Essayiste mondialement connu, éditorialiste dans de grands hebdomadaires français, agrégé de philosophie, Jean-François Revel a accompagné la vie intellectuelle française et internationale de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Né le 19 janvier 1924 à Marseille, décédé le 30 avril 2006, il se caractérise par un itinéraire intellectuel qui s’ancre profondément dans son temps. Il l’est comme tous les penseurs de son siècle, certes, mais sans doute encore davantage, car il est un penseur peu théoricien, avant tout soucieux des faits. Il compose son argumentaire libéral et l’emploie dans la grande presse et dans ses essais à grand succès, au service de la défense d’une démocratie qu’il juge menacée de l’intérieur et de l’extérieur.Libéral impénitent, Revel prend résolument la défense de la démocratie libérale contre le totalitarisme communiste et le socialisme marxiste. Polémiste, il critique durement la Constitution de la Ve République, le « grand dessein » du général de Gaulle, l’Union de la gauche entre socialistes et communistes et l’antiaméricanisme des Français. Sceptique popperien, il tente de dégager les ressorts intellectuels de ce qu’il appelle la « tentation totalitaire » et de la paralysie des démocraties occidentales confrontées aux ambitions géostratégiques de l’URSS.Publiciste à la manière des écrivains du XIXe siècle, témoin des grands défis politiques, économiques, sociaux et idéologiques du XXe siècle, sentinelle isolée du libéralisme au temps du marxisme triomphant, ardent défenseur de la démocratie libérale si combattue et malmenée par les fascismes et les totalitarismes nazi et communiste, Revel aura donc occupé une place à la fois centrale et marginale dans l’histoire des idées en France.En outre, Revel est resté, en vérité, et malgré une ferme empreinte anglo-saxonne, un libéral démocrate français, certain de son ancrage à gauche en dépit des controverses le visant, affronté à une gauche française profondément marxisée et une droite gaulliste et post-gaulliste très nettement hostile au libéralisme. Pour lui, l’adhésion au libéralisme intégral n’est pas une question de dogme, mais d’expérience : le libéralisme politique assure la paix civile, l’équilibre des pouvoirs et la participation des citoyens à la vie politique ; le libéralisme économique garantit mieux que l’interventionnisme étatique l’efficacité et la justice sociale.Penseur mineur par rapport à Aron ou Hayek, essayiste et polémiste, Revel a, depuis son décès, été plongé dans un relatif confinement. Son rôle de diffuseur des idées libérales dans la grande presse – plutôt que dans les cercles universitaires – n’est que rarement souligné dans les travaux sur le libéralisme au XXe siècle. L’objet de ce travail est de tenter de remédier modestement à ce confinement. / Writer all over the world, columnist in top French weeklies, graduated in philosophy, Jean-François Revel went through the international and French intellectual life from the end of the war on. Born on July 19, 1924, Marseilles, passed away on April 30, 2006, his intellectual profile was deeply rooted in his time. So were his intellectual contempories in this century, but undoudtedly still more, because his thought was little theoritical, based on facts before all. His liberal reasoning was used in the largest press and in his best-selling books at the service of democracy, that he sees as threatened internally and externally.Publicist in the way of the 19th century-writers, watchman of prominent political, economic, social and ideological challenges in the last century, isolated sentinel of liberalism in the period of triumphant Marxism, fierce champion of liberal democracy that was fought by fascisms and Nazi and Communist totalitarianisms, Revel played a role both central and marginal in the history of ideas in France.Moreover, Revel remained, and in spite of a real Anglo-Saxon stance, a French liberal democrat, convinced of being left-winger even though he was the target of controversies, faced with both a deeply Marxised French Left and a clearly antiliberal Gaullist and post-Gaullist Right. Giving his support to integral liberalism was not a question of dogma but of experience. Political liberalism ensures civil peace, check and balance, the participation of citizens to political life, and economic liberalism is better than state interventionism to create social justice and to guarantee efficiency.Philosopher of minor interest if compared with Aron or Hayek, political writer and polemist, Revel has, since he died, been relatively confined. His role of vulgarizator of liberal ideas in the largest press – rather than in the academic inner circles – has rarely been underlined in the studies dealing with 20th century-liberalism. The topic of this thesis is to try to modestly make Revel’s work better known.

No description available.

Cette thèse étudie le début de carrière d’Enoch Powell de 1946 à 1968 et analyse l’évolution de son système de pensée qui oscilla entre la tradition paternaliste disraélienne et la tradition libérale. Elle montre ainsi, d’une part, que le consensus butskellite de l’après-guerre fut très largement un mythe et, d’autre part, que la rupture thatchérienne ne fut pas seulement préparée par Mme Thatcher et ses gourous dans les années 1970, mais par un long travail de réflexion et d'expérimentation au cœur duquel on trouve Enoch Powell. Après une formation au Département de Recherche Conservateur pendant trois ans, Powell devint député pour la première fois en 1950 et rejoignit le groupe "One Nation" qu’il quitta en 1955. Lors de ses neuf premières années politiques, il s’intéressa principalement à la situation de l’Empire britannique et à la politique du logement. Il tenta à partir de 1952 de convaincre ses collègues du groupe "One Nation" de défendre plus activement des positions libérales au détriment du paternalisme disraélien. Puis, pendant ses trois expériences ministérielles successives – au Logement, au Trésor et à la Santé, il appliqua des idées libérales sans toutefois renier complètement la philosophie disraélienne, car le Premier Ministre Macmillan défendait une approche paternaliste qui visait à mettre en œuvre les conceptions qu’il avait développées vingt ans auparavant dans son ouvrage intitulé The Middle Way. Powell refusa de participer au gouvernement de Douglas-Home en 1963, décida dès lors de rompre avec l’héritage de Macmillan et inventa le powellisme. Il devint le chantre du libéralisme en Grande-Bretagne avant d’être marginalisé au sein de son parti en 1968 à cause de ses vues nationalistes exposées dans le discours des "Fleuves de Sang". / This thesis is a study of the early stages of Enoch Powell’s career, from 1946 to 1968, and an analysis of his system of thought, which wavered between the disraelite paternalistic tradition and the liberal one. It thus shows that, on the one hand, the post-war butskellite consensus was mainly a myth, and on the other hand, the Thatcherite revolution was not only prepared beforehand by Mrs Thatcher and her gurus in the 1970s, but was also the outcome of a long process of reflection and experimentation Powell played a major role. After a three-year training at the Conservative Research Department, Powell was elected as Member of Parliament for the first time in 1950 and joined the One Nation Group, which he left in 1955. During his first nine political years, he focused primarily on the situation of the British Empire and on housing policy. From 1952 onwards, he tried to convince his One Nation colleagues that they should defend liberal stances more actively, at the expense of disraelite paternalism. Then, during his three mandates in the Ministries of Housing, of the Treasury and of Health, he applied liberal ideas without entirely denying the disraelite philosophy, for Prime Minister Macmillan defended a paternalistic approach aiming at implementing the ideas he had developed twenty years before in The Middle Way. Powell refused to be part of the 1963 Douglas-Home Government and consequently decided to break with Macmillan’s legacy thereby inventing Powellism. He became the champion of liberalism in Great Britain before being ostracized within his party in 1968 on account of his nationalistic views as presented through the "Rivers of Blood" speech.

Univ., Diss.--Wuppertal.

The Republic of South Africa entered into a new constitutional dispensation in 1994. As part of this new constitutional dispensation, a new electoral system, i.e. the closed-list proportional representative electoral system, was adopted. This electoral system was accepted for elections on a national level of representatives for the National Assembly and has certain advantages and disadvantages. Some political scientists, political parties and opinion formers are of the opinion that this electoral system brings about poor contact between the representatives in the National Assembly (Parliament) and the voters. Critics are also of the opinion that party leaders obtain too much power within this electoral system, in that the parties appoint candidates to the candidate lists. In elections, voters vote for specific political parties and therefore do not have a choice with regard to who their representatives are. The result is that South Africa adheres to the representative aspect of democracy, but is lacking with regard to the accounting of representatives to voters. The legitimacy of Parliament is impaired by this defect. The aim of this study is to provide a critical analysis and investigate alternative frameworks of the South African electoral system and its functioning on a national level. In the analysis it is determined to what extent the South African electoral system meets the criteria set for an electoral system to ensure the legitimacy of Parliament, a sustainable representative democracy and an accountable government in the long term in the country. This analysis and evaluation was used to determine whether the existing closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and, if not, to identify and analyse an alternative electoral system for South Africa. The analysis entails a literature overview analysis of electoral systems. From the study it appears that modern democracies use a wide variety of different electoral systems. There is consensus that no single best electoral system exists which could be used by all countries, since every country has its distinctive circumstances and an electoral system’s functioning and outcomes are affected by it. In this study, twelve different electoral systems are identified with specific advantages and disadvantages. Criteria were set with which electoral systems had to comply in order to promote democracy and ensure the legitimacy of Parliament. These criteria require that electoral systems have to promote and ensure broad representation, accessible and meaningful elections, reconciliation, stable and effective government, accountability of government, accountability of representatives, promotion of political parties, opposition and oversight, sustainability of the electoral process, and international standards. The listed criteria were placed in order of priority according to those which are the most important in the current South African circumstances. In accordance with this, an evaluation model was drawn up which was quantified in order to calculate the extent to which every electoral system met the requirements and priority order. In determining the order of priority of the requirements in the criteria, the historical circumstances of South Africa, of discord, conflict, racial hatred, riots and suspicion between races, were taken into account. When applying the evaluation model to the twelve different electoral systems, it was found that the current closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and should be retained. In terms of the criticism of the current electoral system, the conclusion drawn is that electoral systems cannot ensure the measure of accountability of representatives. It is ensured by the internal rules and discipline of the political parties they represent. The contribution of electoral systems to the accountability of representatives is to ensure that voters have a choice between more than one candidate, or more than one political party at a following election. Furthermore, electoral systems also do not appoint candidates in an election; the respective political parties appoint them. In any appointment of candidates, the leadership and party bureaucracy will play a specific role, regardless of the type of electoral system. / Thesis (PhD (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

The Republic of South Africa entered into a new constitutional dispensation in 1994. As part of this new constitutional dispensation, a new electoral system, i.e. the closed-list proportional representative electoral system, was adopted. This electoral system was accepted for elections on a national level of representatives for the National Assembly and has certain advantages and disadvantages. Some political scientists, political parties and opinion formers are of the opinion that this electoral system brings about poor contact between the representatives in the National Assembly (Parliament) and the voters. Critics are also of the opinion that party leaders obtain too much power within this electoral system, in that the parties appoint candidates to the candidate lists. In elections, voters vote for specific political parties and therefore do not have a choice with regard to who their representatives are. The result is that South Africa adheres to the representative aspect of democracy, but is lacking with regard to the accounting of representatives to voters. The legitimacy of Parliament is impaired by this defect. The aim of this study is to provide a critical analysis and investigate alternative frameworks of the South African electoral system and its functioning on a national level. In the analysis it is determined to what extent the South African electoral system meets the criteria set for an electoral system to ensure the legitimacy of Parliament, a sustainable representative democracy and an accountable government in the long term in the country. This analysis and evaluation was used to determine whether the existing closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and, if not, to identify and analyse an alternative electoral system for South Africa. The analysis entails a literature overview analysis of electoral systems. From the study it appears that modern democracies use a wide variety of different electoral systems. There is consensus that no single best electoral system exists which could be used by all countries, since every country has its distinctive circumstances and an electoral system’s functioning and outcomes are affected by it. In this study, twelve different electoral systems are identified with specific advantages and disadvantages. Criteria were set with which electoral systems had to comply in order to promote democracy and ensure the legitimacy of Parliament. These criteria require that electoral systems have to promote and ensure broad representation, accessible and meaningful elections, reconciliation, stable and effective government, accountability of government, accountability of representatives, promotion of political parties, opposition and oversight, sustainability of the electoral process, and international standards. The listed criteria were placed in order of priority according to those which are the most important in the current South African circumstances. In accordance with this, an evaluation model was drawn up which was quantified in order to calculate the extent to which every electoral system met the requirements and priority order. In determining the order of priority of the requirements in the criteria, the historical circumstances of South Africa, of discord, conflict, racial hatred, riots and suspicion between races, were taken into account. When applying the evaluation model to the twelve different electoral systems, it was found that the current closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and should be retained. In terms of the criticism of the current electoral system, the conclusion drawn is that electoral systems cannot ensure the measure of accountability of representatives. It is ensured by the internal rules and discipline of the political parties they represent. The contribution of electoral systems to the accountability of representatives is to ensure that voters have a choice between more than one candidate, or more than one political party at a following election. Furthermore, electoral systems also do not appoint candidates in an election; the respective political parties appoint them. In any appointment of candidates, the leadership and party bureaucracy will play a specific role, regardless of the type of electoral system. / Thesis (PhD (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

Frans Vredenrijk Engelenburg (1863-1938) played a major role in the development and expansion of Afrikaans and the Afrikaans academic culture - especially in the northern part of South Africa. As a Dutch intellectual, lawyer and journalist in the nineteenth century South African Republic (Transvaal), he in particular played an important role as advisor and opinion maker from the 1890s onward. One of his biggest achievements was the key role that he played in the establishment of De Zuid Afrikaanse Akademie voor Taal, Letteren en Kunst in 1909. This study is the first part of a more comprehensive biographical project on the life of Engelenburg and the role he fulfilled in the history of the Akademie and South Africa until the thirties of the twentieth century. Since the 1600s the Engelenburg family has played a prominent role in the community where they lived. Aside from the high positions they had held for centuries before, they had in the fourth and again in the sixth generation married into noble families. This contributed to their important position in the community. Due to circumstances Engelenburg was not raised in the Engelenburg milieu. A family break in 1836 was the cause that Engelenburg's father, as a baby, was spirited away from this family milieu. Engelenburg received an extraordinarily good schooling. The solid intellectual foundation already laid then, to a large extent determined the course of his life. He was at the Stedelijk Gymnasium Arnhem when he met Marie Koopmans-De Wet (1834-1906), an aunt by marriage who lived in Cape Town, when on a visit to Europe. She was his soul mate and acted as a mentor and advisor to Engelenburg. The friendship strengthened with the years. He already at school had the desire to visit South Africa one day. His parents' divorce when he was still a student at the University of Leyden, steered his life in a very different direction than what he had foreseen for himself. The divorce was to a large extent the reason that, although he had studied law, he discarded the notion of a career in law after only a year. His decision to follow a career in journalism affected the rest of his life. The Transvaal War (1880-1881) meant that the Dutch developed an admiration for the Transvaalers for the determination and courage they displayed in their attempts to defeat the British army. President Paul Kruger's call shortly after the war that the Transvaal needed young Dutchmen further encouraged Engelenburg to come to South Africa. Previously Engelenburg had for a year worked for Fred Hogendorp at the Dagblad van Suidholland en s’Gravenhage in The Hague. Circumstances abruptly changed when Hogendorp suddenly became insane. During the same time, the owner of De Volksstem newspaper in Pretoria had committed suicide and Engelenburg seized the work opportunity. Within a matter of three months, he arrived in the Transvaal. Within a month after his arrival he was appointed chief editor of De Volksstem. He had studied the Transvaal situation thoroughly and by means of the newspaper and through tireless efforts, he contributed to improving the farming community’s cultural literacy. The education situation in the Transvaal enjoyed his constant attention. After the Anglo-Boer War (ABW) (1899-1902), he continued to work towards improving the education system in the Transvaal. He early on became involved in the Transvaal University College (later University of Pretoria). Before the ABW he did everything possible to promote the Dutch language to the Boer people. However, after the war he realised that Afrikaans had a rightful place, and he, in addition to Dutch, became a champion for the Afrikaans language. The battle between the proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans respectively, increased after the ABW. To achieve unity of action between the two groups, De Zuid Afrikaanse Akademie voor Taal, Letteren and Kunst was founded in 1909. Behind the scenes Engelenburg was one of the major driving forces to assist with the founding of the organisation. As a board member and later as chairman, he gave impetus to the Akademie. In 2009 the organisation celebrated its centenary. This is an important milestone, especially seen in the light of the current political climate in South Africa. The Akademie can now be regarded as a monument to Engelenburg as the fruit of his labour and perseverance during the first three decades of the Akademie’s existence. / Thesis (M.A. (History))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2010.

Frans Vredenrijk Engelenburg (1863-1938) played a major role in the development and expansion of Afrikaans and the Afrikaans academic culture - especially in the northern part of South Africa. As a Dutch intellectual, lawyer and journalist in the nineteenth century South African Republic (Transvaal), he in particular played an important role as advisor and opinion maker from the 1890s onward. One of his biggest achievements was the key role that he played in the establishment of De Zuid Afrikaanse Akademie voor Taal, Letteren en Kunst in 1909. This study is the first part of a more comprehensive biographical project on the life of Engelenburg and the role he fulfilled in the history of the Akademie and South Africa until the thirties of the twentieth century. Since the 1600s the Engelenburg family has played a prominent role in the community where they lived. Aside from the high positions they had held for centuries before, they had in the fourth and again in the sixth generation married into noble families. This contributed to their important position in the community. Due to circumstances Engelenburg was not raised in the Engelenburg milieu. A family break in 1836 was the cause that Engelenburg's father, as a baby, was spirited away from this family milieu. Engelenburg received an extraordinarily good schooling. The solid intellectual foundation already laid then, to a large extent determined the course of his life. He was at the Stedelijk Gymnasium Arnhem when he met Marie Koopmans-De Wet (1834-1906), an aunt by marriage who lived in Cape Town, when on a visit to Europe. She was his soul mate and acted as a mentor and advisor to Engelenburg. The friendship strengthened with the years. He already at school had the desire to visit South Africa one day. His parents' divorce when he was still a student at the University of Leyden, steered his life in a very different direction than what he had foreseen for himself. The divorce was to a large extent the reason that, although he had studied law, he discarded the notion of a career in law after only a year. His decision to follow a career in journalism affected the rest of his life. The Transvaal War (1880-1881) meant that the Dutch developed an admiration for the Transvaalers for the determination and courage they displayed in their attempts to defeat the British army. President Paul Kruger's call shortly after the war that the Transvaal needed young Dutchmen further encouraged Engelenburg to come to South Africa. Previously Engelenburg had for a year worked for Fred Hogendorp at the Dagblad van Suidholland en s’Gravenhage in The Hague. Circumstances abruptly changed when Hogendorp suddenly became insane. During the same time, the owner of De Volksstem newspaper in Pretoria had committed suicide and Engelenburg seized the work opportunity. Within a matter of three months, he arrived in the Transvaal. Within a month after his arrival he was appointed chief editor of De Volksstem. He had studied the Transvaal situation thoroughly and by means of the newspaper and through tireless efforts, he contributed to improving the farming community’s cultural literacy. The education situation in the Transvaal enjoyed his constant attention. After the Anglo-Boer War (ABW) (1899-1902), he continued to work towards improving the education system in the Transvaal. He early on became involved in the Transvaal University College (later University of Pretoria). Before the ABW he did everything possible to promote the Dutch language to the Boer people. However, after the war he realised that Afrikaans had a rightful place, and he, in addition to Dutch, became a champion for the Afrikaans language. The battle between the proponents of Dutch and Afrikaans respectively, increased after the ABW. To achieve unity of action between the two groups, De Zuid Afrikaanse Akademie voor Taal, Letteren and Kunst was founded in 1909. Behind the scenes Engelenburg was one of the major driving forces to assist with the founding of the organisation. As a board member and later as chairman, he gave impetus to the Akademie. In 2009 the organisation celebrated its centenary. This is an important milestone, especially seen in the light of the current political climate in South Africa. The Akademie can now be regarded as a monument to Engelenburg as the fruit of his labour and perseverance during the first three decades of the Akademie’s existence. / Thesis (M.A. (History))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2010.

La présente dissertation cherche d'abord d'établir un concept précis pour le néo-liberalisme, doctrine qui est née à partir des ouvrages de, parmi d'autres, Friedrich Haeyk et Milton Friedman, et qui s'est répandie dans plusiers pays à partir de la fin des annès 1970. Après l'annalyse des textes classiques concernant la naissance du libéralisme et sa débacle à la fin dela Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, on elabore un concept de néo-liberalisme qui embrasse sa condition théorique et ses conséquences pratiques dans la politique objective. Ensuite, on procede à una annalyse de la vie politique du Brésil à partir de la dernière époque de la dictature militaire jusqu'au crépuscule du governemment de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, toujours en employant le concept de néo-liberalisme pour signaler les mesures neolibérales adoptés par les divers gouvernements le long de cette période. De cette façon, il est possible de comprendre le degré d'adhésion à l'ideal néo-liberal du gouvernement brésilien dans son quotidien, ce qui permet d'annalyser les politiques actuelles du gouvernement féderal sous l'optique de changement et/ou continuité. / A presente dissertação inicia por buscar um conceito firme para o neoliberalismo, doutrina que emergiu a partir dos trabalhos de Friedrich Haeyk e Milton Friedman, entre outros, e que se implementou em diversos países do mundo a partir do final dos anos 1970. Após uma análise dos textos clássicos, perpassando o nascimento do liberalismo e sua débâcle, no final da II Grande Guerra, elabora-se um conceito do que seja neoliberalismo, abarcando sua condição teórica e seus consectários práticos na política real. Uma vez estabelecido este conceito, passa-se à análise da vida política brasileira do final da ditadura militar até o ocaso do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, sempre empregando a definição de neoliberalismo para apontar as medidas neoliberais adotadas pelos diferentes governos centrais ao longo deste período. Com isto se consegue compreender o grau de internalização do ideário neoliberal no cotidiano governamental brasileiro, o que viabiliza a análise das atuais políticas do governo federal sob o prisma da mudança e/ou da continuidade. / This work first intend to establish an accurate concept of neoliberalism, doctrine issued from the works of, among others, Friedrich Haeyk and Milton Friedman, and was disseminated in several countries after the last years of the 1979 decade. After the analysis of classical texts, from the beginning of liberalism to its debacle at the end of World War II, a concept of neoliberalism is established, including its theorical aspects and its practical consequences in objective politic. After setting up this concept, an analysis is made of brazilian political life, from the last times of the military dictatorship to the end of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso government, always employing the concept of neo-liberalism to point out the neoliberal mesures adopted by the several federal governments during that period. By doing so, it is possible to make clear the extent of adherence to neo-liberal ideals of brazilian governments in their everyday life, and therefore to study the current politics of federal government under the point of view of either modification and/or continuity.

Summaries in English and Afrikaans / In die tesis word die modernistiese en laat/postmodernistiese reduksionistiese benaderings in die Adventiste wêreld nie bloot afgewys nie, nie net omdat dit deel van ons ervaring is nie maar ook omdat die reduksies wat in die moderne en laat/postmoderne tyd ontstaan het in ʼn gemodifieërde sin die boustene is van ʼn hermeneutiese benadering wat poog om holisties en in multiverse sin oorvleuelend te werk met die antieke, moderne en laat/post moderne benaderinge. In ʼn hermeneutiek wat holisties oorvleuelend en multivers integrerend aan die gang is, vorm die vierledige opset van die handelinge en beweginge van God, die menslike bewustelike self, medemens(e) as die ander mens en die natuurlike kosmiese wêreld ʼn misterie van vierledig aktiewe teenwoordighede wat nie-vermengd saambestaan maar tog ontsettend naby aan mekaar is as die voortgaande ervaringskaart van elke konteks en situasie. Juis die uitmekaar ruk van die vierledige aktiewe teenwoordighede inonservaringswêrelde vorm die agtergrond vir moderne teologisme met God alleen speler van die spel, psigologisme met die bewustelike menslike self as die kaptein van sy siel en die meester van sy lot, humanisme waarin die mensheid as kollektiewe menswees die enigste roerder van die menslike brousel in die geskiedenis is en naturalisme waarin die natuurlik kosmiese omgewing die naturaliserende ordeningsagent van die kosmiese chaos is. Wat radikaal deur ʼn holisties oorvleuelende en multiverse integrerende aanpak sny, is dat die vierledige teenwoordighede gedra word asook ingebou is in wat in die Bybels-historiese tydslyn vorendag kom as die vier prominente dade van God se voortgaande skepping, versoening in Jesus Christus, alomvattende vernuwing deur die Gees en voleindende volmaking tot in die aanbreek van die nuwe hemel en die nuwe aarde. Binne die omraming van ʼn hermeneutiek wat holisties oorvleuelend en multiversintegrerend werk, word algemene moderne en postmoderne benaderinge oor tekse, teorieë, menslike handelinge en die natuurlike kosmiese gebeurtenisse beskryf. Terwyl die moderniteit – en ook die postmoderniteit – uitgaan van die hoofsaaklik opponerende verskille tussen sinmakende beskouinge word hier gepoog om eers die oorvleuelingsareas refleksief te betrek en daarna aandag gee aan die verskille. Die drie breë benaderinge wat hoofsaaklik beskryf word is die van fundamentalistiese spieëling, liberale interpretasie en die konsinlike onderhandeling van tekse, teorieë, menslike handelinge en natuurlik kosmiese gebeure.Juis teen hierdie agtergrond word diverse SDA omgangspatrone met die Bybel, ervaringe in die kerklike arena en alledaagse ervaringe in ʼn draaikolk van multivers oorvleuelende en differensiërende refleksiwiteit beskryf. / In the thesis Adventist approaches making use of modernist and late/postmodernistic reductionist philosophies are not rejected out of hand. Not only are the reductions which emerged in the modern and late/modern era part of our experience but they are in a modified sense the building blocks of a hermeneutical approach in which an attempt is made to work in an overlapping holistic and multiverse way with approaches of the ancient world, modernity and late/post modernity. In a hermeneutics that operate holistically with overlaps and in a multiverse integrative sense, the quadruple setting of actions and movements of God, the conscious human self, neighbour(s) as the other human and the natural cosmic world forms a mystery of foursome active presences that do not exist together in a mixed sense but are very close to each other as the continuous experiential map of every context and situation. The dislocation of the foursome active presences in our experiential worlds forms the backdrop of modern theologism in which God is the sole player in the game, psychologism with the conscious human self as the captain of his or her soul, humanism in which humanity as the collectiveness of being human is the only stirrer of the human concoction in history and naturalism in which the natural cosmic environment is the only naturalistic agency that arranges the cosmic chaos. Cutting radically through the holistic overlapping and multiverse integrative approach is that the foursome presences are carried and built into what come to the fore in the biblical historical timeline as the four grand acts of God of continuous creation, reconciliation in Jesus Christ, all embracing renewal through the Holy Spirit and fulfilling fulfilment as in the dawn of the new heaven and the new earth. Within the embrace of a hermeneutics which works with overlaps in a holistically and integrating in a multiverse sense general modernist and late/post modern approaches regarding texts, theories, human doings and natural cosmic events are described. While modernity – and late/post modernity - depart from mainly opposing differences between sense making views the attempt is made here firstly to engage oneself in a reflexive sense with the areas of overlapping and only then to pay attention the differences. The three broad approaches mainly described are that of fundamentalist mirroring, liberal interpretation and consensual negotiation of texts, theories, human doings and natural cosmic events. It is against this background that diverse SDA engagement patterns with the Bible, experiences in the arena of the church and everyday experiences is described in a vortex of holistic overlapping and multiverse integrative reflexivity. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Systematic Theology)