The media attribute a great significance to criminal events. However, those are not all reported in the same way. The media treatment of one generally depends of its sensationalism. The more impressive the event is, the more importance will be given by the media. Although street gangs have been very much present in the news content for several years, very few studies have assessed the extent to which the phenomenon is appealing to the media in relation to all criminal news. Considering the importance of media content and its impact on our society, the present study focuses on this question in order to determine whether the news about street gangs are treated differently. The sample of this study consists of 417 reports from Radio-Canada’s TV channel and Internet content, from that 210 are related to street gangs and 207 don’t bear on the phenomenon. The results suggest that the audiovisual and digital media present a more specific aspect of the phenomenon. Reports about street gangs are also more detailed and benefit from a greater mediatic treatment, regardless the medium of information used. Independently of the components that determine what make good news, the events involving street gangs and their members seem to receive a special media treatment. / Les médias accordent une grande importance aux faits divers et aux évènements criminels. Toutefois, ceux-ci ne sont pas tous rapportés systématiquement et de la même manière. Le traitement médiatique d’un évènement dépend généralement de son sensationnalisme. Plus un évènement est sensationnel, plus les médias auront tendance à lui accorder de l’importance et à en laisser d’autres, moins sensationnels, de côté. Bien que les gangs de rue soient très présents dans le contenu médiatique depuis plusieurs années, très peu d’études permettent d’évaluer dans quelle mesure le phénomène est intéressant pour les médias par rapport à l’ensemble de l’actualité criminelle. Étant donné l’importance que prend le contenu médiatique au sein d’une société, le mémoire s’attarde donc à cette question, de manière à déterminer si les nouvelles au sujet des gangs de rue sont traitées différemment des autres nouvelles de nature criminelle. Le corpus à l’étude totalise 417 reportages de Radio-Canada diffusés sur leur chaîne télévisée et leur site Internet, dont 210 portent sur les gangs de rue et 207 sont des nouvelles-témoins. Les résultats suggèrent que les médias audiovisuels et numériques présentent un aspect particulier du phénomène au public. Les reportages au sujet des gangs de rue sont également plus détaillés et profitent d’un traitement médiatique plus important que les autres, peu importe le médium d’information utilisé. Ainsi, indépendamment des éléments classiques qui déterminent ce qui fait une bonne nouvelle, les événements impliquant des gangs et leurs membres semble recevoir un traitement médiatique particulier.

Slovak Republic is a country where women are still underrepresented in the public life. Only recently, after the Parliamentary elections in June 2010, a woman became Prime Minister of Slovak Republic. Slovak and international media appreciated Slovakia for being a first country in central-eastern Europe to have a female leader of the country (Zsilleova 2010). This fact doesn`t change, that women are almost absent from high posts in Parliament, Government, public life, media or high managerial posts. Women in Slovakia still have a long way to the equality. This study focuses on the way female candidate for President Iveta Radičová is represented in the media during 2009 campaign. The research compares her coverage with male candidate`s coverage. The coverage of personal traits of candidates was gender biased and media mentioned female candidate`s gender very often, meanwhile they didn`t mention male candidates gender except in few occasions. However, there was no gender bias in the coverage of candidates` viability, the issues discussed, and the tone of coverage. Even thought male candidate was favored in amount and prominence of coverage, he was covered in more negative way, which can turn his advantage into disadvantage.

No description available.

Esta pesquisa parte da leitura de uma cobertura jornalística e desvenda o processo de produção das notícias e as condições de sua veiculação, com mediações dos estudos de jornalismo, estudos de direito e dos estudos de gênero. Iniciamos com a análise empírica do conteúdo jornalístico produzido pelo jornal Folha de S.Paulo entre janeiro de 2009 e maio de 2015, sobre os acontecimentos relacionados à investigação, ao julgamento, à fuga e à prisão de Roger Abdelmassih, especialista em reprodução humana assistida condenado a 278 anos de prisão por cometer crimes contra a dignidade sexual de 37 pacientes. O processo de leitura colocou-nos interrogações sobre a cobertura jornalística. Em busca de respostas, entrevistamos jornalistas e profissionais do direito envolvidos no caso e constatamos diferenças e relações de interdependência no trabalho deles, que condicionam os acontecimentos em 1) fatos jurídicos culminados em processos de caráter privado na Justiça e 2) em fatos jornalísticos culminados em informações traduzidas em textos publicáveis na imprensa, conforme demonstramos no Capítulo 2 desta dissertação. Estudos de jornalismo apontam as limitações do fazer jornalístico e sua inserção na vida cotidiana e o processo de repetição do senso comum que pode ser desafiado em condições especiais (MORETZSHON, 2007). Mas pesquisa da feminista (SEGATO, 2003) destaca a importância da informação veiculada pela imprensa para a defesa dos direitos das mulheres. Estudos de gênero rastreiam a construção dos estereótipos de gênero e a ordem patriarcal de gênero que embasam valores morais a partir dos quais são forjados os estigmas e preconceitos que atingem as vítimas de estupro (SAFFIOTI, 2015). Na análise de conteúdo do jornal Folha de S.Paulo, constamos uso de termos inadequados para nominar vítimas e agressor, erros jurídicos e julgamentos morais impertinentes ao caso. Essas visões dominantes e equivocadas sobre as vítimas de estupro precisam ser desconstruídas por outro modo de fazer jornalismo. Esta pesquisa nos mostrou que, ao descolar-se dos fatos jurídicos, a cobertura jornalística confinou no universo privado a violência sexual. Deixando de tratá-la como questão de saúde pública, não promoveu a divulgação de informações que poderiam contribuir para a construção da cidadania das mulheres. / This research stems from the reading of a news story coverage and unveils the production process of news stories and their dissemination, negotiated by media, law, and gender studies. We begin with the empirical analysis of the journalistic content produced by Folha de São Paulo between January 2009 and May 2015 about the incidents involving the investigation, trial, escape and arrest of Roger Abdelmassih - specialist in assisted human reproduction condemned to 278 years of prison for committing crimes against the sexual dignity of 37 patients. The process of reading posed questions about the news coverage. In search for answers, we interviews journalists and lawyers involved in the case and found differences and relations of interdependence in their work, which condition the events in 1) legal facts culminating in private processes in the legal system and 2) in journalistic facts culminating in information translated into publishable texts in the press, as demonstrated in the 2nd chapter of this dissertation. Media studies point the limitations of journalistic procedures and its insertion in the daily lives and the repetition process of commen sense that may be challenged in special conditions (MORETZSHON, 2007). But feminist research (SEGATO, 2003) highlights the importance of the information circulated by the media to defend women\'s rights. Gender studies trace the construction of gender stereotypes and the patriarchal gender order that ground the moral values on which the stigma and prejudice that affect rape victims is forged (SAFFIOTI, 2015). In the content analysis of Folha de São Paulo we found the use of inadequate terms to name the victims and the aggressor, legal errors, and unconnected value judgments about the case. These dominant and erroneous views about rape victims must be deconstructed by a different type of journalistic procedure. This research demonstrates that in disconnecting from legal facts, the news coverage confined sexual violence to a private realm. By not treating it as a matter of public health, it did not promote the circulation of useful information that would help the women\'s rights cause.

Cette thèse explore dans quelle mesure la comptabilité peut jouer un rôle dans le dévoilement et la remise en cause publics d’une situation de domination, et ainsi contribuer à une certaine forme d’émancipation. Au plus près des interprétations des acteurs, cette thèse suit les voix libérales dévoilant et remettant en cause la domination des discours et des principes de rationalisation et de régulation financières à l’œuvre dans le football professionnel français. La comptabilité du football français est particulièrement exposée, du fait de la médiatisation et de la financiarisation intenses de ce secteur. Cette thèse s’appuie sur la sociologie pragmatique de la critique (à travers les travaux de Luc Boltanski) et considère les acteurs comme capables de critiques et de dévoilements. Au sein de trois essais, nous montrons 1/ comment des chiffres comptables préalablement divulgués par les clubs peuvent être mis en scène, par des acteurs débattant au sein d’une émission de radio, pour promouvoir une vision libérale ou une vision régulée du football français, 2/ comment les contrôleurs de gestion d’un club se saisissent de la critique pour dévoiler et remettre en cause la domination institutionnelle du régulateur financier du football français, et 3/ comment les pratiques d’accountability de managers d’un club, en réponse à la critique publique, leur permettent de légitimer leur organisation en justifiant sa non-conformité. Si la comptabilité, dans le sillage de la sociologie critique, a souvent été décrite comme un outil au service de dominations à l’œuvre, nous montrons dans cette thèse qu’elle peut également favoriser dévoilement et émancipation. / This dissertation explores to what extent accounting can play a role in how actors publicly unveil and denounce a situation of domination, thereby contributing to a form of emancipation. Listening to the actors’ interpretations, this dissertation follows the liberal voices which unveil and denounce the domination of the discourses and principles on financial regulation and rationalization for French professional football. French football accounting is particularly exposed, due to the high media coverage and financialization of the sector. This dissertation builds on the “pragmatic sociology of critique” (through the work of Luc Boltanski), and sees actors as having critical and unveiling competences. In three essays, we show 1/ how clubs’ disclosed accounting numbers can be staged by actors debating in a radio talk-show, to promote a liberal or regulated vision of French football, 2/ how management accountants in a club use their critical competences to unveil and denounce the institutional domination of the French football financial regulatory body, and 3/ how accountability practices of club’s managers undertaken to respond to public criticism, enable them to legitimize their organization by justifying its non-conformity. While accounting has often been described as serving dominant interests following the “critical sociology” tradition, our dissertation shows that accounting can also favor unveiling and emancipation.

Diploma thesis Aircraft and railway accidents in the Czechoslovakia and in the Czech Republic in 1960 - 2008 in the daily press describes ten serious traffic accidents (five airplane and five train accidents), the context and especially the media coverage of these accidents. The thesis describes and compares the media coverage of these accidents in the analysed daily press - in daily newspaper Rude pravo, Pravo, Mlada fronta and Mlada fronta DNES. It shows the changes in the way of media coverage. It also looks for the factors which influenced the way of media coverage. The aim is to show the changes in the methods and results of a work of a journalist and to set them into the historical, political, social and media context. Furthermore, the thesis consists some theoretical parts about aircraft and railway accidents and prevention. The media analysis is contextualised by some relevant media theories and a brief history of media in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic in the analysed period.

L’orchestre symphonique du West-Eastern Divan Orchestra semble constituer un bon support de réflexion sur la possibilité d’échapper aux stéréotypes dans la communication, du fait même de sa nature qui met ensemble les deux parties d’un conflit historique à savoir le conflit israélo-palestinien. Ce sujet est par essence problématique dans le monde des médias internationaux, puisqu’il fait l’objet de censure et de diverses omissions de la part de certaines parties gênées par l’existence même de cette formation. Ce projet semble également faire l’objet de discours divergents et fournit une matière intéressante de communication non consensuelle. Comme hypothèse de travail, cette thèse postule que la médiatisation du WEDO va à contre-courant de l’image qui entoure habituellement le conflit israélo-palestinien. Cette recherche se propose de discerner les échos qui circulent autour de ce phénomène du WEDO et examiner les multiples facettes développées par les différents discours qui prennent en charge ce projet. Le résultat expérimental confirme l’hypothèse de travail et infirme l’aspect de la couverture médiatique non consensuelle. En fait, les médias sont partagés par rapport à l’image controversée de Daniel Barenboim, un personnage à contre-courant et un projet d’étude en lui-même. La présentation du WEDO, dans l’ensemble du discours médiatique, quels que soient le pays d’origine, la coloration politique et la rubrique, est entre favorable et très favorable. Également, l’aspect le plus développé est le caractère pacifique de l’orchestre ; effectivement les énoncés qui traitent de l’image médiatique de l’orchestre dénotent dans leur ensemble la représentation d’une entreprise courageuse bannissant les conflits et les atrocités de la guerre et d’une nouvelle forme de pensée empruntant à Goethe cet esprit universel pour la paix entre les hommes et fait de la musique un chant privilégié de fraternité et d’amour. / The symphony orchestra of the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra seems to be a good reflection of support on the opportunity to escape the stereotypes in communication, by virtue of its nature that puts together the two parts of a historical conflict namely the israeli-palestinian conflict. This topic is problematic for nature in the world of international media, since the subject of censorship and various omissions on the part of some parts hindered by the very existence of this composition. This project also appears to be divergent speech and provides an interesting field of non-consensual communication. As a working hypothesis, this theory posits that the media coverage of WEDO goes against the grain of the image that usually surrounds the israeli-palestinian conflict. This research aims to discern echoes that circulate around the phenomenon of the WEDO and examine the many facets developed by the various discourses that support this project. The experimental results confirm the hypothesis of work and cripple the aspect of non-consensual coverage. In fact, the media is divided over the controversial image of Daniel Barenboim, a character against the current and a research project in itself. The presentation of WEDO, throughout the media discourse, whatever the country of origin, political color and the item is between favorable and very favorable. Also, the most developed aspect is the peaceful character of the orchestra; indeed statements that deal with the media image of the orchestra as a whole indicate the representation of a brave company banishing conflicts and atrocities of war and a new way of thinking borrowed from Goethe to this universal spirit peace among men and made music a special song of brotherhood and love.

En France, depuis plus d’une soixantaine d’années, la médiatisation des affaires pénales s’est nettement accentuée. Ce constat s'explique en raison de la multiplication des supports (presse, radio, télévision, internet), et de l'intérêt croissant que les journalistes portent aussi bien aux simples faits divers, qu'aux affaires politico-judiciaires. Le public se passionne pour cette actualité sans cesse renouvelée, tout en ignorant la plupart du temps les règles juridiques techniques et complexes du droit pénal et de la procédure pénale. Au-delà du principe de publicité du procès pénal qui autorise, dans une certaine mesure, sa médiatisation par le relais de la presse écrite et audiovisuelle, l’information s’étend dorénavant avec force aux phases secrètes de la procédure. Non sans difficulté, le Droit s’est adapté aux réalités d’une société de la communication, en créant des fenêtres de publicité au cours de la procédure. L’Institution judiciaire se plie aussi aux nécessités de la communication en transmettant des messages aux citoyens par le vecteur des médias. Les enjeux diffèrent. Les médias remplissent une mission de service public en informant le peuple. L’urgence du travail journalistique – et la recherche d’informations inédites ou spectaculaires – s’opposent aux lenteurs nécessaires du temps de la justice qui n’est pas le même que celui de la presse moderne, surtout quand elle est mue par une logique concurrentielle. La justice pénale entend valoriser le bon fonctionnement du système judiciaire à travers les informations qu’elle diffuse. Les dérives tendant à transformer la médiatisation de la justice pénale en une justice pénale « médiatique » se multiplient. La confrontation de ces objectifs distincts est source de conflits dont la résolution repose sur la quête perpétuelle d’un équilibre entre les grands principes démocratiques et les libertés fondamentales consacrés par le droit national et supranational. / In France, the last 60 years or so have seen a sharp increase in the media profile of the criminal justice system. The explanation lies in the massive growth in media outlets (press, radio, television, internet) and in the increasing interest shown by journalists, not only in run-of-the-mill crime stories but in cases of corruption at the top of the political system. Public interest in such doings is huge, although with mostly little regard to the legal and technical complexities of the criminal law and its processes. The justice system in principle allows some media reporting by press and broadcasters, but the present-day appetite for information extends far deeper, into its more secret workings. The Law has adjusted, not without difficulty, to the realities of the communication society. In criminal proceedings, some windows have been thrown open on aspects of previously hidden processes. The judiciary, as an institution, has had to bow to popular pressure, has become more communicative, and has learned to use the media to keep people better informed. Different issues are at stake. The media, as a provider of information, perform a public service. But the urgency of the rush to print – and the pressure to publish undisclosed information including the most sensational – conflict with the justice system, that acts according to a more deliberate legal process than journalism, particularly when the latter’s logic is financial. The criminal justice system disseminates information to enhance its own value as a working institution. Even so, it may slip from being media-sensitive to being media-dependent or “mediatic”—and increasingly so. Different objectives give rise to unresolved conflicts, whose resolution relies on a balancing act that seeks to reconcile the principles of an open democratic society, with the fundamental freedoms guaranteed by national and supranational legal systems.

Cette thèse porte sur la construction médiatique de « l’affaire de la burqa » (2009-2010) et la problématisation scientifique de « l’affaire du foulard » (1989-2004) en France. Ces débats s’inscrivent dans une actualité marquée par l’émergence de projets d’interdiction du voile islamique dans les crèches (2008-2015), sorties scolaires (2007-2013), entreprises et universités (2013-2015). Des faits divers aux lois, les affaires du foulard et de la burqa mettent au jour la conversion des débats médiatiques en affaires nationales, nous informant alors sur la construction d’un agenda juridique autour des signes de l’islam. Au regard de ce contexte, ce travail interroge la manière dont la mise en visibilité médiatique accrue du voile participe à la reconfiguration des espaces publics. Dans une approche sémiotique en communication, appuyée sur les méthodes d’analyse de l’image et des discours, ce travail conjugue l’étude de « l’affaire de la burqa » dans la presse et « l’affaire du foulard » dans les revues en SHS. L’articulation des arènes médiatique et scientifique se fait dans une perspective de recherche « archéologique » consistant à lire l’actualité (« affaire de la burqa ») à la lumière d’un savoir scientifique sédimenté durant vingt ans de publication en SHS sur « l’affaire du foulard ». Cette étude démontre que « l’affaire du foulard » a inauguré une problématique au sujet de la visibilité islamique, tandis que « l’affaire de la burqa » a posé une question inédite sur la spatialité des signes de l’islam. Ce travail a mis au jour deux paradigmes d’analyse (visibilité-spatialité) devenus aujourd’hui centraux pour la recherche en SHS portant sur le voile ou le fait religieux islamique sous le prisme des médias. / This thesis focuses on the media construction of the "burqa affair" (2009-2010) and the scientific problematization of the "headscarf affair" (1989-2004) in France. These public debates are part of media and scientific current events marked by the emergence of many projects banning the Islamic veil in nurseries (2008-2015), school trips (2007-2013), enterprises and universities (2013-2015). From news stories to laws, headscarf and burqa affairs reveals the conversion of media controversies into national issues, informing us about building a legal agenda around the signs of Islam. Given this context, this work examines how the increased media setting of Islamic veils visibility takes part in the redefinition of public spaces. In a semiotics approach, based on methods of image and discourse analysis, this work combines the study of the "burqa affair" through the press and the "headscarf affair" through the Humanities and Social Sciences journals. The articulation of mediatic and scientific arenas is approached from an "archaeological" perspective consisting of reading recent news events ("burqa affair") in the light of a scientific-knowledge sedimented during twenty years of HSS publications on "headscarf affair". This study demonstrates that the "headscarf affair" has opened a problematic view in relation to the Islamic visibility, while the "burqa affair" has set a new question on the spatiality of the signs of Islam. This work has enable to update two analytical paradigms – visibility and spatiality – that became central to contemporary research in HSS regarding the issue of the veil or Islam through the prism of the media.

Elections to the European Parliament are characterised by a steady decline in voter turnout. To tackle this problem, in 2014, several groups of the European Parliament nominated pan-European Spitzenkandidaten who were expected to personalise the elections and mobilise European voters. Based on this development, this study analyses the media cov-erage of the 2014 EP elections with special focus on the role of the Spitzenkandidaten. A quantitative content analysis of European election campaign coverage in the opinion leading newspapers of three influential EU member states, Ger-many, France, and the United Kingdom was carried out. The results show large candidate- and country-specific differ-ences regarding the visibility and thematic coverage of the EP elections in general as well as the presentation of the Spitzenkandidaten. The Spitzenkandidaten were not very visible in either the German, French, or British newspaper cov-erage. With respect to the presence and media personalisation of the Spitzenkandidaten, the newspaper coverage of the EP election does not demonstrate any mobilising effect and thus does not reflect the high expectations the European Parliament attributed to the nomination of the Spitzenkandidaten.