This paper explores the curriculum of the Swedish social science course Samhällskunskap 1 b. This is done by analyzing the curriculum in question combined with semi-structural interviews of five teachers, exploring their experiences in teaching the course. The paper applies theories associated with street-level bureaucracy, originally from Michael Lipsky. The premise of the study is that teachers are bureaucrats who must follow a specific curriculum. The study concludes that the theories of street-level bureaucrats are applicable to the situation of social science teachers in their relation to the curriculum. The study also concludes that the interviewed teachers all interpret the curriculum in slightly different manners. This could in turn be seen as a possibility for the individual teacher to adapt the course to suit a range of students, as well as something that potentially threatens the fundamental reasons of a curriculum.

The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze how health care providers, working at care facilities providing maintenance treatment programs for opiate dependence, perceive and manage the legal framework governing the treatment. The study is limited to a few particular rules within this framework which over the recent decade have been the subject matter of debate regarding i.a. their alleged lack of relation to scientific research and their frequently disastrous implications for program participants. The empirical material consists of interviews with five respondents working at four different care facilities and has been analyzed by using Lipskys theory on street-level bureaucrats as policymaking agents. The results of the study show that the rules are looked upon and dealt with in a liberal fashion and that the primary loyalty of the maintenance treatment staff is clearly directed towards promoting the well-being of their patients and helping them reach their treatment goals rather than strictly following the rules.

The school has an anti-racist mission where teachers, especially social studies teachers, have a central role. Previous research shows, however, that the school often lacks in counteracting racism, which raises questions about how teachers see racism as a phenomenon and school as an anti-racist place. There is a lack of knowledge about how social studies teachers perceive the anti-racist work and whether and, in such cases, how they implement anti-racism within the framework of social science teaching. The purpose of this study was therefore to investigate social studies teachers' perceptions of and implementation of an anti-racist mission in upper secondary school. This was done through five semi-structured interviews which were analyzed with Michael Lipsky's (2010) theory of grassroots bureaucracy which is supplemented by Gert Biesta and Sarah Robinson's (2015) theory of cultural and structural factors, Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill & Brian Turners (2006) definitions of individual and structural racism and Emma Arnebacks (2012) identified courses of action against racism. The results show that no teacher has an explicit anti-racist attitude, but they perceive the task as aimed at counteracting students 'tendencies to express "problematic" thoughts or opinions, which is a description of purpose that is influenced by teachers' understanding of racism as an individual phenomenon. The attitude to the assignment is positive, but it is perceived to be fraught with challenges that arise partly because of a perceived limited scope for action, and partly because of the teachers believing that there is a measure of anti-racism in the teaching. The teachers also perceive the social studies teacher's special role in an anti-racist assignment partly negatively as it is described as becoming a workload. Criticism is directed at a deficient teacher education that structurally limits the anti-racist work as they feel that it has to a low degree equipped them with competence in racism despite the subject's special relevance, and partly because the entire teacher education was not characterized by this which could even the workload. The teachers believe that they implement the anti-racist mission, and the courses of action are mediating, democratizing, and partly relationally characterized where concrete strategies in social studies are to provide knowledge and practice critical reflection in the students. Important knowledge is mainly about democracy and human rights, and an important skill is critical thinking. The study's conclusions are that social studies teachers do not perceive the school as an explicit anti-racist place, but rather in an implicit way. The fact that the mission is not explicitly carried out can mean that anti-racism is lacking when knowledge of racism is limited, especially when a structural reflexivity is lacking. Although teachers may neglect different expressions of racism in school, the implementation is still often consistent with the curricula's formulations of the anti-racist mission.

The aim of this study was to analyze how high school teachers in civics percieve and act in relation to pupils with difficulties in the specific subject. To reach that aim semi structured interviews was choosed as the method. Totally five teachers from southern Sweden was interviewed, and the data was analyzed by a theoretical framework deeply inspired by Michael Lipskys (2010) theory about street level bureaucrats. The result showed that the teachers percieve four dimensions of the subject especially difficult for these pupils. The dimensions include the abstraction of the subjects and its concepts, some specific subtopics, the analytical ability and reading comprehension. The result also showed some challenges for the teachers, such as the lack of time, large differences in pupils abilities and idealistic goals. Finally the result showed some routines and stategies used by the teachers, including lowering the demands of them self, more specific types of adaptions and letting these pupils work with a more simple material as well as doing as much as possible that benefits these pupils.

<p>Based on different integration policies, we aim to examine how five municipalities in Stockholm County are working to promote integration at a local level with focus on voter participation and to some extent, representativeness among foreign-born. Statistics provided by SCB shows that foreign-born tends to vote to a lesser extent than those born in Sweden. Further, we aim to examine the implementation of two policy documents established at a national level concerning integration in contrast to policy documents established at a local level in each different municipality. Further, we aim to examine summaries of actions taken in response to the local integration programs, as well as personal interviews. Each municipality will be considered separately, but we thus seek to make a comparative study. The study will be based on a qualitative approach. The implementation process of both central and local policy decisions concerning the promotion of integration will also be discussed in terms of two existing theories of implementation, based on two different perspectives. The result shows that interaction between different participants, such as local officials and politicians, is of importance for the implementation process. All of the studied municipalities have taken some actions in order to implement their goals concerning integration.</p>

Based on different integration policies, we aim to examine how five municipalities in Stockholm County are working to promote integration at a local level with focus on voter participation and to some extent, representativeness among foreign-born. Statistics provided by SCB shows that foreign-born tends to vote to a lesser extent than those born in Sweden. Further, we aim to examine the implementation of two policy documents established at a national level concerning integration in contrast to policy documents established at a local level in each different municipality. Further, we aim to examine summaries of actions taken in response to the local integration programs, as well as personal interviews. Each municipality will be considered separately, but we thus seek to make a comparative study. The study will be based on a qualitative approach. The implementation process of both central and local policy decisions concerning the promotion of integration will also be discussed in terms of two existing theories of implementation, based on two different perspectives. The result shows that interaction between different participants, such as local officials and politicians, is of importance for the implementation process. All of the studied municipalities have taken some actions in order to implement their goals concerning integration.

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