This project, overall, involves a theory of law as dimensions. Throughout the history of the study of law, many different theoretical paradigms have emerged proffering different and competing ways to answer the question ‘what is law’? Traditionally, many of these paradigms have been at irreconcilable odds with one another. Notwithstanding this seeming reality, the goal of this project was to attempt to take three of the leading paradigms in legal theory and provide a way to explain how each might fit into a single coherent theory of law. I set out to accomplish this by drawing on the field of theoretical physics and that field’s use of spatial dimensions in explaining various physical phenomena. By engaging in a dimensional analysis of law, I found that I was able to place each paradigm within its own dimension with that dimension being defined by a specific element of time, and in doing so much of the conflict between the paradigms came to be ameliorated. The project has been divided into two main parts. PART I discusses the fundamentals of legal theory (Chapter 1) and the fundamentals of dimensions (Chapter 2). These fundamentals provide a foundation for a dimensional analysis of law which takes place throughout PART II. In Chapter 3, I argue that the three fundamental theses of Positivism coalesce with the 1st-dimension of law, which is defined as law as it exists at any one point in time. From there, I argue in Chapter 4 that the 2nd-dimension of law, being law as it exists between two points in time (i.e. when cases are adjudicated), is characterized by Pragmatism. I then turn, in Chapter 5, to argue that the 3rd-dimension of law, being law as it exists from the very first point in legal time to the ever changing present day, coalesces with the fundamental theses of Naturalism. Ultimately then, I argue that a theory of law as dimensions, through the vantage points of the specific elements of time, provides a more complete account of the nature of law.

Il est des notions servant d’architecture aux opérations d’épargne tellement anciennes, voire un tantinet désuètes et « exotiques », qu’elles finissent par n’intéresser qu’une poignée de spécialistes. C’est le cas de la tontine qui occupe une place résolument atypique et différenciée. Son traitement est tout aussi significatif que paradoxal. À son évocation, contrairement aux autres techniques juridiques et malgré sa relative confidentialité, n’importe quel particulier est capable de tracer une trame, peu ou prou précise, mais néanmoins avec une constance dès lors qu’il s’agit de ses deux points cardinaux que sont la survie, comme condition exécutoire, et la mort, comme condition résolutoire. Mais là s’arrête la bonne intuition et commencent un ensemble de malentendus ainsi qu’une certaine amphibologie. De prime abord, l’histoire de la tontine ne peut être écrite au singulier. Elle a changé d’objet à trois reprises, de 1653 à nos jours. Quand bien même son régime est parvenu à se stabiliser, la tontine est redevenue multiforme, faisant intervenir alternativement la vie et le décès comme fondement de l’extinction des obligations. Ensuite, sa représentation est toujours occultée par des récits des abus alors que la loi du 17 mars 1905 est parvenue à les sécuriser définitivement. Enfin, les démarches d’introspection ont été continuellement ramenées à la comparaison avec l’assurance vie. Peu convaincantes, elles butent toutes sur le postulat intangible qui sépare la tontine de l’assurance. De là, il faut définitivement se convaincre que la tontine est une opération d’épargne sui generis, définie par huit éléments constitutifs, dotée d’un droit spécial et couverte par le Code des assurances (articles R.322-139 à R.322-159). / There are architectural notions related to savings’ plans so ancient, even indeed slightly outmoded and « exotic », that they end up interesting only a handful of specialists. This is the case of tontine which fills a resolutely atypical and differentiated niche. Its processing is as significant as it is paradoxical. In fact, unlike other legal techniques and despite its relative confidentiality, any individual is capable of drawing a more or less accurate yet constant framework, that it includes two cardinal points which are survival as an execution clause, and death as a cancellation clause. But good intuition stops there and a whole series of misunderstandings begin, as does a certain amphibology. At first sight, tontine history cannot be written in a singular mode. Tontine has changed its object three times, from 1653 to this day. Although its system had become reliable, tontine merged again into a many-faceted profile, applying alternately, life and death events as a foundation of obligation extinction. Furthermore, tontine representation is always overshadowed by a sulphurous reputation even though the March 17th 1905 bill managed to definitely secure these operations. Finally, introspection initiatives have been continuously reduced to a comparison with life insurance. Unconvincing, they always trip over the intangible premise which separates tontine from insurance. From there, it is unequivocal that tontine is a sui generis savings’ plan, defined by eight constitutive elements, endowed with a specific legal system and covered by the insurance code (articles R.322-139 to R.322-159).

The focus of this dissertation is in the area of theoretical knowledge in customs law and tax law connected with practical knowledge implemented throughout legal relations, its subjects and objects, the rights and obligations of parties in the Act on Taxes and Charges Administration and the new Tax Code as a complex concept of legal proceeding within individual branch of financial law while fulfilling the determining criterion in the system of law. I understand the term "system of law" has more meanings. The system of law is a variously formatted summary of relations between the branches of objective law and legal rules. I also take the term as a set of basic legal systems. Usually it can also be described as a system based on a set of elements connected to each other by a certain structure of relations. On the other hand the system of law symbolizes the indication of the structure of law as a normative legal framework. It then represents a greater unity but also the inner differential in law. The differential sign of dividing law into branches or sub-branches is the nature of the group of social relations which are subject to legislation. The legal system (objective law) is in every country (national law) always somehow structured. The way of matching and organizing the legal institutes into branches is...

Première partie : La pluralité des juridictions : une pluralité assumée et organiséeTitre I : La composition de l’appareil de justiceTitre II : L’organisation des juridictions dans l’optique d’un ordre juridictionnelDeuxième partie : Le juge comorien face aux impératifs de justiceTitre I : Le respect des fondements de la justiceTitre II : Le juge comorien à la jonction d’un pluralisme désordonné / Part 1: The plurality of courts: an assumed and organized pluralityTitle I: The composition of the judicial systemTitle II: The organisation of the courts from the perspective of a jurisdictional systemPart 2: The Comorian judge facing justice dutiesTitle I: The observations of the foundation of justiceTitle II: The Comorian judge in junction of a disordered pluralism

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MariaHemiliaFonseca.pdf: 2656512 bytes, checksum: aebfeefb5fb86e73a1f74707d4d5951d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-09-27 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / In view of the importance and meaning placed on work presently when there is unemployment everywhere, the right to work arises again to the world scene grounded on the support and promotion of human dignity. Assuming that the right to work is a universal right of all men, and that its acknowledgement as a fundamental right is conditioned to the guidelines drawn up by every legal system, the study herein searched to show that the right to work in the Brazilian legal system (i) is acknowledged as a fundamental social-economic right , (ii) it adopts the structure of a principle in the constitutional text dated back to 1988, that is, it is shown as an optimization commandment which imposes prima facie rights and duties , and thus it demands that it is carried out according to the phatic and legal possibilities foreseen in each concrete case , based on the theory about rules and principles developed by Robert Alexy; (iii) its analysis can be performed on an individual and collective dimension , which are closely related to the distinct application fields of the fundamental rights, that is, the one that involves the State and its citizens and the one that is centered in the relations among the private ones; (iv) in its individual range , it is shown circumscribed by the work contract and in the collective range it is associated to the objective of full employment, especially the public policies of work and employment; (v) its accomplishment is a needed consequence of the legal system of special protection that the Constitution has granted to these rights , and this can be done through political and legal mechanisms. It was checked , therefore, in the Brazilian scene , that the right to work is not an unrealizable chimera. There are, indeed, different political and legal mechanisms for its accomplishment; will and courage in small doses are required to overcome old paradigms / Ante a importância e o significado que o trabalho humano adquiriu nos tempos atuais de desemprego, o direito ao trabalho figura no cenário mundial como base de sustentação e de promoção da dignidade humana. Partindo do pressuposto de que o direito ao trabalho é um direito universal de todos os homens e que o seu reconhecimento como um direito fundamental está condicionado às diretrizes traçadas por cada ordenamento jurídico, o presente estudo procura demonstrar que o direito ao trabalho no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro (i) é reconhecido como um direito econômico-social fundamental; (ii) assume a estrutura de um princípio no texto constitucional de 1988, ou seja, apresenta-se como um mandamento de otimização que impõe direitos e deveres prima facie, exigindo, assim, a sua realização segundo as possibilidades fáticas e jurídicas previstas em cada caso concreto, nos moldes da teoria sobre regras e princípios desenvolvida por Robert Alexy; (iii) a sua análise pode se dar em uma dimensão individual e em uma dimensão coletiva, que têm correlação direta com os distintos campos de aplicação dos direitos fundamentais, ou seja, aquele que envolve o Estado e seus cidadãos e aquele que se centra nas relações entre os particulares; (iv) em seu âmbito individual aparece circunscrito ao contrato de trabalho e no âmbito coletivo associado ao objetivo do pleno emprego, especialmente às políticas públicas de trabalho e emprego; (v) a sua efetivação é uma conseqüência necessária do regime jurídico de proteção especial que a Constituição concedeu a estes direitos, e esta pode se dar através de mecanismos políticos e jurídicos. Verifica-se, portanto, que no cenário brasileiro o direito a trabalhar não se trata de uma quimera irrealizável. Existem, sim, distintos mecanismos políticos e jurídicos a serem utilizados para a sua efetivação, bastando um pouco de vontade e coragem para ultrapassar velhos paradigmas

Après une introduction générale et un survol de littérature, l’apport de cette thèse est que chaque gouvernement choisit pour son pays le flux de migrants qui maximise le bien-être social. Il s’ensuit naturellement l’introduction du concept de double frontière optimale. Dans un modèle OLG simple à la Galor (1986) avec 2 périodes, 2 pays et offre de travail exogène, le chapitre 2 étudie le rôle des différences d’épargne entre les pays sur l’équilibre stationnaire. Le planificateur social choisit le taux de migration qui conduit l’économie à la Règle d’Or (que les frontières soient coûteuses ou non). Si un pays laisse entrer alors l’autre laisse sortir, mais les taux de migration diffèrent à l’optimum social. Un planificateur mondial choisirait comme les individus. Le chapitre 3 développe un modèle OLG à 3 périodes et 2 pays. En 1ere période les jeunes s’éduquent avec des taux de rendement différent selon le pays, en seconde et troisième période ils offrent du travail endogène. Le taux de migration conduit chaque pays à l’optimum social et est tel qu’un des deux pays souhaite fermer ses frontières avant l’autre. Ces asymétries génèrent des incitations à la migration illégale, et par conséquent les salaires et taux d’intérêt ne s’égalisent pas à l’équilibre post-migratoire.Le chapitre 4 étend le précédent au cas où seuls les adultes sont autorisés à migrer et ajoute un système de retraite. Les pays receveurs souhaiteraient accueillir plus de migrants que les pays d’envois ne souhaiteraient en laisser partir. Le choix individuel de migration repose davantage sur un choix d’éducation des enfants que sur le choix de bénéficier d’une retraite. Ce résultat contredit la littérature sur ce point. / After a general introduction and a literature review, in a 2-country OLG model, this thesis considers a non yet studied case where each government chooses for his country theflow of migrants that maximizes the post-migration social welfare. Since decision flows are unilateral, it naturally follows the introduction of the concept of optimal two-sided-borders. In a simple OLG model à la Galor (1986) with 2 periods, 2 countries and an exogenous labor supply, Chapter 2 examines the differences in optimal migration flows when countrydiffers in time preferences. With or without costly borders, optimal flows that lead the economy to the Golden Rule differ, so that one country closes its borders before the otherone. A world social planner would make an opposite migration policy compared with the country-specific social planner. Chapter 3 develops an OLG model where young train and get the return to education next period, adult and old endogenously work. The optimal migration rates leading to the social optimum of each country differ. These asymmetries generate incentives for illegal migration, hence wages and interest rates do not equalize in the post-migration equilibrium. Chapter 4 extends the previous by introducing a pension system. If by the law, only adults are allowed to migrate, then the receiving country want to attract more migrants than the departure country would let go. The individual choice of migration depends more on the children education than on the retirement benefit choice. This result is not in line with the existing literature. The Welfare State is not the first reason for which migrants leave their country.

This dissertation explores the reconfiguration of religion in modern global society with a focus on Koreans’ use of the category of religion. Using textual and structural analysis, this study examines how the notion of religion is structurally and semantically contextualized in the public sphere of modern Korea. I scrutinize the operation of the differentiated communication systems that produces a variety of discourses and imaginaries on religion and religions in modern Korea. Rather than narrowly define religion in terms of the consequence of religious or scientific projects, this dissertation shows the process in which the evolving societal systems such as politics, law, education, and mass media determine and re-determine what counts as religion in the emergence of a globalized Korea. I argue that, ever since the Western notion of religion was introduced to East Asia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, religion was, unlike in China and Japan, constructed as a positive social component in Korea, because it was considered to be instrumental in maintaining Korean identity and modernizing the Korean nation in the new global context. In twentieth century Korea, the conception of religion was manifest in the representation of the so-called world religions such as Buddhism and Christianity, which were largely re-imagined as resisting colonialism and communism as well as contributing to the integration and democratization of the nation-state. The phenomenal clout and growth of Korea’s mainstream religions can be traced to an established twofold understanding that religion is distinctive, normal, and versatile, while indigenous traditions and new religious groups are abnormal, regressive, and even harmful. I have found that, since the late 1980s, a negative re-formation of religion has been widespread in the public sphere of South Korea, with a growing concern that religion may harbor a parochial attitude against the nation’s new strategies of development. Religion has been increasingly signified as antisocial, conflictual, and sectarian in newly globalized South Korea, because structuralized religious power, in particular that of Protestantism, gets in the way of autonomous evolvement of the secular societal institutions. As such, I conclude by suggesting that the definition of religion was multiply appropriated by the differences in local particularization in contemporary global society. Insofar as religion is regarded as incompatible with the changed location of the national society in the new global society, the semantics assigned to what is called religion continues to be degraded in contemporary South Korea.

本研究以整體性的方式來分析目前國內在董監事及重要職員責任保險的市場發展情況。分別就目前的環境與法令制度、董監事及重要職員責任保險之供給情形、以及董監事及重要職員責任保險之需求等三方面，做進一步的分析探討。透過整合性的分析可以瞭解國內企業對於董監事及重要職員責任保險的真正需求，同時將分析的結果提供作為參考的依據。 本文首先歸納摘要環境與法令制度，其次針對董監事及重要職員責任保險之供給面進行實際訪談；而在董監事及重要職員責任保險需求方面，則建立三項實證分析模型。模型一是以購買D&O保險之保險金額為依變數與自變數之間的關係;模型二是以購買D&O保險之保險費為依變數與自變數之間的關係，來探討董監事及重要職員責任保險之需求情形。模型三是以D&O保險之保險費除以保險金額，即保險費率為依變數與自變數間的關係。自變數方面則分成三大類，分別為公司特色、代理問題、以及財務結構等三項進行迴歸分析。 結果顯示國內D&O保險需求的最主要影響因素為股東總數與內部董事持股數兩項顯著變數。在保險費率釐訂方面，影響費率的主要因素為資本額(Capital)與董監事報酬(D&O payments)兩項變數。透過實證分析結果可知董監事及重要職員責任保險除了供給與需求兩方面外，也必須有環境因素與法令規定等因素的考量，彼此間環環相扣下，才能詳盡地瞭解國內董監事及重要職員責任保險。

Parler du foncier agricole en Algérie, c'est évoquer inévitablement tout un processus historique dans laquelle la terre a été l'enjeu principal aussi bien pendant la colonisation que pendant la période post indépendance, où elle a été au centre de choix politiques, voir même idéologiques. Tout un arsenal juridique mis en place pendant plus de 60 ans, pour la création et la libéralisation du marché foncier afin de faciliter les transactions foncières et réaliser la sécurisation foncière des exploitants agricoles et ce, dans le but de renforcer l'accès au foncier agricole. En Algérie, la problématique du foncier devient cruciale. Pour des raisons extrêmement variées et à des degrés divers, le foncier se trouve au centre des débats et des enjeux. Dans ce travail de recherche, nous nous intéresserons à la problématique du foncier agricole en Algérie et les différents dispositifs mis en place par l’État depuis l'indépendance pour trouver une solution à la question complexe du foncier agricole en Algérie, et ce, à travers toutes les réformes : de l'autogestion à la concession des terres du domaine privé de l’État. / Talking about the agricultural land in Algeria, is inevitably evoking a historical process in which the land was the main challenge both during the colonization and during the post independence period, where it was the centre of a political and even ideological choice. A whole legal arsenal is introduced during more than 60 years, for the creation and the liberalization of land market, in order to facilitate the land transactions and to realise a land security of farmers to reinforce the access to agricultural land. In Algeria, the land problem becomes crucial. Due to extremely varied raisons and to various degrees, the land lies at the centre of debates and issues. In this research, we focus on the land of agricultural problem in Algeria and the various devices set up by the government since the independence to find a solution to complex question of the agriculture landholding in Algeria, and that, through all the reforms of the self- management to the concession of land in the private domain of the state.

This article is intended to explain core ideas resulting from processes of which Peruvian environmental legal system is derived; it is morean overview rather than a system characterization, as well as a perspective or sampling foresight representing Río +20 process meaning. In that sense, it examines the modern environmental regulations rising context and provides a brief retrospective of Peruvian environmental legal system development and prospective studies within the frame of green economy paradigms and the environmental governance, presenting only three prospective references aschallenges and trends on: Climate and Energy Law, a new legal Framework for a Green Economy and Sustainable Enterprise, and finally, stressing emphatically on mega-cities, Conurbation and Land use Planning issues given little attention usually law renders to this matters. / El ensayo pretende explicar las ideas fuerza de los procesos quedan origen al sistema jurídico ambiental peruano, una reseña antes que una caracterización del sistema, así como una perspectiva o prospectiva muestral a resultas de lo que representa el proceso denominado Río + 20. En ese sentido, da cuenta del contexto en que surge la normativa ambiental nacional moderna, igualmente ofrece una breve retrospectiva del desarrollo del sistema jurídico ambiental peruano y las prospectivas en el marco de los paradigmas de la economía verde y la gobernanza ambiental, mostrando solo tres referentes proyectivos a modo de desafíos y tendencias sobre el derecho climático y derecho energético, el imperativo de un nuevo marco legal parauna economía verde y empresa sostenible; y un gran énfasis al tema de las megaciudades, conurbación y ordenamiento territorial, con énfasis, debido a la poca atención que le suele brindar el derecho.