Corporate social responsibility has attracted broad attention of scholars and practitioners over the past decades. However, organizations are at the same time frequently exposed for acts of corporate misconduct, accompanied by media coverage, public disapproval and financial penalties. This master thesis attempts to connect these two concepts by explaining changes in corporate social responsibility as a consequence of preceding irresponsibility. Based on a sample of misconduct events that were disclosed and penalized in the United States between 2010 and 2017, this work focusses on two factors that are argued to stimulate higher CSR performance. First, it is reasoned that the height of imposed financial penalties from governmental agencies leads to more responsible practices, as their unmediated effect sensitizes managers to increase measures against transgressive behavior, which aims to prevent reoccurrence and further penalties in the future. Second, the misconduct causes damage to stakeholders and thereby impairs the overall corporate reputation. Since firms are dependent on stakeholder goodwill, they will consequently increase their CSR performance to repair the reputational losses. Results from empirical data analyses confirm the positive effect of reputational damage, but give no support to the hypothesized impact of legal penalties on CSR enhancement. When assessing the effect of both factors on the subsequent behavior of the respective parent organizations, mixed and non-significant results indicate that there is no negative legitimacy spillover within the intrafirm network. The findings provide valuable implications for managers and promising directions for future research.

The social services in Sweden currently face significant issues regarding recruitment and layoffs. A substantial portion of the public debate and media coverage casts a negative light on social services. The aim of this study is to examine the attitudes of future social workers towards social services as an employer. Furthermore, the study aims to investigate how social work students perceive and are influenced by both public perceptions and negative media coverage. This study is based on semi-structured interviews with six social work students in their seventh semester at Malmö University. Social interactionism is used as the theoretical framework for analyzing the collected data material. The data has been analyzed using thematic analysis. The results indicate that the majority of social work students hold a negative view of social services as a future employer. They also perceive public attitudes as primarily negative, with the negative media reporting having a significant role in shaping these negative perceptions of the social services. The results further demonstrate that social work students have adapted various behaviors to cope with the public attitudes both privately and professionally. A key finding is that social work students' prior experiences and associations with social services strongly influence their prospective choice of employer. The findings of this study show that social work students experience prejudice and a lack of understanding for their occupation. This perception is embedded in the public's ignorance and the media's negative coverage. The results suggest a need for increased awareness about the profession's nature and complexity among the general public.

This thesis explores the legitimacy of national libraries, by analysing the media's portrayal of the British Library during a major cyber attack by the Rhysida group in October 2023. Using diverse media sources, the research examines how media narratives reflect institutional pressures during prolonged disruption. The research employs a mixed-method approach, combining quantitative media coverage mapping with qualitative thematic analysis. The mapping categorises news articles based on content type, publication section, and perspectives represented. Thematic analysis identifies key themes such as the disruption of library services, cybersecurity concerns, and critiques of digital fragility. The findings reveal a complex interplay between the library's historical role as a national institution and its modern digital vulnerabilities. Additionally, the study discusses the broader implications of digital practices for the institutional identity of libraries, and the perceived responsibilities of national libraries in safeguarding cultural and intellectual heritage against cyber threats.

This thesis analyses how three television stations - Czech ČT24, Russian RT and American CNN - informed about the Crimean crisis which took place in Ukraine in 2014. The first part of the thesis presents theoretical approach and mentions previous similar studies, which focused on examining of medial coverage and framing of war conflicts. Next chapter describes the history of Ukraine briefly and underlines events which could have caused the Crimean crisis. Thereafter the thesis introduces the timeline of the Crimean crisis. In the next part the thesis analyses sources, topics and keywords which appeared in the news of ČT24, RT and CNN. It also describes how particular people and events were visually covered. In the final chapter the approach of the three examined television channels is compared.

Student Number : 9400560N - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / This research report critically analyses – through qualitative content analysis – how the Sowetan and the Mail&Guardian newspapers reported the alleged corruption in the arms deal in November 2001. The analysis includes a contextual discussion of factors shaping or influencing media coverage of important political topics in a transition to democracy. Theories of the role of the media in democratic transition inform the analysis of media coverage of the arms deal. ‘Transition’ in the context of this research report is used to refer to the process of South Africa’s ‘conversion’ from an undemocratic apartheid system based on unfair prejudices and practices grounded on class, race and gender to a ‘fair discrimination’ and application of remedial measures (political, social and economic) to correct the imbalances caused by apartheid policies. The research applies liberal pluralism, gatekeeping, public sphere, as well as Marxist-related media theories, including the critical political economy of the media approach and notes that it is not possible for a single approach to offer an absolute analysis of the role of the media in a transition to democracy. In addition, the research employs theories of news, language and society to show how social relations affect language used in news and ultimately affect notions of ‘bias’ and ‘objectivity’. The study observes that complete ‘objectivity’ as an ideal is unattainable, especially when one considers that news making processes are complex and influenced by diverse factors, some of which allow for anticipated processes of selection and inevitably, bias. This applies to the two publications under study. The report observes that through their reportage of alleged corruption in the arms deal during the month of November 2001, these newspapers attempted to open up, create and democratize the space for free inquiry. At the same time, however, it is noted that this space was dominated by certain voices and not representative of all civil society organizations and interests that had a stake in the arms deal. The report concludes that media should be encouraged to promote genuine diversity of voices. Diversity, within such a scheme, should be measured by equal and participatory dialogue from all the voices of all civil society institutions.

Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb. / This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties’ electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party’s future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this “mediation assumption” empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties’ electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties’ electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties’ issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition.

This thesis seeks to explain why it is seen as possible and meaningful for Western countries to deny IS women to return home after the fall of the Caliphate. Earlier, IS women have been allowed to return. According to previous research, women in war are commonly constructed as innocent victims within the “beautiful soul” narrative. Violent women interrupt this narrative and have traditionally been seen as deviant. Female terrorism is often explained by sexual obsession or dysfunction. Both these narratives construct women in war as apolitical without agency. Accordingly, women have not been viewed as security threats since their motives are personal rather than political. If that is still the case, there should be no obstacles for IS women to come home. The thesis use Faircloughs critical discourse analysis to examine western media coverage in order to explain why Western countries deny IS women to return. The empirical analysis displays a discursive transformation, where IS women are described as dangerous, decision-making political agents which could compose national security threats. This shift has made new political practices possible.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T13:42:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MOLETTA,Cleber.pdf: 1401047 bytes, checksum: c5b661da2ecdd011d84f505f0681fc9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research studies the construction of the news by the human rights organizations's press offices Terra de Direitos, Justiça Global and Conectas Direitos Humanos. For this, the paper analyzes the media coverage held by the press offices of the institutions in three events. The research is based on the press relations's concepts, theories of constructionist perspective about journalism and the media coverage's concept. The method used was discourse analysis, focusing on a qualitative approach of the study object. They evaluated the appropriation strategies of journalistic discourse in the construction of news, considering the mediatized environment circulation and generating directions. It was found that the institutions take ownership and betting on journalistic discourse as a way to midiatizar their actions and provide directions in a traffic environment. The political and ideological positioning of entities is considered inthe definition of discursive strategies. The news of the construction of journalistic techniques are appropriate by the assessors. Their discursive offers betting on different possibilities in the appropriation and generation of directions. With this research, we hope to contribute with studies on the role of the press offices of human rights organizations in the face of intense media coverage in social discourses. / Esta pesquisa estuda a construção da notícia pelas assessorias de imprensa das organizações de defesa dos direitos humanos Terra de Direitos, Justiça Global e Conectas Direitos Humanos. Para tanto, o trabalho analisa a cobertura jornalística realizada pelas assessorias de imprensa das instituições em três acontecimentos. A investigação é fundamentada nos conceitos de assessoria de imprensa, nas teorias do jornalismo de perspectiva construcionista e no conceito de midiatização. O método empregado foi a análise do discurso, privilegiando uma abordagem qualitativa do objeto de estudo. Foram avaliadas as estratégias de apropriação do discurso jornalístico na construção das notícias, considerando o ambiente midiatizado de circulação e geração de sentidos. Constatou-se que as instituições se apropriam e apostam no discurso jornalístico como forma de midiatizar suas ações e oferecer sentidos em um ambiente de circulação. O posicionamento político e ideológico das entidades é considerado na definição de estratégias discursivas. As técnicas jornalísticas de construção da notícia são apropriadas pelos assessores. Suas ofertas discursivas apostam em diferentes possibilidades de apropriação e geração de sentidos. Com esta pesquisa, espera-se contribuir com estudos sobre a atuação das assessorias de imprensa de entidades de defesa dos direitos humanos diante da intensa midiatização dos discursos sociais.

Ice hockey is seen as a rough sport. Sometimes situations tend to become too violent and players now and then get suspended for their acts on the ice. In very unusual cases the legal system has been forced to step in and prosecute players for situations on the ice. This is the case with Jakob Lilja. The purpose of this essay is therefore to seek answers on how two Swedish tabloids have framed Lilja and how the news coverage has changed during this time. The theory used in the study makes it possible to highlight how Lilja has been framed in the tabloids and it also gives the study the opportunity to further explain how Lilja has been portrayed. The scientific method used in this study has been a critical discourse analysis to be able to study the 43 articles included in the analysis in a qualitative manner. The study shows that the news coverage from the case has changed during the course of the time. The early coverage shows the framing of Lilja as an ice hockey player while the latter coverage more frame him as a criminal. But there are differences. The different tabloids have framed the case in different ways and the study shows that one of them has framed Lilja more than the other.

Dans une perspective comparative entre la France et les États-Unis, ce travail analyse le processus de publicisation des liens entre l’antibiorésistance et l’alimentation, ainsi que ses implications en termes de contribution au développement de la production appelée sans antibiotique et de l’approche One Health. En partant de la prise de conscience des conséquences de l’usage des antibiotiques dans l’élevage, la recherche s’inscrit dans une réflexion pragmatiste de constitution des problèmes publics et s’appuie sur un corpus hybride composé de documents publiés entre 1980 et 2016 (presse écrite, littérature institutionnelle et entretiens semi-directifs). La méthode développée s’enrichit des outils de textométrie issus de l’analyse de discours et s’intéresse à l’émergence des dénominations et des formules qui nomment le problème, ses causes et ses solutions. La comparaison montre que le processus de publicisation de liens entre l’antibiorésistance et l’alimentation dévoile une trajectoire opposée dans les deux pays. Dans le cas français, ce processus s’inscrit dans un schéma top-down et se caractérise par une publicisation tardive faisant suite aux démarches des instances sanitaires européennes et internationales. L’appropriation du problème par des associations de consommateurs, ainsi que l’investissement des acteurs agroalimentaires dans le développement de la production sans antibiotique, n’émergent que récemment. En revanche, aux États-Unis, ce processus s’inscrit dans un modèle bottom-up suite à la constitution d’un public d’organisations non gouvernementales autour du problème. Leur mobilisation a contribué significativement au développement de programmes d’élevage sans antibiotique ainsi qu’à la mise à l’agenda gouvernemental du problème et le lancement d’un plan national dans une approche One Health. / In a cross-country perspective between France and the United States, this research analyses the process of publicizing the links between antibiotic resistance and food, as well as its contribution to the development of the antibiotic free production and the implementation of the One Health approach. Starting with the awareness of the antibiotic use in livestock consequences, the study relies on the pragmatist approach of the constitution of the public problems. It is based on wide corpora composed by documents published between 1980 and 2016 (written press, institutional literature and semi-directive interviews). The analysis method uses textometric tools derived from discourse analysis and focuses on the emergence of formulas that name the problem, its causes and its solutions. The comparison uncovers an opposite process between the two countries. In France, this process is part of a top-down approach and is characterized by a late publicization following the European and international health authorities’ initiatives. The consumer associations taking over the problem, as well as the agri-food actors’ commitment to the antibiotic free production, is very recent. In the United States, this process reveals a bottom-up model following a non-governmental organizations public constitution taking over the problem. Their mobilization has contributed to the development of the antibiotic free breeding programs, as well as to place the problem on the government agenda that launched a national plan in a One Health approach.