• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 55
  • 18
  • 4
  • 4
  • 3
  • 3
  • 2
  • 2
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 94
  • 64
  • 34
  • 28
  • 24
  • 24
  • 23
  • 19
  • 19
  • 17
  • 16
  • 16
  • 14
  • 13
  • 12
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
91

民主原則規範性困境之解決——透過論辯倫理學建構基進審議民主的嘗試 / A Solution to the Normative Dilemma of Principle of Democracy: An Outline of Radical Deliberative Democracy via Discourse Ethics

呂政諺, Lyu, Jheng-Yan Unknown Date (has links)
民主原則之規範性困境,今日已於所有民主國家的政治生活中,展現為層出不窮的民主危機。尤其因為民粹威權主義於成熟民主國家的大行其道,民主危機的解決已成為當代民主迫在眉睫的問題。為求取釜底抽薪的解決之道,則必須從理論層面出發,對民主之概念進行徹底的反省。然而,法學本身顯然難以克服此一困境,而必須將道德哲學與政治哲學的理論資源與方法納入視野之內,以便從規範性證立民主的基本內涵開始,循序漸進地獲致其反映於制度層面應有的具體內容。   過往的民主理論證立民主之所以具有無法克服的困難,是因為其終須依賴當代多元社會下有爭議的道德信念。對此,本文以Jürgen Habermas的「論辯倫理學」為基礎,從而對民主的基本精神提出無爭議的規範性證立。透過論辯倫理學的進一步推演,Habermas亦導出「法律論辯理論」,以說明法律作為施展強制力的工具是如何被證立的。藉由結合論辯倫理學與法律論辯理論,便能將民主強制付諸於日常生活的實踐之中,據此呈現出民主作為憲法原則的應有樣貌。植基於此一的路徑,本文拓展了Habermas的理念,從而證立並闡發民主的核心精神。   此一依循論辯倫理學及法律論辯理論所獲致的民主原則內容,即為審議民主理論。依據前述的理論奠基,本文認為審議民主理論蘊含的內容可歸結為「論辯之基本權」以及「政治平等諸規則」兩大理念,並能透過基進民主理論的批判以深化對後者的理解,從而闡發審議民主理論的基進意涵。「基進審議民主」明確而豐富的內容不僅宣告著民主原則規範性困境之解決,也同時於實踐上提出了化解民主危機的制度建議。 / In the political life of all democracies, the normative dilemma of principle of democracy has appeared as endless crises of democracy. Accrodingly, to solve the crisis of democracy thus becomes an urgent issue for the contemporary democracy. As populist authoritarianism propagated on a upsetting scale around developed democracies, finding a resolution also grows more significant. To solve this problems once and for all, we must proceed forward from a theoretical perspective that indicate a profound reflection on the concept of democracy. Because jurisprudence becomes manifest in lack of proper paths to overcome this dilemma by itself, incorporating the theoretical resources and methods of ethics and political philosophy into the field of vision may be imperative and necessary. With the foundation that justifies fundamental connotations of democracy in a normative approch, we will obtain the specific contents that democracy reflects at the institutional level progressively.   Previous works on democratic theory are so difficult to justify democracy per se because their justifications depending on controversial moral beliefs in contemporary plural society drift into failure. In this regard, Jürgen Habermas advanced the “Discourse Ethics” which suggests a non-controversial normative justification of democratic essences as the most promising theory at present. Through employing Discourse Ethics, Habermas deduced “Discourse Theory of Law” to explain how to justify law as a compulsory instrument. In this manner, democracy can be forced into daily life, via combining Discourse Ethics and Discourse Theory of Law, to draw a ideal form as a a constitutional principle. Through the illustration of Habermas's doctrine, this thesis tries to broaden the ways to understand and describe the democracy.   “Deliberative Democracy” is the very idea derived from Discourse Ethics and Discourse Theory of Law. Based on the foundations of the above, this thesis suggests that the contents of Deliberative Democracy can be attributed to the two basic concepts including “fundamental rights of discourse” and “rules of political equality”, which, through criticisms of radical democracy, shall be further deepen the understanding of the latter to elucidate what radical meanings do Deliberative Democracy have. With specific and profuse contents, radical deliberative democracy not only invents a solution to the normative dilemma of principle of democracy, but puts forward institutional proposals to resolving crises of democracy in practice simultaneously.
92

#NiUnaMenosBolivia fights back : A discourse theoretical analysis on the struggle against gender-based violence in Bolivia

Yegorova, Olga January 2017 (has links)
Femicides are not a new phenomenon. Marches involving thousands of people all around the Latin American continent to fight them, however, is. Ni Una Menos - Not one woman less - is the slogan that also mobilized Bolivians to mass-based protests in November 2016.This thesis investigates the counterpublic of #NiUnaMenosBolivia for the purpose of understanding its discursively articulated identities. A multidisciplinary discourse theoretical analysis combines Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory with Nancy Fraser’s contributions to the struggle over needs of counterpublics to examine textual, photographic and ethnographic data.Two levels of identities of #NiUnaMenos are extracted from the investigation: Internal agonistic identities pinpoint at the friction between the representors and the represented identities of the counterpublic. A collective identity evolves in the context of the struggle for justice, freedom and dignity through the construction of an antagonistic “Others” who are held responsible for femicidal violence.This study builds a bridge between feminist activism and academic discourse for feminist studies of the region. It further develops and exemplifies a methodological toolkit for a theoretically based discourse analysis on contemporary women’s movements.
93

佛瑞爾斯《美麗壞東西》中的監控、人權,與聯合策略 / Surveillance, Human Rights, and Solidarity in Stephen Frears’s Dirty Pretty Things

曾尹璽, Tseng,Yin Hsi Unknown Date (has links)
本篇論文企圖探討史蒂芬‧佛瑞爾斯 ( Stephen Frears ) 的電影《美麗壞東西》( Dirty Pretty Things ) 中的公民權與人權之議題。片中描述從奈及利亞非法入境的奧奎 (Okwe) 與來自土耳其申請政治庇護的桑娜 (Senay) 因其游移的身分,遭逢英國政府監控與資本主義社會剝削,並揭露倫敦城市中非法難民販賣器官以求生存的黑暗面。本篇論文著重分析政治庇護者的矛盾身分如何擾亂民族國家的監視、暴露僅以公民權利保障境內人民的缺失,並主張唯有透過跨種族、階級,與性別的聯合 ( solidarity ) 才能對抗國家機制裡的矛盾與全球資本主義的剝削。論文第二章以德希達 ( Jacques Derrida ) 的制約款待 ( conditional hospitality ),與傅柯 ( Michel Foucault ) 的監視 ( Panopticon ) 概念,探討片中監控 ( surveillance ) 機制的形成。第三章引進布斯克與夏弗 (Alison Brysk and Gershon Shafir ) 提出公民權 (citizenship) 與人權 ( human rights ) 的差距,來揭發片中政治庇護者與外籍勞工在地主國 ( host countries ) 因為缺乏公民權而導致人權被忽視的困境。第四章從傅柯 ( Michel Foucault ) 的反抗 ( resistance ) 與拉克勞 ( Ernesto Laclau ) 與穆芙 ( Chantal Mouffe ) 的激進多元民主 ( radical plural democracy ) 的概念,探討以跨種族、階級,與性別的聯合 ( solidarity ) 來對抗國家制度本身的裂縫與經濟全球化的無情剝削。最後總結在全球化時代,唯有檢視國家制度的缺失,並揚棄封閉排他的意識形態,才能體現種族與文化的差異與多元性,並促進跨界聯合之實現。 / This thesis aims to explore the issue of citizenship and human rights in Stephen Frears’s Dirty Pretty Things. Dirty Pretty Things describes the British government’s surveillance on asylum seekers, such as Okwe, an illegal refugee from Nigeria, and Senay, the Turkish asylum applicant, and unveils illegal refugees’ organ trade in exchange for passports in London. The thesis attempts to decipher how the ambivalent status of asylum seekers disturbs the surveillance of nation-states, exposes the defect of the citizenship gap and argues only through solidarity among different ethnicity, class and gender, could the subordinated fight against deficiencies in the mechanism of nation-states and exploitation of global capitalism. Through the perspectives of Derrida’s conditional hospitality and Foucault’s Panopticon, Chapter Two examines the surveillance of nation-states on asylum seekers in Dirty Pretty Things. In Chapter Three, I adopt Brysk and Shafir’s analysis to explore the citizenship gap between citizenship and human rights in the film, which reflects the difficulty in handling the cases of legal and illegal asylum seekers in nation-states on the basis of citizenship in the era of globalization. In Chapter Four, I will utilize the perceptive of Foucault’s resistance and Laclau and Mouffe’s radical plural democracy to suggest how counter strategies and solidarity could rebel against fissures in nation-states’ apparatuses and reveal a new possibility of alliance beyond borders in the era of globalization. The last chapter concludes by summing up the gaps in the system of nation-states and rejecting any enclosed ideology so as to articulate multiplicities and differences beyond limitations of ethnicity, class and gender across borders in the era of globalization.
94

The politics & poetics of Gulliver’s travel writing

Cox, Philip 03 September 2019 (has links)
Working at the intersection of narrative studies and political theory, this thesis performs an original critical intervention in Gulliver’s Travels studies to establish the work as an intertextual response to the hegemonic articulations of European travel writing produced between the 15th and 18th centuries under the discourse of Discovery. My argument proceeds through two movements. First, an archeology of studies on Gulliver’s Travels that identifies key developments and points of significance in analyses of the satire’s intertextual relationship with travel writing. Second, a discursive analysis of the role of Discovery generally, and travel writing specifically, in constructing European hegemony within a newly global context. Together these movements allow me to locate Gulliver’s Travels firmly within the discourse of Discovery and to specify the politics of the text and the poetics of its operations. For this analysis I adopt a conceptualization of hegemony elaborated by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (1985), which defines discourse as a structured totality of elements of signification, wherein the meaning and identify of each element is constituted by articulatory practices competing to fix the differences and equivalences between it and others within the discourse. An hegemonic discourse is one that successfully limits the possibility of novel articulations according to a particular governing logic. In the Age of Discovery, this governing logic, I argue, is a socio-spatial logic that constructed the “European” subject through its difference from the “Non-European,” the “civilized” subject through its difference from the “savage,” and the “free land” of the “savage” peoples through its difference from the occupied lands of the “civilized.” To conduct the concomitant critical analysis of Gulliver’s Travels, I draw upon Jacques Rancière’s conception of the “distribution of the sensible,” which refers both to the partitions determined in sensory experience that anticipate the distributions of parts and wholes, the orders of visibility and invisibility, and the relationships of address or comportment beneath every community; and to the specific practices that partake of these distributions to establish the “common sense” about the objects that make up the common world, the ways in which it is organized, and the capacities of the people within it. This enables me to establish travel writing as an articulatory practice that utilized a narrative modality to “reveal” the globe in a Eurocentric image dependent upon the logic of Discovery: a discursively constructed paradigm that I identify as what others have labeled “travel realism,” which organized the globe into a single field of discursivity predicated upon the “civilizational” and “rational” superiority of Europeans over their non-European Others. Gulliver’s Travels, I conclude, intervenes in this distribution of the sensible by utilizing the satirical form as a recomposing logic to upend the paradigm of travel realism and break away from the “sense” that it makes of the bodies, beings, and lands it re-presents. / Graduate

Page generated in 0.0277 seconds