Os entrelaçamentos de ordens legislativas envolvem o cruzamento de estruturas jurídico-políticas de diferentes níveis: internacional, transnacional, supranacional e nacional. A análise dos entrelaçamentos pela perspectiva da diplomacia parlamentar e do processo legislativo geram uma capacidade de avaliação crítica em torno se de sua legitimidade. A tese tem como tema o Poder Legislativo, um dos pilares da prática democrática da grande maioria dos Estados do século XXI, assegurando a representação no processo político. O Poder Legislativo consiste na delegação soberana e legítima de fazer a lei aplicável em um determinado território. Ainda que consolidado no âmbito das constituições nacionais, o Poder Legislativo não tem sido estudado, no plano internacional. Contudo, a crescente incorporação de normas internacionais ao nível doméstico suscita a questão da legitimidade democrática da criação dessas normas, sendo trabalhado por seus dois elementos constituintes: processo e representação legislativa. O processo legislativo é entendido como ideologia, pois mesmo como procedimento ou forma é identificado com uma estrutura de poder que prioriza certos resultados. A sua análise é aqui proposta por meio dos paralelos entre ordens legislativas nacionais e extranacionais. A representação legislativa é abordada por meio do conceito de diplomacia parlamentar, que engloba uma série desordenada de atividades e poderes de parlamentares ou processos parlamentares nas relações internacionais. Sendo assim, esse conceito será sistematizado, primeiramente por dois níveis: o nível democrático por meio de um código eleito/não-eleito; e um segundo nível por suas funções: legislativa, fiscalizadora e/ou diplomática. Como base teórica, busca-se abrigo no transconstitucionalismo e na perspectiva da teoria crítica das relações internacionais. Como método, utiliza-se uma revisão teórica com exploração de estudos de casos. Os casos evidenciam a existência de entrelaçamento de ordens legislativas em duas relações: supranacional/nacional e transnacional/nacional. Contudo, produzem resultados opostos. Enquanto a União Europeia apresenta um entrelaçamento constituído por processos transparentes, legítimos e dotados de mecanismos de participação, na relação entre suas instituições supranacionais e os Estados-membros, a lex sportiva do futebol produz um entrelaçamento opaco, ilegítimo e hermético à participação na relação da sua ordem transnacional e o processo legislativo estatal brasileiro. / The interlacements of legislatives orders involve the legal and political structures crossing of different levels : international , transnational , supranational and national . The interlacements analysis through the parliamentary diplomacy and legislative outlook generate a critical assessment capacity around its legitimacy. The thesis\' theme is the Legislative Power, one of the pillars of democratic practice of the vast majority of states in the twenty-first century, ensuring representation to the political process. The Legislative Power consists in the sovereign and legitimate delegation to making the law applicable in a given territory. Although funded in national constitutions, the Legislative Power has not been studied in international relations. However, the increasing incorporation of international law at the domestic level raises the question of the democratic legitimacy of the development of such norms. Therefore, it will be developed by its two founding concepts: process and legislative representation. The legislative process is understood as ideology, because even as a procedure or form it is identified as a structure power that prioritizes given results. Its analysis is proposed here through the parallels between national and extranational legal orders. The legislative representation is addressed through the concept of parliamentary diplomacy which includes a disorderly series of activities and powers of parliament or parliamentary procedures in international relations. Thus, this concept will be systematized by two levels: first, the democratic level with an unelected/elected code; and a second level concerning its functions: legislative, accountable and/or diplomatic. As a theoretical basis, we seek shelter in transconstitutionalism and the critical theory of international relations. As a method, it is used a theoretical review on exploration of case studies. The cases show the existence of interlacements of political orders in two relationships: supranational/national and transnational/national. However, it produces opposite results. While the European Union has an interlacement consisting, transparent, legitimate and endowed with mechanisms of participation, with the relationship between supranational institutions and their Member States, the football lex sportiva produces interlacement opaque, illegitimate and hermetic in relation to the participation of its transnational order with the Brazilian state legislative process.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-07-11T20:24:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 marcossilvamarinho.pdf: 700474 bytes, checksum: 9e948a24b301efe9e9d247d2ad7d815c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-08T15:44:16Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 marcossilvamarinho.pdf: 700474 bytes, checksum: 9e948a24b301efe9e9d247d2ad7d815c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-08T15:44:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 marcossilvamarinho.pdf: 700474 bytes, checksum: 9e948a24b301efe9e9d247d2ad7d815c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-08T15:44:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 marcossilvamarinho.pdf: 700474 bytes, checksum: 9e948a24b301efe9e9d247d2ad7d815c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-17 / O presente trabalho investiga a constitucionalidade da politização de interesses religiosos nos processos legislativos da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil. Para tanto, foram analisadas práticas discursivas dos deputados no período dos últimos dez anos (2006-2016). A identificação destes discursos ocorreu através do uso do aplicativo informático “Retórica Parlamentar”, desenvolvido pelos pesquisadores do Laboratório Hacker para viabilizar o acesso aos discursos disponibilizados no endereço eletrônico oficial da Câmara dos Deputados. A pesquisa empírica realizada revelou a diversidade da argumentação religiosa no Congresso brasileiro e ensejou a classificação destes argumentos em três espécies distintas (pluralistas, utilitaristas e fundamentalistas). Buscou-se analisar a constitucionalidade do uso dessas espécies argumentativas no processo legislativo, bem como identificar os procedimentos por meio dos quais os órgãos públicos competentes realizam o controle preventivo de constitucionalidade das proposições normativas apresentadas na Câmara. A pesquisa foi baseada no referencial teórico produzido pelas teorias pós-positivitas do Direito, em especial a teoria discursiva do Direito, elaborada pelo filósofo alemão Jürgen Habermas. Constatou-se que a presença do discurso religioso na esfera pública deve estar condicionada pelos pressupostos de universalidade e secularização que caracterizam os processos deliberativos democráticos. A constitucionalidade do uso de argumentos religiosos no processo legislativo deve ser reconhecida apenas quando eles forem apresentados na forma de argumentos pluralistas, pois, ao contrário dos argumentos utilitaristas e fundamentalistas, eles reconhecem os valores religiosas enquanto proposições criticáveis e falíveis na esfera pública, colaborando, assim, para a prevalência dos princípio democrático professado na Constituição brasileira. / The present work investigates the juridicity of religious interests politization from Brazil´s Chamber of Deputies. For that, deputies discursive practices were analyzed during the period of the last ten years (2006-2016). The identification of these speeches occurred through the use of the computer application "Parliamentary Rhetoric", developed by Laboratory Hacker researchers to enable the access to the available speeches in the Chamber of Deputies official electronic address. The empirical research revealed the Brazilian Congress´ religious arguments diversity and led to the classification of these arguments into three distinct species (pluralistic, utilitarian and fundamentalist). The legal validity of these argumentative species use in Brazilian legislative process was analyzed by the explanation of rationality/constitutionality. Also, the procedures have been identified by which competent public organs achieve the preventive normative prepositions constitutionality control. The research was based on the theoretical reference produced by the post-positivist theories of Law, especially the discursive theory of Law elaborated by the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas. It was verified that the presence of religious discourse in the public sphere must be conditioned by the presuppositions of universality and secularization that characterize democratic deliberative processes. Thus, it was concluded that the use validity of religious arguments in the legislative process should be recognized only when they are presented in the form of pluralistic arguments because, contrary to utilitarian and fundamentalist arguments, they recognize religious truths as validity claims which are objectionable and fallible in the public sphere, and therefore admit the prevalence of democratic values in Brazilian society.

The aim of this master thesis is to deal with and systematically describe the legislative process which is regulated by law and also the legislative process at the level of the government which has not been formalized completely. The phenomenon of legislative process significantly influences the legal and social environment in the Czech Republic. The first and the second chapter is focused on theoretical definition of the legislative process and deals with the legislative process at the level of the Parliament. Special attention is paid to the lacks of legal regulation and practice, such as to changes implemented by the amendment of the Rules of Procedure of the Chamber of Deputies from 2015. It is also dealt with the Collection of Laws and its intended electronization. The third chapter is related to the position of the government within the legislative process. The government is the most important initiator of lawmaking, as it has the expert workers of ministries which create the legal drafts at its' disposal. Due to the accession of the Czech Republic to the European Union, the government must deal with the topic of compatibility of the Czech and EU law. The level of compatibility depends especially on the quality work of individual ministries. Planning of legislation works is also connected to this...

A few ruling individuals from party organizations overpowered Indonesia's post-authoritarian, representative democracy. The legislative process of the 2017 Election Act was the case study employed to examine this assumption. The underlying thinking was that there was a contest between “wealth power” (oligarchy) and “participation power” (democracy). The power of wealth controls the party and government institutions. Notwithstanding the presence of participation power, there was, however, no balance between wealth power and participation power, because the formal control of politics was in the hands of party oligarchs. The study purpose was to bridge the gap in knowledge by exploring how the party oligarchs maintained the policymaking, reputedly using cartelized strategies, to defend the status quo. By employing the oligarchy and cartelization theories, the central research question of this inquiry focused on how the party oligarchs, allegedly using cartel work-patterns, mastered the policy process in post-Suharto Indonesia. A qualitative case-study was used with in-depth interviews with 15 participants for data collection and the N-Vivo program for data analysis. Qualitative findings indicated that the party oligarchs engineered the legal process in parliament applying cartelized strategies to defend privileges they obtained from collusive interpenetration with the state. The implications for social change include informing members of parliament, other policymakers, and civil society groups of the cruciality of comprehending the modus operandi of oligarchic cartels. Understanding the “oligarchic cartelization” theoretical postulate is a fundamental step for party members to improve their performance in public offices. The results of this study can also be a useful reference for pro-democracy activists to defend the ontological essence of public participation in implementing representative democracy at an appropriate level.

Vliv organizací sociálních pracovníků na vývoj legislativy Bílá This research investigates the influence of social work organizations on the legislative process. The goal is to describe the legislative process and find out if the organizations aim to influence it. And if that is the case, what approach they are using. The aim was to map their effort on two different laws; The laws I chose are the Social Service act and the Professional law. Conducting this research, one finding was that social work organizations attempted the influence of the legislative process in both cases. But, the amount of activity was based on the will of law makers induction of social work organizations into the law making process. The type of activity chosen to influence the process varied based on the stage of the process.

Visual representations are frequently used in teaching as well as in social and science studiesin order to capture and explain complex and abstract phenomena. However, they can bechallenging, complex and difficult to understand. This study, which is carried out within theframework of a research project, aims to investigate how a visual representation can be usedin teaching in order to qualify elementary pupils’ comprehension about democracy, moreclosely by using a flowchart to describe the legislative process. Before this study wasconducted the research group analysed phenomenographically the conceptual understandingof a flowchart of the legislative process of students in the 5th, 8th and 10th grade andidentified the critical aspects of this phenomenon. The method chosen for this study wasorganizing and conducting a lesson based on those identified critical aspects of the flowchartof the legislative process. A pre- and post-test on it were written by the participants whoseresults have been analysed phenomenographically based on the outcome space of thephenomenographic analysis of the research group. The analysis of the pre- and post-testaimed to investigate the pupils’ conceptions of the phenomenon before and after the lessonwhich therefore indicated which of the two critical aspects were discerned during the lesson.Parts of the conducted lesson and discussions between the pupils were analysed, too. Thisanalysis intended to identify elements during the lesson where the critical aspects seemed tobe possible for the pupils to discern. The results of the study showed that although the lessondid not facilitate for the pupils to discern both critical aspects simultaneously, many of themqualified their conception of the phenomenon from before the lesson to after, by havingdiscerned one of the critical aspects. Thus, using visual representations by focusing ondiscerning critical aspects can facilitate a qualified comprehension/conception of complexphenomena.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / In April 2003, the Bush Administration submitted the Defense Transformation for the 21st Century Act to 108th U.S. Congress for review and enactment. This act proposed broad changes for the Department of Defense to successfully meet new challenges and new threats for the 21st century. This paper will examine the proposals and requested authorities relating to modernizing civilian personnel structures found in the proposed National Security Personnel System. Specifically, this paper will examine the political process used to change Department of Defense policy by examining the legislative outcome of the National Security Personnel System. In November 2003, the legislative treatment of the Bush Administration's proposal was finalized by the passage of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2004. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

O objeto do estudo é o processo legislativo previsto no âmbito dos Estados-membros da federação brasileira. Sob a perspectiva de que a Constituição de 1988 não mais impõe, de forma expressa, uma compulsória observância do processo legislativo federal ao constituinte estadual, buscou-se analisar as peculiaridades adotadas nas Constituições Estaduais e nos Regimentos Internos das Assembléias Legislativas acerca do processo de formação das leis. Fez-se um histórico da evolução dos Legislativos regionais no Brasil Colônia, e seguiu-se apontando a estrutura, competências e funcionamento das Assembléias Legislativas Provinciais. Anotou-se o auge da autonomia dos Estados-membros sob a égide da Constituição de 1891, com Legislativos Estaduais uni e também bicamerais, assinalando-se principalmente normas de Constituições Estaduais não adotadas então pela Federal, como o veto parcial, previsto nas Constituições da Bahia, do Ceará, Maranhão, Pará e de Minas Gerais, e que só viria a se efetivar no âmbito federal com a reforma de 1926; a participação popular e a das Câmaras Municipais no processo legislativo gaúcho, com papel eclipsado da Assembléia dos Representantes e a preponderância do Presidente do Estado na feitura das leis estaduais. E acompanhou-se, a partir de 1930, gradual esvaziamento das competências legislativas das Assembléias Legislativas assim efetivadas pela Constituição Federal de 1934 até a atual. Do exame das Constituições Estaduais em vigor constata-se que os constituintes decorrentes procuraram conceder ao processo legislativo estadual alguma peculiaridade: 1) alguns deixaram de adotar todas as espécies legislativas previstas na Constituição Federal, notadamente a lei delegada (Acre, Espírito Santo, Maranhão, Paraíba, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, São Paulo e Tocantins) e a medida provisória, cujo regime só está previsto no Acre, Maranhão, Paraíba, Piauí, Santa Catarina e Tocantins; 2) quatorze Estados admitem a iniciativa popular para a proposta de emenda constitucional estadual, o que não ocorre no modelo federal; 3) as Câmaras Municipais gaúchas possuem titularidade concorrente para apresentação de projetos de lei ordinária e complementar ao processo legislativo estadual; 4) voto ostensivo para apreciação do veto (Rio Grande do Sul e São Paulo, nas Constituições de 1989, e depois, mediante emendas constitucionais, Acre, Maranhão e Rio de Janeiro); 5) não adoção da regra de sobrestamento das demais proposições constantes de Ordem do Dia, quando incluídos os projetos de lei vetados e os projetos de autoria do Governador com solicitação de urgência constitucional, como determinado pela Constituição da República para o processo legislativo federal (Roraima e São Paulo); 6) restrição das matérias passíveis de solicitação de urgência constitucional pelo Governador; 7) inadmissibilidade de sessões plenárias secretas (São Paulo). Há singularidades na prática parlamentar atinente ao processo legislativo estadual decorrentes de normas regimentais específicas (voto de Liderança, decurso de prazo), bem como advindas da solução de Questão de Ordem: dúvidas sobre interpretação do Regimento Interno, na sua prática ou relacionada com a Constituição Estadual e a Federal; e de precedentes parlamentares. Os enfoques dados pelos constituintes decorrentes e pelos legisladores regimentais das Assembléias Legislativas acerca do processo legislativo estadual demonstram a importância que deve ser dado ao papel do Poder Legislativo estadual como arauto de novas experiências que aos Estados-membros deveria ser reservado num sistema federativo, como é o brasileiro. / The object of the study here presented is the legislative process in the Brazilian Federation\' State-members. Since the 1988 Federal Constitution no more imposes, expressly, a compulsory observance of the federal legislative process to the state constituent, it is an object of analysis the peculiarities adopted by the State Constitutions and Legislative Assemblies\' Rules of Procedure concerning the law formation process. An analysis of the evolution of the regional Legislative branches during the Brazilian colonial era was made, giving special attention to the structure, authority and operation of the Provincial Legislative Assemblies. The peak of the State-members\' autonomy occurred under the 1891 Constitution ruling, with State Legislatives having both unicameral and bicameral chambers, as well as the implementation of certain rules by the States\' Constitutions that were not implemented by the Federal Constitution, eg, the partial veto - implemented in some State Constitutions, such as Bahia\'s, Cearás\'s Maranhão\'s, Pará\'s and Minas Gerais\' - wich would be incorporated to the Federal Constitution only after the 1926 reform. Another example of the States\' autonomy was the popular participation, conjunctly with the City Council in the Rio Grande do Sul legislative process, with the Representatives\' Assembly having almost no importance and the State\'s President having great powers in the creation of rules. However, in the 30\'s, there has been an emptying of the States\' legislative authorities, that were gradually transferred to the Federal authority since 1934 to nowadays. Analysing the State Constitutions in force, it is possible to say that the representatives were concemed in granting the state legislative process some peculiarities: (i) some states have not adopted all the legislative forms provided by the Federal Constitution, such as the delegated legislation, (adopted by Acre, Espírito Santo, Maranhão, Paraíba, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, São Paulo and Tocantins), and the provisional measure, which was only established in Acre, Maranhão, Paraíba, Piauí, Santa Catarina and Tocantins; (ii) fourteen states enable the popular initiative to the state constitutional amendment proposition, a possibility that does not exist within the federal sphere; (iii) the Rio Grande do Sul\' City Councils have authority to present statutory law and complementary law projects to the state legislative process; (iv) ostensible vote in order to consider the veto (Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo, within the 1989 Constitutions\' sphere, and later, through constitution amendments, states of Acre, Maranhão and Rio de Janeiro); (v) non-adoption of the suspension rule of the propositions within the Agenda, when the rejected legislative bills and some Chief Executive\'s projects that contains constitutional urgency request are brought to vote (states of Roraima and São Paulo); (vi) restriction of the matters that can be object of constitutional urgency request by the Chief Executive; (vii) inadmissibility of secret plenary sessions (state of São Paulo). There are singularities in the parliament practice regarding the state legislative process by virtue of specific regimental rules, such as leadership vote and deadlines. Other singularities can be originated from the Questions Order: doubts about interpretation of the Rules of Procedure, when related to its exercise or to Federal or State Constitutions. The significance given by the constituents and the Legislative Assemblies regimental lawmakers to the state legislative process shows the importance that needs to be credited to the state legislative branch\'s role as a harbinger of new experiences, specially in a Federation, such as the Brazilian one.

Submitted by Eunice Novais (enovais@uepg.br) on 2018-04-25T17:04:32Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1037 bytes, checksum: 996f8b5afe3136b76594f43bfda24c5e (MD5) Amanda C Flach.pdf: 1752456 bytes, checksum: af74a8b5909c106173a9d847f4272a70 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-25T17:04:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1037 bytes, checksum: 996f8b5afe3136b76594f43bfda24c5e (MD5) Amanda C Flach.pdf: 1752456 bytes, checksum: af74a8b5909c106173a9d847f4272a70 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta pesquisa se propõe a identificar a existência de participação da sociedade civil no debate democrático pontagrossense entre os anos de 2013 a 2016 referente a participação no processo legislativo. Para iniciar a discussão, este estudo apresenta uma contextualização histórica sobre as diferentes concepções de democracia, demonstrando ao leitor por qual razão foi adotada a concepção gramsciana. Na sequência, parte-se para a demonstração histórica das questões politicas, econômicas e sociais desde o Brasil colônia, visando identificar quais as influências, ideologias e acontecimentos que contribuíram para a atual formação do Estado. Considerando o método adotado na pesquisa, buscou-se demonstrar a totalidade, a existência de contradições e especialmente a existência da luta de classes. A definição de sociedade civil, sociedade política, revolução passiva, classe dirigente e classe dirigida foram as principais categorias que costuraram o referencial teórico à realidade estudada. Após a definição teórica dessas categorias (e algumas mais), partiu-se para a análise da composição social da cidade de Ponta Grossa. Para tanto, demonstrou-se como ela se constituiu, como se formou a sociedade civil e quais foram as ideologias que impulsionaram a formação da cidade. Considerando que o objetivo geral consistia na análise de participação democrática da sociedade civil no processo legislativo no período de 2013-2016, demonstrou-se quem compõe a sociedade civil pontagrossense e o número significativo de instituições que exercem influência em aspectos políticos, econômicos e sociais. Após essa demonstração, foi utilizada a técnica de análise de documentos e análise de conteúdo, para quantificar o número de projetos de lei propostos no período analisado, visando encontrar nas suas justificativas, alguma participação da sociedade civil. Contudo, após a tabulação e tratamento dos dados seguindo as etapas necessárias dessas técnicas de pesquisa, constatou-se a existência de apenas um projeto de lei indicando a participação democrática da sociedade civil. Diante disso, foi possível concluir que em que pese a existência de uma sociedade civil com diferentes instituições e marcada por diferentes sujeitos, na amostra analisada não foi possível identificar a participação da sociedade civil no modo de produção legislativa em Ponta Grossa. / This research propose is identify the existence of civil society participation in the democratic debate in Ponta Grossa between the years 2013 and 2016 regarding participation in the legislative process. To begin the discussion, this study presents a historical context about the different conceptions of democracy, showing the reader why the Gramscian conception was adopted. Then, the historical demonstration of political, economic and social issues from Brazil colônia was set, the reason is identify the influences, ideologies and events that contributed to the current formation of the State. Considering the method that has been used in the research, it was tried to demonstrate the totality, the existence of contradictions and especially the existence of the class struggle. The definition of civil society, political society, passive revolution, directing and been directed were the main categories that stitched together the theoretical referential to the studied reality. After the theoretical definition of these categories (and some more),was analyzed the social composition of the city of Ponta Grossa. For that, it was demonstrated how it was constituted, how civil society was formed and what were the ideologies that promoted the formation of the city. Considering that the general objective was to analyze the democratic participation of civil society in the legislative process in the period 2013-2016, it was demonstrated who composes the civil society of Ponta Grossa and the significant number of institutions that exer t influence in political, economic and social aspects. After this demonstration, the document analysis and content analysis technique was used to quantify the number of bills proposed during the period, in order to find in its justifications some civil society participation. However, was possible to conclude that even if exists a civil society with diferent people and institutuions, in the analysis it has not been possible to identify the civil society participation in the legislative process.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-26T13:33:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 947782 bytes, checksum: cb04497c0ca2c855a59cf7c7b128418a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation is an analysis of the Brazilian legislative process, with a case study: the formation of the new forest code. For this study, there is a theoretical issues, such as the definition of public interest, based on fundamental rights, that must co-exist, the theory of communicative action of Habermas and his vision of law and democracy; to elucidate how the law should be formed in accordance with the concept of public interest adopted, and a documental and literature review about the legislative process, to identify the arguments used in the legal debate for the construction of the new forest code. In particular, we divide into two groups, on one hand the ruralistas, who initially proposed the change, on other hand the ambientalistas, who initially refute the new law,requiring the current code. At the end of the dissertation was possible to obtain a picture of the legislative process, replacing if the new code are capable of reflecting the public interest. / Nesta dissertação é feita uma análise do procedimento legislativo brasileiro, com estudo de caso sobre a formação do provável novo código florestal. Para o referido estudo foram abordadas questões teóricas julgadas imprescindíveis para a solução dos problemas propostos, como a definição de interesse público, fundada em direitos e garantias fundamentais que devem co-existir, teoria da ação comunicativa de Habermas e sua visão do Direito e Democracia, para elucidar como o direito deve ser formado em acordo com o conceito de interesse público adotado, e uma análise bibliográfica e documental do procedimento legislativo, para identificação dos argumentos utilizados no debate legal para a construção do novo código florestal. Em específico, no debate legiferante, foi adotada a medida de selecionar os envolvidos em dois grupos, de um lado os ruralistas, que a princípio propõem a mudança, de outro os ambientalistas, que a princípio refutam o novel projeto de lei, requerendo a manutenção do atual código. Ao final da dissertação foi possível auferir se o procedimento legislativo produzirá uma norma de direito ambiental capaz de refletir interesse público.