The modernization perspective of human development has hampered true growth in the countries known collectively as the Third World. With its roots in European colonialism in the late eighteenth century, the modernization perspective ethnocentrically holds that human development must occur in a unilinear manner, regardless of a society's history or culture. In colonial times, this view was used to justify the exploitation of entire peoples, claiming that colonization of overseas societies was a civilizing mission. This unilinear view of development was popularized by modernization theorists such as Adam Smith, Karl Marx, and Walt Whitman Rostow, with disastrous consequences for the developing world. The most vivid illustration of how the modernization perspective hurt the developing world is the evident in the politics of the Cold War, in which two opposing modernization theories fought a global battle for influence. From the ashes of the Cold War, capitalism emerged as the triumphant model of human development. Since then, neo-liberal institutions have sought to stimulate growth in the developing world by following this model of development. However, after decades of failed attempts, it is time for the world to reconsider its approach to development. This paper will illustrate the inadequacies of the modernization thought in three different case studies- Tanzania, Guinea-Bissau, and Burkina Faso. In each case, modernization thought in the form of colonialism. communism, and capitalism have hampered attempts at real development in these countries.

The purpose of this paper is to examine if economic sanctions is a useful tool to promote the democratic development of a state. I am interested in exploring the effectiveness of the most common reasons for implementing sanctions; to change specific behavior incompatible with democracy or to incur regime transformation. In order to examine this, we look at the intent of implementing economic sanctions, how democratic development is measured, and the importance of human rights as a part of a democratic state. By applying these findings on opposing versions of modernization theory, I find measurable economic data that I can look at in connection with two case studies. The episodes chosen for the case studies are current sanctions being leveled against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and Myanmar. In the case studies themselves, I discover that Iran and Myanmar are very different in both the intentions behind their autocratic regimes, and the results of the sanctions against them. In examining the economic effects, I find it difficult to find data for both cases, and I fail to locate parts of the economic data I intended to look at. In the end, I conclude that while economic sanctions can have some impact on specific goals and the foundation for support of democracy, they are unlikely to be the deciding factor in democratic development.

O objetivo principal desta Tese é produzir uma leitura crítica da construção, por Walt Whitman Rostow, do desenvolvimento enquanto ideologia e enquanto política de Estado dos Estados Unidos no contexto da Guerra Fria. O desenvolvimento é concebido como uma política econômica internacional principalmente para resolver o problema da necessidade de expansão internacional do capitalismo como sistema mundial no pós-guerra, sob a hegemonia americana. O confronto político-ideológico capitalismo versus comunismo é certamente relevante, mas secundário. Uma forte ideologia do desenvolvimento se torna necessária para induzir os chamados países subdesenvolvidos a adotar o desenvolvimento como seu objetivo maior, o que a política internacional do desenvolvimento poderia ajudar a promover oferecendo empréstimos internacionais e assistência técnica. Uma vez aceito, um esquema como esse poderia garantir o funcionamento de uma nova ordem capitalista internacional, em substituição ao velho colonialismo. Walt Whitman Rostow é talvez o intelectual mais importante na criação e na promoção do desenvolvimento como ideologia e como política de Estado. Esta Tese é centrada na sua produção teórico-política sobre o desenvolvimento, abrangendo o período que se considera como efetivamente criativo desta produção, ou seja, até a sua definição da seqüência de estágios-de-crescimento em As Etapas do Crescimento Econômico. Um Manifesto Não-Comunista. Também se analisa a busca de W. W. Rostow por uma fundamentação teórica por meio de sua crítica a Marx e à abordagem estrutural-funcional nas ciências sociais. / This Thesis\' main objective is the production of a critical reading of the Walt Whitman Rostow\'s construction of the development as an ideology and as a State policy of the United States in the Cold War context. The development is conceived as an international economic policy mainly to solve the serious problem of the need for international expansion of capitalism as a world system, in the post-war period, under the American hegemony. The political-ideological confrontation capitalism versus communism is certainly a relevant one, but secondary. A strong ideology of development becomes necessary to induce the so called underdeveloped countries to adopt the development as their primary goal, which the international development policy could make easier by the supply of international loanable funds and technical assistance. One accepted, this scheme would guarantee the functioning of a new international capitalistic order, replacing the old colonialism. Walt Whitman Rostow is perhaps the most important intellectual in the creation and promotion of the development as an ideology and a State policy. This Thesis is centered upon his theoretical-political production about the development, covering the effective creative period of this production, that is, until Rostow\'s definition of his stages-of-growth sequence in The Stages of Economic Growth. A Non-Communist Manifesto. There is also an analysis of Rostow\'s search for theoretical foundations by means of his criticism of Marx and of the structural-functional approach in the social sciences. .

O objetivo principal desta Tese é produzir uma leitura crítica da construção, por Walt Whitman Rostow, do desenvolvimento enquanto ideologia e enquanto política de Estado dos Estados Unidos no contexto da Guerra Fria. O desenvolvimento é concebido como uma política econômica internacional principalmente para resolver o problema da necessidade de expansão internacional do capitalismo como sistema mundial no pós-guerra, sob a hegemonia americana. O confronto político-ideológico capitalismo versus comunismo é certamente relevante, mas secundário. Uma forte ideologia do desenvolvimento se torna necessária para induzir os chamados países subdesenvolvidos a adotar o desenvolvimento como seu objetivo maior, o que a política internacional do desenvolvimento poderia ajudar a promover oferecendo empréstimos internacionais e assistência técnica. Uma vez aceito, um esquema como esse poderia garantir o funcionamento de uma nova ordem capitalista internacional, em substituição ao velho colonialismo. Walt Whitman Rostow é talvez o intelectual mais importante na criação e na promoção do desenvolvimento como ideologia e como política de Estado. Esta Tese é centrada na sua produção teórico-política sobre o desenvolvimento, abrangendo o período que se considera como efetivamente criativo desta produção, ou seja, até a sua definição da seqüência de estágios-de-crescimento em As Etapas do Crescimento Econômico. Um Manifesto Não-Comunista. Também se analisa a busca de W. W. Rostow por uma fundamentação teórica por meio de sua crítica a Marx e à abordagem estrutural-funcional nas ciências sociais. / This Thesis\' main objective is the production of a critical reading of the Walt Whitman Rostow\'s construction of the development as an ideology and as a State policy of the United States in the Cold War context. The development is conceived as an international economic policy mainly to solve the serious problem of the need for international expansion of capitalism as a world system, in the post-war period, under the American hegemony. The political-ideological confrontation capitalism versus communism is certainly a relevant one, but secondary. A strong ideology of development becomes necessary to induce the so called underdeveloped countries to adopt the development as their primary goal, which the international development policy could make easier by the supply of international loanable funds and technical assistance. One accepted, this scheme would guarantee the functioning of a new international capitalistic order, replacing the old colonialism. Walt Whitman Rostow is perhaps the most important intellectual in the creation and promotion of the development as an ideology and a State policy. This Thesis is centered upon his theoretical-political production about the development, covering the effective creative period of this production, that is, until Rostow\'s definition of his stages-of-growth sequence in The Stages of Economic Growth. A Non-Communist Manifesto. There is also an analysis of Rostow\'s search for theoretical foundations by means of his criticism of Marx and of the structural-functional approach in the social sciences. .

As SMEs transformation to sustainable practices in manufacturing, processing and services, is declared to be the key to a green growth model, the research in this thesis aims to understand in what way eco-labelling can be a part of that. In order to approach this complex issue, the thesis aims to identify the greening potential and the limits of contemporary eco-labelling schemes for SME product within the German coffee-processing sector. With regard to that, the thesis applied the policy evaluation method "Program Theory Evaluation" (PTE), which assesses a policy in place and thus provides information how the introduction and the function of eco-labelling schemes is observed and perceived by German coffee-processing SMEs (GCPS). Hence, based on a policy evaluation from a rational perspective, which has the focus on the policy’s problem-solving process and implementation cycle, the thesis reveals how eco-labelling schemes’ underlying theoretical greening strategy act in practice to German coffee-processing SME (GCPS). Thereby it could be evaluated that eco-labelling schemes imply shortcomings to address and green GCPS high quality coffee products. As the PTE-method aims also on optimizing the policy’s rationalisation, the inappropriate or failed implementation of eco-labelling schemes by GCPS has been further explored. To grasp the eco-labelling schemes extent of limits to green GCPS products, the thesis compares and analyses the policy evaluation results against the backdrop of eco-labelling schemes’ normative theoretical policy conception and in the light of "Environmental Authority of Political Consumerism (Ecological Modernisation Theory)". With regard to that, the thesis fosters a policy learning process and uncovers that eco-labelling scheme eco-labelling schemes potential to green GCPS products is limited and conditioned to this a lower level of sustainable value as they are focused to supply mainly the demand for mainstream coffee products. Hence, the thesis concludes that it is not the underlying rationality of eco-labelling schemes, namely being a consumer-oriented and market-based policy instrument that does not apply to green GCPS products. However, this opens up a new perspective as it points out a sustainable quality gap between products using eco-labelling schemes and non-labelled GCPS high quality products. In return this raises considerations in terms of improving eco-labelling schemes’ contribution to sustainable development. Thus the thesis argues to optimize their rationalization with regard to GCPS high quality products as frontrunners of tomorrow’s sustainability.

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Tidigare forskning har visat på att länder vars export till stor del utgörs av råvaror riskerar att ha en lägre ekonomisk utveckling. Detta på grund av ett ofördelaktigt prisförhållande där priset stiger snabbare för tillverkade varor än vad det gör för råvaror. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka om det finns något samband mellan råvaruexport och ekonomisk utveckling. Därför genomförs att antal regressionsanalyser i paneldata som inkluderar exportdata från 45 länder, med stor geografisk och ekonomisk spridning, under tidsperioden 2001–2020 för att se hur korrelationen ser ut mellan andelen av exporten som utgörs av råvaror och variabler som anses representera ekonomisk utveckling, det vill säga BNP- och löneökning. Resultatet påvisar ett tydligt samband mellan råvaruexport och BNP-tillväxt, som blir ännu starkare när en regression genomförs med laggade variabler, vilket skulle kunna peka mot en kausalitet. Analysen visar dock att det inte verkar finnas något samband mellan råvaruexport och löneökning. / Earlier studies have shown that countries whose export is highly dependent on primary goods tend to show slower economic development. That is because of disadvantageous terms of trade where prices are rising faster for manufactured goods than primary goods. The purpose of this paper is therefore to examine if there is a relationship between primary export and economic development. Therefore, a number of regressions are performed with panel data that include export data from 45 countries, with a large geographic and economic distribution, during the time period 2001–2020 to see what the correlation looks like between the share of exports that is made up by primary goods and variables that represent economic development, namely GDP growth and wage increase. The result demonstrates a clear correlation between primary exports and GDP growth, which become even clearer when a regression is performed with lagged variables, which could indicate causality. However, the analysis does not seem to show a correlation between primary exports and wage increases.

[pt] A tese oferece uma leitura pós-colonial sobre as novas operações de paz da ONU a partir do caso da Somália. O argumento central é o de que tais operações são informadas por uma velha lógica, a da teoria da modernização, a qual, por sua vez, deita suas raízes nas teorias racistas e evolucionistas do século XIX. Nesse sentido, a tese sugere que essas novas operações são guiadas pela mesma lógica logocêntrica que informou o imperialismo europeu e a ação subseqüente do Conselho de Tutela das Nações Unidas. A tese visa a desestabilizar o ineditismo das novas operações de paz por meio da análise genealógica de um caso específico, o somali. Argumenta-se que a construção discursiva das sociedades alvo de tais operações como atrasadas, falidas ou pré-modernas cria as condições de possibilidade para as operações de paz conduzidas pelas Nações Unidas em nome da salvação, do progresso e da modernização das mesmas. Logo, a produção da descontinuidade/inovação das operações de paz em relação ao passado colonial depende da construção da continuidade das sociedades alvo de tais operações vistas como sujeitas a conflitos ancestrais e endógenos, ligados a um passado pré-colonial; revelando, desse modo, uma dependência mútua entre as identidades moderna e tradicional. A tese sugere que o reconhecimento do caráter híbrido das sociedades pós-coloniais, presente na perspectiva pós-colonial, nos permite desestabilizar o discurso logocêntrico subjacente às novas operações de paz da ONU. / [en] This dissertation offers a postcolonial reading about the new UN peace operations from the case of Somalia. The central argument is that these operations are informed by an old logic, namely: the modernization theory, which, in turn, lays its roots in evolutionary and racist theories of the nineteenth century. Thus, this dissertation suggests that these new operations are guided by the same logocentric logic that informed the European imperialism and the subsequent action of the United Nations Trusteeship Council. This research aims at destabilizing the novelty of the new peace operations through the genealogical analysis of a particular case: Somalia. It is argued that the discursive construction of the target societies of these operations as backward, failed or pre-modern creates the conditions of possibility for peace operations undertaken by the United Nations on behalf of salvation, progress and modernization of such societies. It is argued that the production of discontinuity and innovation of the new peace operations in relation to the colonial past depends on the construction of the continuity of the societies subject to these operations which are seen as under ancestral and endogenous conflicts tied to a pre-colonial past; revealing therefore the mutual dependency between the identities modern and traditional. Finally, the dissertation suggests that the recognition of the hybrid character of the postcolonial societies by the postcolonial perspectives allows us to destabilize the logocentric discourse underlying the new peace operations.

This diploma thesis aims to map the work that Ronald Inglehart published after the year 2000 and to include it in the concept of historical sociology. In my work I deal with a total of seven books, which I subject to critical reflection and at the same time I compare with other authors who commented on the given topics. The work will touch on theories of modernization, democratization, secularization and to a lesser extent civilization analysis. I will also add remarks and observations from the point of view of quantitative methodology, as Inglehart's theories are based on a large amount of quantitative data based on questionnaire surveys. The first part of my work deals with modernization theory, the next part deals with secularization and the third part focuses on the analysis of civilization. In modernization and secularization, I will first introduce versions of the theories that Inglehart and co-authors published during the first decade of the 21st century. After that, I will always reflect on recent work (2017- 2021). In the civilization part, which is the shortest, I will summarize his findings across his work. At the end of his work, Inglehart also makes predictions about future society. I also intend to analyze these findings in my diploma thesis. At the end of the work I evaluate the...

This paper analyses the environmental policy documents of Vänsterpartiet (Left Party) and Socialdemokraterna (Social Democratic Party) based on the theories of ecological modernization (EMT) and critical environmental sociology (CES), constructed as ideal types. The aim is to explain ideational differences and similarities based on the ideal types of each theory and how well the parties can be linked to the ideal types of EMT and CES, their similarities and differences. The results show that there is a clear ideational distinction between the Left Party and the Social Democratic Party and that their views on solutions to climate change and subsequent environmental issues, based on ecological modernization theory and critical environmental sociology, differ despite other ideational similarities. The Left Party adheres more to the ideal type of CES and the Social Democratic Party adheres more to the ideal type of EMT.