隨著經貿全球化下，勞動力的遷徙也不再受到國界的限制。然而，在全球經貿議題談判的桌上，國家機器將經濟發展至於首要發展位置，遷徙勞工的人權、勞動權利卻是被忽略。其中，最容易被忽略的乃是女性居多所從事的家事服務業。另外，國際勞工組織從1994年極力推展的國際核心勞動基準，已受到全球經貿組織、區域組織，與非政府組織的重視。其中，禁止就業歧視核心公約更是將種族、民族血統、性別等等清楚的納入禁止範圍。次之，聯合國「所有移民勞工及其家屬權利保障國際公約」對於遷徙勞工的人權保障更是一大進步。於此，可發現國際對於遷徙勞工的人權、勞動權利之重視。 台灣在拼經濟之際，也不忘趕上以引進廉價外傭而逃脫於福利產業責任的趨勢。然而，於引進、聘僱外傭的過程中，國家政策對於外傭的勞動權利的「保障」便是本文的討論重點。從國際保障規範遷徙勞工的趨勢、透過訪談在引進、聘僱在台外傭過程中的各個角色、學者相關田野調查的資料等，來觀察在台外傭所可能遇到的就業歧視，與觀察台灣又是否能夠真正與人權外交畫上等號？

在全球化時代下，勞動力的跨國流動成為一個顯著現象。 2005年起，芬蘭食品加工公司開始引進外籍野莓採集工，其中以泰國東北方的農民占最多數。他們持3個月的旅遊簽證，並引用芬蘭 everyman’s right 這個傳統權利在芬蘭的森林裡採集野莓。 這些泰國野莓採集工被視為自僱自營者/企業家而非受雇者，因此他們必需支付其到芬蘭的所有開銷，這些開銷基本上遠超過一個農民家庭的一年所得。農民先行支付了這些高額開銷並不意味著其享有任何收入保證，相反的，其收入完全取決於他們採收了多少野莓。如果他們碰到了乾旱的夏季或野莓作物收成物不佳，此意味者他們在極辛苦的工作之後，不僅沒賺到任何錢，反而背負更多的債務，換句話說，泰籍野莓採集工自行承擔芬蘭採莓之行的所有風險。 泰籍野莓採集工在芬蘭填補了當地人不願從事的次級勞動市場職缺。他們既不享有芬蘭政府的相關勞動法令保障，也不適用芬蘭工會的團體協約。其處於芬蘭勞動市場的灰色地帶。 外籍野莓採集工在芬蘭屬於新的社會現象，目前僅見極少數的文獻聚焦探討此議題。此研究的目的主要是為了瞭解泰籍野莓採集工在芬蘭的勞動處境，並解釋造成其處於不利處境的結構性因素。 / The flow of labour force between countries has become a significant phenomenon in globalization age. Since 2005, the Finnish food processing companies started to introduce migrant wild-berries pickers with a tourist visa up to 3 months in order to harvest wild berries in Finnish forest, and the majority is from the northeastern area of Thailand. They went to Finland with tourist visa and pick up wild berries in the forest according to ‘Everyman’s Right’. They do not be regarded as employees but self-employment or entrepreneurs, and therefore they and their income totally depend on how much berries they pick up. Thai berry pickers paid every cost that far more then one year income of normal farm-family in Thailand by themselves. However, those high costs do not engage any income guarantee. If they meet dry summer or corps is not good enough, they would not get any compensation from Finnish companies. In other words, they will simply work for free and get even deeper debts after extremely hard working. Thai berry pickers in Finland fill in the vacancies in Finnish secondary labour market. They neither entitle to enjoy the protection from Finnish labour regulations nor collective agreements. They are in gray areas in Finnish labour market. Migrant berry picker is a new appearance in Finland, and hence there are only a few literatures focus on the issue. The aim of this research is to understand the situation and explore the structure determinates of Thai berry pickers.

Bien que le gouvernement japonais ait historiquement été réticent à l’idée d’établir une politique d’immigration pour remédier au vieillissement de sa population, un nombre chaque année grandissant de migrantes et migrants se rendent au Japon pour y travailler, dans des conditions parfois difficiles. Alors que le gouvernement japonais et les principaux syndicats du pays semblent ignorer les revendications pour l’amélioration de leurs conditions de vie et de travail, de nombreuses organisations de la société civile offrent leur soutien aux communautés migrantes. Afin de mieux comprendre comment s’organise ce mouvement social contemporain, nous avons procédé à une étude de cas au sein d'un tel groupe de défense des droits de la région de Tokyo, au Japon, par une observation participante et dix entretiens individuels. Pour analyser cette action collective, nous mobilisons le cadre conceptuel développé par Benford et Snow (2000) autour des « processus de cadrage », les « répertoires d'actions » et les « structures d’opportunités politiques » théorisés notamment par Tilly et Tarrow (2015) ainsi que les processus de construction d'une identité collective – l’identization – tels que proposés par Melucci (1996). Il ressort de nos analyses que le problème central identifié par le groupe de défense des droits correspond à l’absence d’une politique nationale d’immigration. Deux principales solutions sont donc mises de l’avant, soit l’adoption d’une telle politique par l’État japonais et la reconnaissance d’une société multiethnique et multiculturelle. Plusieurs limites subsistent toutefois quant à l’appel à l’action collective. Nos analyses permettent notamment de comprendre comment les principales actions mises en place par l’organisation ont historiquement visé le monde politique et peuvent être par moments peu adaptées au public que constitue la société civile japonaise. De plus, nous avons pu constater que la structure d’opportunités politiques, dont la législation portant sur l’immigration et le travail, favorise et limite de différentes façons l’action collective. Enfin, l’étude des processus de construction d’une identité collective nous a permis de mieux comprendre comment les communautés migrantes et d’origines diverses rencontrent certaines difficultés dans leur implication au sein du mouvement, alors qu’elles peuvent ne pas maîtriser la langue d’usage ou ne pas faire partie des réseaux de solidarités pertinents. / Although the Japanese government has historically been reluctant to establish an immigration policy to address the ageing of its population, an increasing number of migrants travel to Japan each year to work, sometimes under difficult conditions. While the Japanese government and the country's main trade unions are reportedly ignoring demands to improve their living and working conditions, many civil society organizations offer their support to migrant communities. In order to better understand how this contemporary social movement is organized, we conducted a case study within one such advocacy group in the Tokyo region, through participant observation and ten individual interviews. To analyze this collective action, we mobilize the conceptual framework developed by Benford and Snow (2000) around the "framing processes", the "repertoire of contention" and the "political opportunity structure" theorized by Tilly and Tarrow (2015) as well as the processes of building collective identities – identization – as proposed by Melucci (1996). Our analyses indicate that a central problem identified by the advocacy group is the lack of a national immigration policy. Two main solutions are therefore put forward, namely the adoption of such a policy by the Japanese government and the recognition of a multi-ethnic and multicultural society. However, several obstacles remain with regard to the call for collective action. In particular, our analyses help us understand how the main actions implemented by the organization have historically targeted the political world and may at times be ill-suited for Japanese civil society. In addition, we have seen that the structure of political opportunities, including immigration and labour legislation, facilitates and constrains collective action in different ways. Finally, the study of the construction of a collective identity has allowed us to better understand how migrant and foreign communities encounter a number of difficulties in their involvement in the movement, as they may not master the language or be part of the relevant social networks.

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本文旨在探討當前中國大陸城鎮職工與農民工等具有勞工性質的群體，其退休養老保險制度發展過程的政治經濟分析。所要回答的問題有三：一、中國大陸退休養老保險的歷史進程為何？有何特徵？二、中國大陸農民工與城鎮職工的退休養老保險制度現今運行情況為何？可能的整合方向是？三、中國大陸退休養老保險基金的財務當前運行情況是？有何隱憂？以上三點構成了本文的問題意識。 文中檢視中國大陸自1950年代所出臺的《中華人民共和國勞動保險條例》至今所有關於農民工與城鎮職工養老保險法規的演變，並比較2011年《社會保險法》出臺後，關於農民工與城鎮職工養老保險的實質發展。此外，本文以北京、上海、廣東、河南各省的「退休養老保險金的收支結餘」做為基礎，使用各省的「歷史債務」、「經濟發展水準」、「勞動力流動」等面向分析養老金區域失衡的原因與長期發展的隱憂，以歸納出當前中國大陸城鎮職工與農民工養老保險制度發展的個案省份分析。 本文發現，中國大陸農民工與城鎮職工養老保險的發展有著明顯的「路徑依賴」特徵，自《中華人民共和國勞動保險條例》出臺以降，關於中國大陸的社會保障歷經了單位保障到社會保險，最後則是具備中國特色的「社會統籌與個人帳戶相結合」制度的建立。關於中國大陸退休養老體制的改革過程是中國社會主義傳統下與改革開放後強調經濟發展相互激盪下的結果。 中共以戶籍制度作為區分城鄉勞工的主要手段，在社會福利制度上形成了差異化的現象。本文認為關於農民工的社會保障制度在過去的社會保險體系發展中乏善可陳，與受到政府保障的城鎮職工形成對比的現象。中共當局開始正視農民工的問題是在改革開放後所形成的龐大民工潮問題，隨著時間的推移，政府也必須替「第二代農民工」建設更公平的社會保障制度進而達成「城鎮化」的目標。 中國大陸的社會保障制度發展有著明顯的地域差異，其財政的制度也高度分權，具體反應在社會保障制度的改革上。北京、廣東與上海享受著改革開放以來的經濟成果，在吸引外來勞動人口上有著先天優勢，相對河南的人口外移有著明顯的對比。背後的意涵代表了富裕省份對於後發省份在社會保障資源上的「榨取」，不利於後發省份養老保險的長期發展。本文認為，2011年《社會保險法》出臺後，對於農民工的社會保障確實有所提昇，也使具有「穩定就業」身分的農民工納入到了城鎮職工養老保險體制內，不過仍然需要觀察其後具體的發展態勢。中國大陸之後的退休養老制度發展，本文認為應該要向實現「全國統籌」的目標邁進，也可以藉由中央分配養老金，使地區養老金收支不均的現象可以有效紓緩。 / This thesis aims to explore the characteristics of labor groups in China, which include urban workers and migrant workers. It also discusses the political economical analysis in the course of development for retirement pensions. There are three important questions that have to be addressed: First, what is the historical course on the Chinese retirement pension? What are the features? Second, how is the retirement pension run for urban workers and migrant workers today? What is the direction for integration? Third, what is the financial situation in running the pensions? Are there any concerns? Above three questions constitute the main issues that will be discussed in this thesis. It is evident that there are changes to today’s law and regulations of endowment insurance for urban and migrant workers. This thesis will use Beijing, Shanghai, Guangdong, and Henan province for “Balance of Revenues and Expenditure in Endowment Pension Insurance” as a basis. Also use each province’s “Debt records”, “Standard Economic Growth” “Labor Mobility”, etc. to analyze. In this thesis it also indicates the development of the endowment insurance for migrant workers and urban workers appears to be having a “path dependency” feature. China’s social security has gone from a unit security to a social security. The social welfare system creates a phenomenon of discrepancy in the system. This thesis deems that in the past, migrant workers’ social security reform development is not effective compared to the government security the urban workers received. The government must help “Second generation migrant workers” create a fair social security system and reach “urbanization” as a goal. China’s social security growth has a noticeable regional difference; there is also a high separation of powers in the finance system, which reacts on the reform for social security. Beijing, Guangdong, Shanghai enjoy the economic gain after the reform, and attract many foreign labors, gives them dominant advantage. In contrast, Henan, there is big difference in number for migrate workers. Behind this, there is an implication that prosperous provinces create an “extortion” of resources to those less prosperous, meaning there is no care for their endowment insurance growth. Overall this system still has potential for improvement.

Many in Germany argue that the minimum wage and other protective provisions for migrant workers will only be effective when workplace inspections by the enforcement body "Finanzkontrolle Schwarzarbeit" (FKS) are stepped up. For this reason, a novel cooperation agreement between the FKS and migrant workers' counseling offices has been signed, in June 2021. This step is informed by the FKS' public image of being a guardian of the minimum wage and of victims of labor exploitation. The hypothesis of this thesis is that the argument of more inspections lead to less exploitation is oversimplified. Therefore, it explores the role that the FKS has for migrant workers in more detail by using regime theory and a methodological approach informed by ethnographic border regime analysis. An analysis of the FKS' formal duties codified in the law reveals its ambivalent character. Especially the concept of unlawful employment serves as an umbrella term that conflates protective as well as punitive provisions for migrant workers. In eleven qualitative interviews, FKS officers and migrant workers' counselors mostly rejected the FKS' image as a "workers' protection squad". Instead, they think that the FKS only served the interests of the state. As a consequence, exploited workers have no immediate benefit from FKS inspections, and sometimes even experience heavy detriments like the loss of their job, housing, or unpaid wages. The most severe consequences, like expulsions or deportations, result from violations of the Residence Act. For these reasons, counselors reacted differently to the new cooperation agreement. While most counselors have strong reservations or even refuse to work with law enforcement bodies, others have found ways to cooperate without putting their clients at risk. For such successful cooperation it is crucial that FKS officers take workers' and counselors' needs seriously and adapt their routines and protocols in order to instill trust. Under the current legal and institutional configuration, increasing the number of FKS inspections is not pertinent to combat the exploitation of migrant workers. The argument that vulnerabilities of migrant workers emerge from a lack of enforcement is blinding out the fact that the enforcement of labor law itself produces vulnerabilities. Institutions tasked with the enforcement of protective provisions, must not be tasked with enforcing punitive provisions against migrant workers. Instead, workers need to be given an active role in the enforcement of their own rights.