Em tempos de saída de crise do capital torna-se ainda mais necessário compreender a raiz dos problemas sociais (os quais são originados na base econômica da sociedade civil burguesa), como também analisar o processo histórico da luta de classes. E para isso este trabalho se propõe a fazer uma análise baseada na teoria marxiana, tendo como método o materialismo-histórico-dialético, utilizando da etnografia como metodologia de aproximação e apreensão do local de pesquisa, o Conselho Local de Saúde da UBS Nossa Senhora Aparecida. O trabalho se propõe a resgatar o processo de organização da classe trabalhadora no Brasil, relacionando com o Movimento Sanitário e com o controle social no SUS. O foco são as consequências do desenvolvimento da Estratégia Democrático e Popular via Democracia de Cooptação no seio da luta do proletariado brasileiro. Para tanto, o trabalho apresenta a compreensão de Estado a partir de Marx e Engels, e assim o considera como um instrumento de manutenção do modo de produção capitalista. A democracia constitui-se um dos seus elementos políticos para garantir a dominação burguesa. Dessa maneira, a dissertação apresenta a discussão sobre a democracia enquanto forma de cooptação da classe trabalhadora fundada no liberalismo burguês. Discorre-se sobre como aconteceu à dissociação entre reforma e revolução a partir dos diversos debates políticos travados na organização do proletariado. Analisa a relação desse processo com o debate entre tática e estratégia no movimento da classe trabalhadora. E assim compreender os impactos disso no processo de consciência dos trabalhadores, demonstrando a necessidade de refletir sobre quais caminhos nos conduzirão, de fato, à emancipação humana / In times of capital crisis, it becomes even more necessary to understand the root of social problems (which originate in the economic base of bourgeois civil society), as well as to analyze the historical process of class struggle. Then, this work proposes to make an analysis based on the Marxian theory, having as method the materialism-historical-dialectic, using ethnography as methodology of approach and apprehension of the research site - the Local Health Council of UBS Nossa Mrs. Aparecida. The research proposes to rescue the process of organizing the working class in Brazil, relating to the Sanitary Movement and social control in the SUS. The focus are the consequences of the development of the Democratic and Popular Strategy through Democracy of Cooptation within the struggle of the Brazilian proletariat. To this end, the work presents the understanding of the state from Marx and Engels, and thus considers it as an instrument of maintenance of the capitalist mode of production. Democracy is one of its political elements to guarantee bourgeois domination. In this way, the dissertation presents the discussion about democracy as a form of co-optation of the working class founded on bourgeois liberalism. It explains how the decoupling of reform and revolution happened from the various political debates in the organization of the proletariat. It analyzes the relationship of this process with the debate between tactics and strategy in the working class movement. And thus to understand the impacts of this on the process of workers' consciousness, demonstrating the need to reflect on what paths will lead us, in fact, to human emancipation.

Despite having roots in 19th century Europe, Marxism had a deep impact on the trajectory of political ideas in the non-European world in the twentieth century. In particular, anti-colonial thinkers engaged productively with Marx’s ideas as part of their struggle against Empire. Yet, little attention has been paid to the displacements and innovations in political thought as a result of this encounter between anti-colonialism and Marxism. This dissertation aims to fill this gap by studying the history of Indian communism, focusing on the first three decades of the communist movement (1921-1950). I claim that this is an ideal time period to interrogate the formation of political ideas in India, since they presented themselves with particular intensity in the midst of an unfolding anti-colonial struggle, and arguably, the birth of the Indian political. The entry of communist ideas into the charged political environment of the 1920s had an impact on the ideological debates within the Indian polity, as well as stamping Indian communism with its own specific historicity. Through a tracing of debates among communist leaders, as well as their non-communist interlocutors, this work seeks to provide a novel lens to consider the relationship between ideas and their historical actualization, or between the universal and its instantiation in the particular. Moreover, the dissertation argues that the radically different socio-political and historical landscapes of Western Europe and colonial India necessitated a confrontation with the stagist view of history dominant in the history of Western Marxism, prompting novel theoretical work on the issue of political temporality. Consequently, the relationship between necessity and volition, central to enlightenment thought, was radically transformed in the colonial world, particularly in terms of its entanglement with the problem of subjective violence. Engagement with such questions not only impacted Indian political thought, but transformed global communism itself, putting into question the concept of an “originary site” for political ideas. Thus, this work intervenes in debates in three distinct registers: Global Intellectual History, Marxist theory and Indian political thought.

The commentary draws on a range of work to demonstrate the argument that policy and politics are of central importance in shaping social work in England. I outline the development of my practice wisdom and then examine the contested nature of social work knowledge. Drawing on my practice with people who were poor and marginalised, I came to believe that social work must have a commitment to equality and social justice and that to achieve this social work must engage with policy and politics. My outputs begin by examining the connection between my practice wisdom and the dialectical nature of social work’s enduring tensions, located in a work that underlines the importance of sociology. A further four outputs focus upon aspects of social policy, notably key elements in the rise of neo-liberalism in contemporary social work in a text that argues explicitly that social workers need to develop a politically engaged practice. My other outputs illustrate the impact of politics, neoliberalism and its attendant policies in the early 21st century, gathering evidence from three broad areas. First, the nature of globalisation is examined focusing upon the movement of social workers and ‘cross-national’ social work. Second, there is an explicit exploration of social work under neoliberalism, drawing on the case of Children’s services and learning disability. Third, I examine ‘policy practice’ and the concept of ‘choice’. I argue that social work has always had a concern with politics and policy but that in more recent years this has declined and has been overtaken by a focus upon individualism. My core theoretical themes are the dialectic and an examination of hegemonic structures which impact on social work. I explore the continuing importance of my work in relation to contemporary social work, showing that policies and politics matter more than ever. I conclude by arguing that, as social work is under political attack from the current Government, the ‘radical tradition’ needs to be kept alive.

La présente étude s’interroge sur le concept d’aliénation, et plus spécifiquement sur sa genèse, son déploiement, son histoire particulière, ses configurations complexes, ses multiples transformations. Trois auteurs sont privilégiés : Rousseau, Hegel, Marx. La tentative d’examiner la notion d’aliénation dans sa forme rousseauiste, hégélienne et jeune-marxienne, a comme point de départ la critique d’Althusser selon laquelle ce concept relèverait d’une vision abstraite, métaphysique, de l’histoire et de l’activité des agents humains. D’après Althusser, l’aliénation est en effet l’expression humaniste d’une philosophie du retour aux origines et de la réunion avec une essence humaine qui se serait perdue. La philosophie de l'aliénation contractuelle (comme fondement de l’institution d’une communauté politique chez Rousseau), la mise en question de la positivité historique dans les écrits du jeune Hegel, et finalement la critique du travail aliéné forgée par le jeune Marx dans ses Manuscrits de 1844, ne seraient-elles toutes au fond que des variations autour d’une même conception essentialiste de l’histoire humaine ? S'écartant d'une telle disqualification indifférenciée, la thèse se propose de mettre en valeur la réflexion originale et singulière que chacun de ces trois auteurs élabore au sujet de l’aliénation, tout en essayant de mettre en lumière ce qu’ils partagent, malgré leurs différences. Car en parlant d'aliénation, il s'agit toujours d'interroger la perte mutilante d’un rapport à soi, à autrui et au monde socialement induite. Et il s'agit toujours aussi de concevoir des conditions historiques jugées dégradantes que l'on doit pouvoir dépasser. En d’autres termes, ce travail se propose de montrer non seulement que l’aliénation ne se réduit pas à une notion abstraite et naïvement humaniste, mais qu’elle forme également un repère incontournable, dès lors qu’elle prend au sérieux la tâche de penser l’impossibilité, pour certains groupes ou certaines classes sociales, de se réaliser et de s'épanouir, sur fond d'une privation durable de ce que peuvent apporter des rapports à soi, aux autres et au monde suffisamment riches et variés. / This study examines the concept of alienation, and focuses more specifically on its genesis, its deployment, its particular history, its complex configurations, its multiple transformations. Three authors are highlighted: Rousseau, Hegel, Marx. The attempt to examine the concept of alienation in the forms that Rousseau, Hegel and the young Marx give it, has as its starting point the criticism of Althusser according to whom this concept rises from an abstract, metaphysical vision of history and from the activity of human agents. According to Althusser, alienation is indeed the humanistic expression of a philosophy of the return to the origins and of a reunion with a human essence that might have been lost. The philosophy of contractual alienation (as the basis for the institution of a political community in Rousseau), the questioning of the historical positivity in the writings of the young Hegel, and finally the critique of alienated labor forged by the young Marx in his Manuscripts of 1844, would they basically all be variations around the same essentialist conception of human history? Diverging from such an undifferentiated disqualification, the thesis proposes to develop the original and singular reflection that each one of these three authors is developing on the subject of alienation, while trying to highlight what they share, despite their differences. Because, speaking of alienation, is always here to question the socially induced mutilating loss of a relation to oneself, to others and to the world. And it is also always a subject to conceive historical conditions considered degrading that must be overcome. In other words, this study intends to not only show that alienation cannot be reduced to an abstract and naively humanist concept, but that it also forms a key benchmark, since it takes seriously the task of thinking of the impossibility for certain groups or certain social classes to achieve self-realization and thrive, amid a sustained deprivation of what can be provided by sufficiently rich and varied relations to oneself, to others and to the world.

O Ensino de Física em um mundo democrático requer mais práticas curriculares que abordem as implicações sociais da Ciência e da Tecnologia (C&T). Buscando articular uma visão marxista com pressupostos do movimento CTS, o presente trabalho de conclusão reporta uma experiência de ensino de máquinas térmicas que apresenta dois diferenciais: (1) situa a máquina térmica no contexto histórico da revolução industrial inglesa; (2) promove um jogo de interpretação de papéis (Roleplaying Game – RPG). A fundamentação teórica está baseada em três fontes principais: o referencial curricular CTS, a teoria do desenvolvimento de Lev Vygotsky1 e a reconstrução histórica de Eric Hobsbawm para a Revolução Industrial. O trabalho foi aplicado em duas turmas da 2ª série do Ensino Médio. Foi elaborado um produto educacional em hipermídia, voltado para professores. Nossos resultados sugerem que a proposta favoreceu que os alunos: (1) percebessem que a máquina térmica, situada em um palco de conflitos sociais, não pode ser compreendida somente como um aparato tecnológico; (2) vivenciassem os conflitos de uma posição social diferente da sua própria (a posição do operário de uma fábrica, por exemplo). / Physics teaching in a democratic world requires more curricular practices addressing social implications of Science and Technology (S&T). Intending to interweave a Marxian stance along with STS ideas, this text reports an experience of teaching thermal machines with two main distinctions: (1) it situates thermal machines in the context of British industrial revolution; (2) it involves a Roleplaying Game (RPG). The theoretical framework is based on three sources: STS curriculum design, Lev Vygotsky’s developmental psychology and Eric Hobsbawm’s account for Industrial Revolution. This experience was enacted twice with high school students. The emerging educational product (directed to other science teachers) was elaborated on hypermedia. The results suggest that this experience favored students’: (1) acknowledging that thermal machine, located in a stage of social conflicts, is not only a technological apparatus; (2) lived the conflicts of a different social position (eg., the role of an industry employee).

x, 255 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This dissertation examines transatlantic, and especially American, literary responses to urban and industrial change from the 1840s through the 1930s. It combines cultural materialist theory with environmental history in order to investigate the interrelationship of literature, economy, and biophysical systems. In lieu of a traditional ecocritical focus on wilderness preservation and the accompanying literary mode of nature writing, I bring attention to reforms of the "built environment" and to the related category of social problem fiction, including narratives of documentary realism, urban naturalism, and politically-oriented utopianism. The novels and short stories of Charles Dickens, Herman Melville, Rebecca Harding Davis, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, Upton Sinclair, and Mike Gold offer an alternative history of environmental writing, one that foregrounds the interaction between nature and labor. Through a strategy of "literal reading" I connect the representation of particular environments in the work of these authors to the historical situation of actual spaces, including the western Massachusetts forest of Melville's "Tartarus of Maids," the Virginia factory town of Davis's Iron Mills, the Midwestern hinterland of Sinclair's The Jungle, and the New York City ghetto of Gold's Jews without Money. Even as these texts foreground the class basis of environmental hazard, they simultaneously display an ambivalence toward the physical world, wavering between pastoral celebrations and gothic vilifications of nature, and condemning ecological destruction even as they naturalize the very socio-economic forces responsible for such calamity. Following Raymond Williams, I argue that these contradictory treatments of nature have a basis in the historical relationship between capitalist society and the material world. Fiction struggles to contain or resolve its implication in the very culture that destroys the land base it celebrates. Thus, the formal fissures and the anxious eruptions of nature in fiction relate dialectically to the contradictory position of the ecosystem itself within the regime of industrial capital. However, for all of this ambivalence, transatlantic social reform fiction of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century provides a model for an environmentally-oriented critical realist aesthetic, an aesthetic that retains suspicion toward representational transparency, and yet simultaneously asserts the didactic, ethical, and political functions of literature. / Committee in charge: William Rossi, Chairperson, English; Henry Wonham, Member, English; Enrique Lima, Member, English; Louise Westling, Member, English; John Foster, Outside Member, Sociology

Black theology and apartheid theology are theologies making use of an epitheton. The use to which the epitheton is put in these theologies is of crucial importance, that is, they are couplet theologies being used in a subjective genitive fashion. The question is whether the couplet becomes a theology of/concerning the epitheton or is it used in an objective genitive fashion. When the epitheton is used in the objective genitive sense it of necessity has to generate an epistemological break in order to distinguish it from orthodox theology. This in turn necessitates a conscientisation of a contextually predicated theology The theology becomes reductive. In this way an epitheton theology forming part of a couplet becomes attenuated and diverges from orthodox theology in the construction of its theology. This can lead to the espousal of heretical teachings. Conclusion: The conclusion arrived at is the objective genitive sense, that an epitheton theology, in for the purpose of advancing a particular secular base or pseudo-theological base for Christian society, once it has gained a life of its own, will lead to heresy unless erroneous or sinful teachings are confessed and repented of. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Systematic Theology)

Aux lendemains de la Première Guerre, le bouleversement est social, politique et culturel. Cela se traduit, chez Walter Benjamin, par une pensée de l'appauvrissement de l’expérience. La pensée rationnelle, elle-même, est dans l'impasse. Au regard de la situation, comment dire un monde qui disparaît et celui qui reste ? Nous sommes, avec Benjamin, en présence d'une radicalité qui ne cède rien à la désespérance. Le messianisme est rejoué, à contre-courant du capitalisme et du fascisme qui édictent un sens de l'avenir. C'est une réflexion au gué du temps, qui se tient entre le temps venu d'un changement nécessaire, politique et intellectuel, et le temps où l'on peut dire qu'un changement a eu lieu. Ainsi, à partir de l'appauvrissement de l’expérience, c'est la question des rapports entre théorie et pratique qui est reposée. Il s'agit de penser, et de penser le politique autrement, en faisant intervenir le théologique. Or, le sauvetage de l’expérience demande de retrouver l'étincelle toujours recommencée de la transmission, que nous proposons de dire : être dans l'intelligence de l'autre. / Just after the First World War, political, social and cultural disruptions are in the forefront. In this situation, Walter Benjamin is led to a reflection on the impoverishment of experience. Even rationality has reached deadlock. How to seize by words the world that has disappeared and the one that remains ? With Benjamin, one is confronted with a radicality which concedes nothing to despair. Messianism is reenacted against capitalism and fascism, which both firmly set the direction of the future. One is faced with a‛time-fording’ thought, halfway between the time of an upcoming – both political and intellectual – necessary change, and the time of a new regime of thought. Thus, from the impoverishment of experience arises anew the question of theory and practice. The stake is to think, to think politics in another way, which involves theology. The salvation of experience, nevertheless, demands to revive the ever-rekindling spark of transmission, that is : being in understanding with the other.

A presente tese analisa a relação do movimento LGBT (Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais) com o Governo Federal mediada pela estrutura de participação política centrada no Conselho Nacional de Combate à Discriminação de LGBTs (CNCD/LGBT) e nas Conferências Nacionais LGBT. A partir da abordagem teórica marxista o trabalho problematiza questões referentes aos estudos de gênero e sexualidade próprios do pósestruturalismo e da teoria queer. Articulando alguns conceitos centrais destas correntes teóricas no interior da problemática da totalidade, própria ao marxismo, e ao conceito de Estado Integral ou Ampliado de Antônio Gramsci, o movimento LGBT é considerado como processo de constituição de sujeito “para si”. No curso de seu desenvolvimento este sujeito passa a atuar na arena da sociedade política sob a lógica da parceria e colaboração com o Estado. O objetivo do estudo é avaliar se a relação entre movimento e governo, por meio da participação em espaços institucionais que atuam como aparelhos hegemônicos, é caracterizada pelo consenso ativo de quadros e lideranças LGBTs junto ao bloco que governou o país entre 2003 e 2016, constituindo-se em relação de hegemonia. A metodologia utilizada abarcou análise quali-quantitativa, tomando como base publicações da ABGLT, em particular as que trabalham com o conceito de Advocacy, entrevistas em profundidade com atores chave que ocupam posições centrais na estrutura participativa em questão e a realização de censo com participantes do V Congresso Nacional da ABGLT, constituindo banco de dados para análise estatística Os resultados do estudo indicam que o processo de institucionalização do movimento, aprofundado pela atuação nos espaços participativos, incide na sua relação com o governo de modo a afastar do campo de ação do grupo subalterno a lógica do conflito. Os espaços de participação atuam como meio de organização, mobilização e definição de pautas, canalizando para si e neutralizando insatisfações e críticas da população LGBT frente às ações do poder público. O trânsito de quadros entre espaços da sociedade civil e da sociedade política marca o transformismo de lideranças e intelectuais do movimento. Sob tais condições o governo exerceu sua hegemonia política sobre o movimento LGBT por meio dos espaços participativos criado no Estado. / This dissertation analyzes the connection between the LGBT movement (Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals and Transgenders) and the Federal Government mediated by the structure of political participation focused on the National Council Against the Discrimination of LGBTs and on the LGBT National Conferences. Therefore, this text, based on the Marxist theoretical approach, analyzes issues concerning gender and sexuality studies typical of poststructuralism and of the queer theory. By articulating some essential concepts of these theoretical approaches within the issue of totality, typical of Marxism and of Antônio Gramsci’s Integral or Extended State matters, the LGBT movement is considered a process of subject formation “for itself”. Throughout the development of this subject, he or she starts to act in our society’s political arena under the logic of partnership and cooperation along with the State. Thus, the aim of this study is to evaluate if this connection between the LGBT movement and the government, via the participation of the movement in institutional environments that act like hegemonic sets, is, in fact, characterized by the active consensus of LGBT leaderships that worked along with the group who ruled the country between 2003 and 2016, forming itself in a relationship of hegemony. The methodology adopted used qualiquantitative analysis, taking as its base the publications of ABGLT, specially the ones that deal with the concept of Advocacy, interviews with artists who are in important positions regarding the participative structure analyzed in this dissertation, as well as the achievement of census with participants of the V ABGLT National Congress, which constituted a data bank for statistical analysis The results of this study show that the process of the institutionalization of the movement, stronger due to its acting in participative environments, incise in its relationship to the government, thus alienating the logic of conflict from the group's acting field. These participative environments act like a means of organization, mobilization and definition of agendas, canalizing to themselves as well as neutralizing insatisfaction or criticism that might come from the LGBT population regarding the actions before the State. The transition between civil and political society environments mark the transformation of the movement's leaderships as well as its intellectuals. Under these conditions, the government carried out its political hegemony over the LGBT movement via the participative environments created within the State.

[pt] A produção da banda Chico Science e Nação Zumbi ao longo dos anos 1990 marcou de maneira distinta o movimento manguebeat. A crítica social a questões referentes ao cotidiano de Recife e sua periferia, além da incorporação de elementos de cultura negra de herança africana, recuperam em parte essa marca indelével da produção cultural e musical da banda. Elegemos a perspectiva marxista e dirigimos nosso olhar a um interlocutor bastante vivo para os mangueboys à época, Josué de Castro, para analisar tal crítica de fundo social e político a partir de algumas composições musicais Em mesmo sentido, procuramos apreender a diáspora africana e as músicas do Atlântico Negro como forma de estabelecer o debate sobre questão racial que ultrapassa a produção cultural objetiva daqueles mangueboys e se estende ao cotidiano, ao vocabulário e as experiências dos mesmos. / [en] The musical production of Chico Science and Nação Zumbi during the 90 s was to important to manguebeat movement. The social criticism and daily issues regarding the city of Recife and periphery, besides the incorporation of black culture and african heritage elements, compose the distinct mark of the band musical and cultural production. We select Marxism and bring back an important interlocutor to mangueboys in 1990, Josué de Castro, to analyze the political and social criticism by some songs. In the same direction, the african diaspora and the sounds of Black Atlantic was to value as long as formed the debate of racial issue that is more the objective cultural performance oh the band. This debate also formed the daily of mangueboys, them vocabulary and them experiences.