The question of drug policy is a controversial and much debated issue in the political sphere. It is my view that any judicial policy has to be based in an ethical idea about the individual, and that the connection and analysis between ethical perspectives on the individual and the enforcing of laws with regards to the actions of individuals has to be a well-established one. In this paper I will start from the assumption that this is not the case when it comes to drug laws, and I will therefore review two popular ethical theories about the individual, and then argue that philosophical liberalism, rather than communitarianism, is the superior ethical theory because of the inherent problems of relativism within communitarianism. I will then review some common arguments for and against the prohibition of drugs, to see how well they will fare, in terms of being compatible with philosophical liberalism. I will then return to communitarianism to look at its most valuable critique of the liberal position, to then offer a compromise position between the two theories that is fully compatible with philosophical liberalism, but that also takes into account the most valuable objection from communitarianism. It is my hope that the solution I offer will be grounded in ethical theories about the individual, and in fact, manages to be based in philosophical liberalism while also incorporating the strongest objection from the communitarianist position, thereby taking the strengths offered by both theories into account.

Synen på framgång genom tidningen Korrespondens 1923–1963Korrespondensundervisningen i början av 1900-talet i Sverige är något vi vet förvånansvärt lite om, fastän den var utbredd och påverkade miljontals unga människors liv. Tidigare forskning har undersökt hur reklamannonser lockade till sig nya elever och fick dem att påbörja sina studier, oftast med ekonomiska argument ur ett individuellt perspektiv. Den här undersökningen har till uppgift att undersöka hur man konstruerade synen på den framgångsrika individen i de ledare som fanns i skoltidningen Korrespondens. Under 20- och 30-talet ser vi att man främst kommer konstruera framgång utifrån ekonomiskt och individuellt perspektiv. Vi kommer att se att det i ledarna för tidningen också fanns andra motiveringar till vad som är en framgångsrik individ. Under 40- och 50-talet fanns flera exempel av att vara framgångsrik var något som kom hela samhällets till nytta, vilket förklaras med hjälp av begreppet kommunitarism.

I denna uppsats granskar jag ett kapitel ur Roger Fjellströms bok Den goda skolan där han behandlar kommunitarismen och för en argumentation kring vad denne teori skulle kunna få för konsekvenser för skolväsendet, främst den fostrande aspekten. För att tydliggöra min granskning av detta har jag delat upp Fjellström argumentation i en tes och tre huvudargument. Tesen testas i första hand genom att jag granskar och bemöter Fjellströms tre huvudargument var för sig i. Fjellström menar att en kommunitaristisk skola löper stor risk att bli en skola som enbart anpassar barn och unga efter den föreliggande gemenskapen vilken denna än är. I min granskning av hans tre huvudargument visar jag dock att de vilar på en för snäv uppfattning om kommunitarismens idéer och därför inte ger stöd åt hans tes.

<p>The thesis <em>„Martha Nussbaum’s philosophy with regard to its feministic orientation” </em>represents Martha Nussbaum’s theory of the good life, demonstrates it as a feminist philosophy and locates it in the context of feminist theory. It is shown that Martha Nussbaum’s capability approach in connection with her reflections about the political liberalism and communitarianism is an important contribution for a feministic ethic of equality. Martha Nussbaum combines questions of justice with a theory of the good life. In her demand for the ethicing of the political, lies the relevance of her philosophy for feminism.</p><p> </p>

The thesis „Martha Nussbaum’s philosophy with regard to its feministic orientation” represents Martha Nussbaum’s theory of the good life, demonstrates it as a feminist philosophy and locates it in the context of feminist theory. It is shown that Martha Nussbaum’s capability approach in connection with her reflections about the political liberalism and communitarianism is an important contribution for a feministic ethic of equality. Martha Nussbaum combines questions of justice with a theory of the good life. In her demand for the ethicing of the political, lies the relevance of her philosophy for feminism.

Cultural anthropologists have noted that humanity’s moral thinking seem to follow certain patterns, irregardless of society. Norms and ethical themes appear to cluster in three distinctive groups of moral rules and concepts. These clusters, or ethics, have been called the ethics of autonomy, the ethics of community and the ethics of divinity. All three are moral discourses, or symbolic systems related to ethics, with the help of which we understand our ongoing experience. Together they form the base in a distinctive cultural morals. The moral systems specific cultures produce will differ, depending on what or which of the ethics one chooses to emphasize. There can be a great discrepancy between an institutionalized moral discourse and a latent counter-discourse. With the help of interviews and theoretical analysis, this paper will show different ways to conceptualize differences between an official, canonized moral discourse and parallel but underground forms of morals in society. This paper, also, wants to show a different way of thinking about ethical questions and contrasting moral cultures.

Although the ideal of liberal neutrality remains common in political philosophy, some authors argue that moral judgments are indispensable in public decisions. In particular, Michael J. Sandel has proposed that the question of legalizing same-sex marriage cannot be settled without ideas about the value and purpose of marriage. In this study, the final debate in the Swedish parliament about gender-neutral marriage is analyzed in terms of members of parliament’s opinions on state neutrality. It is shown that the ideal of moral neutrality are either rejected or accepted, but in the latter case the value-neutral ideal is not sustained throughout the course of the debate. Instead, members of parliament invoke ideas about the moral value of marriage and same-sex relationships. This adds some credibility to Sandel’s opinion that important public decisions rely on conceptions on what constitutes a good life. However, the ultimate success of Sandel’s argument depends on whether state recognition of civil marriage in itself can be justified on value-neutral grounds.

The aim of this thesis is to gain a deeper knowledge of how the individual and its rights and duties is portraited against the state, in the question of the abolition and reincorporation of the Swedish conscription and has it occurred a dislocation in the relation between the two. To achieve this a qualitative text analysis is combined with a VBF-analysis and analysing a total of four documents produced by the Swedish state, concerning the conscription. Two of the documents affect the abolition and the remaining two the reincorporation. To be able to examine how the individual’s rights and duties are looked upon by the state, three political philosophies, libertarianism, liberal equality and communitarianism, were used as the theoretical framework. The results of the study show that the view of the individual´s rights and duties has changed from the abolition of the conscription to the reincorporation. Where the abolition was dominated by libertarianism and the reincorporation had a clear communitarian view.

This thesis addresses the objective of formulating a moral-philosophically credible media ethics by encompassing two main dimensions: the examination of existing media-ethical models and the integration of sustainable arguments through utilizing eco-religious epistemology to overcome identified challenges. By incorporating eco-critical perspectives within the Media ecology tradition, which studies media as environments, the thesis proposes a creative intersection between established media theories and a theological tradition that tackles profound questions about humanity's place in the world. The initial section of the thesis analyzes moral-philosophical concepts within the media ethics frameworks proposed by three ethicists; Susanne Wigorts Yngvesson; Clifford G. Christians and Sandra L. Borden. While all three endorse universal values, they offer distinct frameworks for both understanding the ontology of universals and how these are contextualized in the journalistic community. Christians' moral epistemological theories,particularly regarding the ethics of being and Proto-norms have generated significant controversy and scholarly debate on the necessity and intellectual credibility of defending universal values in media ethics. Critical perspectives from this discourse are presented and evaluated as a complement to the analysis of Christians' media-ethical model. In exploring sustainable moral-philosophical arguments, the thesis suggests that moral claims can exhibit both universal and contextual characteristics. It suggests that a media-ethical model should integrate universal values with a communitarian perspective on journalists'moral responsibility. However, understanding the interplay between the contextual and universal dimensions of ethical values requires engaging in critical moral-philosophical theory. In addition, critical perspectives on technology and ideas of space and time need to be addressed in new ways. Thus, eco-religious epistemology, as advocated by ethicist and theologian Whitney Bauman, is proposed as a creative means to understand moral-philosophical questions regarding space/time, contextualism/universalism, and technology within media ethics.

I denna uppsats undersöks hur konkurrerande föreställningar om relationen mellan individ, kollektiv och stat framställs inom debatten om vaccinpass för tillträde till offentliga ytor. Mer specifikt syftar denna undersökning till att beskriva samt kartlägga den svenska opinionsjournalistiska debatten om vaccinpass utifrån vilka liberala och kommunitära idéer som kan utrönas, med hjälp av två frågeställningar: (1) Hur förhåller sig de huvudsakliga argumenten i den svenska opinionsjournalistiska vaccinpassdebatten till liberala respektive kommunitära idéer? och (2) Vilka likheter och skillnader kan utrönas mellan argumentationen som förs till förmån för vaccinpass och argumentationen som förs mot vaccinpass? 47 opinionsjournalistiska artiklar, publicerade mellan den 20 augusti och 30 november 2021, analyserades utifrån en beskrivande idéanalys med ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av ideologierna liberalism och kommunitarism. Resultaten visar att en majoritet av argumenten som anförs i debatten kommer närmare en liberal förståelse av relationen mellan individ, kollektiv och stat. Motståndet präglas uteslutande av liberala idéer som att staten bör vara neutral och behandla medborgarna lika, samt att staten inte är i stånd att intervenera i individens fri- och rättigheter för att främja kollektiva målsättningar. Försvaret är å andra sidan splittrat mellan liberala idéer – som skadeprincipen och att staten bör undvika frihetsinskränkningar – och kommunitära idéer, som att staten bör använda sin tvångsmakt för att premiera vissa livsval framför andra och främja ett “gemensamma bästa”. I den utsträckning som både argumentationen för och emot vaccinpass grundar sig i liberala idéer bestod skiljelinjerna istället i vems perspektiv som beaktas, synen på åtgärdens implikationer och vilken del av ideologin som framhölls.