing discussions and debates, lecturing to large audiences, and engaging in philosophical exchanges through correspondence with his discussants. He engaged himself in activities like these when he was director of a bureau in the minister of War, an assistant surveillance commissioner in Guangdong, and an administrative vice commissioner in charge of military affairs in the southwestern border region of the Ming empire. He lost no enthusiasm in championing his doctrine even when he was an exile in Fujian province for more than ten years. / The study begins with an analysis of the Daxue (Great Learning) , the most important Neo-Confucian classic in late imperial times, which exists in a large number of versions since Northern Song times. I first analyze the most cited versions, identifying especially the differences between Zhu Xi's orthodox version and the so-called Old Text derived from the classic Record of Rites. The latter version gained ascendance from the late fifteenth century when Wang Yangming's school strongly advocated it. / This dissertation studies a well-known, but not yet well studied, statesman and philosopher of the sixteenth century, Li Cai, and his relationship to the building of philosophical schools in the world of Ming Confucianism. It hopes to throw lights on the study of Ming intellectual communities as well as on the general intellectual history of late imperial China. / To distinguish himself from both Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming, Li Cai provided a new version of the Great Learning by rearranging the texts of the Old Text and Zhu Xi's version as well as the text in the Shijing daxue (Stone Classics Great Learning), which is a forgery but acclaimed by many scholars of the time. Li Cai formulated his own philosophical doctrine from this new version and summed it up with the term zhixiu, which stands for the word zhi and the word xiu, respectively, which in turn are abbreviations of the phrases zhi yu zhishan (abiding by the supreme good) and xiushen (cultivation of the person), phrases that denote key notions in the Great Learning. He theorized that zhi refers to the substance and xiu refers to the practice of his doctrine. In actuality, he takes zhi to mean focusing on nourishing the mind and xiu to mean self-examination and watchfulness in the cultivation of the self. / 劉勇. / Adviser: Chu Hung-Lam. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2187. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 362-389). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Liu Yong.