(in English): Main goal of this diploma is to analyze the relationship between populism and representative democracy. The theoretical part of my work is researching populism as a vague concept and determining its minimal definition and esential constituents (I have declined the possibility that populism is only anti-essentialy formed attitude/phenomenon). In the analytical part I've studied the relationship between populism and representative democracy, and defined drawbacks of this uneasy coexistence. However I believe that representative democracy can't be successfully fulfiled without this phenomenon and I have also found not only positive moments of this relationship - I assume that populism is necessary supplement of representative democracy.

This study aims to problematize racialized and sexualized discursive constructions of the"immigrant" within the political conversation in Sweden. Discursive constructions of the“immigrant” often depict the “immigrant” through words such as "child marriage", "rape" orother implied meanings of patriarchal gender relations. Thus, the discursive constructions of"immigrants" construct and reproduce both racialized and sexualized images of the"immigrant". These depictions are problematic especially when they, as categories, becomefixed or are used to legitimize oppression. The empirical material, that consists ofparliamentary debates november and december 2015 as well as march and april 2022, isstudied through an application of discourse theory as well as a collection of postcolonial andfeminist theories about how sexualization and racialization are produced and reproduceddiscursively. The study concludes that the "immigrant" is often depicted through aEurocentric perspective as “the other” in relation to the west. These constructions of “us” and“them” are often based upon racialized and sexualized constructions of the “immigrant”.These findings align with the previous studies within the field. The main contribution of thisstudy is an empirically proven connection between discursive constructions of the"immigrant" and racialized and sexualized representations of them.

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka den svenska debatten omsurrogatmödraskap där metod och teori utgörs av diskursanalys. Det textmaterialjag valt att undersöka består av tre artiklar med medföljande kommentarer från desvenska tidsskrifterna Bang och Ottar. Debatten om surrogatmödraskap i Sverigeär polariserad, antingen är man för eller så är man mot. Mitt syfte med dennauppsats är att redogöra för och analysera de argument och föreställningar somkommer till uttryck inom dessa två motsatta positioner. Min teoretiskautgångspunkt är Laclau & Mouffes diskursteori. Denna teori utgörs av begreppsåsom nodalpunkter och ekvivalenskedjor. I mitt material har jag kunnat urskiljatre centrala nodalpunkter. Dessa är kvinnans kropp, barn och mänsklig rättighet.Beroende på position har jag kunnat urskilja olika former av ekvivalenskedjorknutna till dessa tre nodalpunkter. I positionen mot surrogatmödraskap har jagkunnat urskilja ekvivalenskedjor vilka består av begrepp såsom exploaterande,biologism, handelsvara och moderskap. Medan jag i positionen som är för harkunnat urskilja begrepp såsom frivillighet, självbestämmande, efterlängtade ochsocialt föräldraskap. I mitt avslutande kapitel problematiserar jag dessa tvåpositioners föreställningar av surrogatmödraskap utifrån ettsocialkonstruktivistiskt perspektiv. Här menar jag på att motsidan i allt för höggrad ser människan som endast en biologisk varelse och bortser ifrån attmänniskan även konstrueras i en kulturell kontext. Försidan kan i sin tur kritiserasför att utgå ifrån att alla människor oavsett kön och etnicitet har lika möjligheter.Avslutningsvis finner jag det intressant, utifrån ett diskursanalytiskt perspektiv, attförsidan vill använda ordet värdmamma istället för surrogatmamma. / The present study is a discourse analysis of the surrogate motherhood debate inSweden analyzing three articles with supplied comments from Internet of theSwedish magazines Bang and Ottar. The debate of surrogate motherhood inSweden is characterized by polarization, with strong pro- and con-positions. Theoverall objective is to analyze the arguments and conceptions that are constructedin these two opposing positions. The combined theory and method applied isErnesto Laclau & Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory. In this theory, concepts likenodal points and chains of equivalence are dominant. Three nodal points areidentified in the analysis: women´s body, children's and human right. Dependingon the position, I have found different kinds of chains of eqvivalence that areconstructed in relation to these nodal points. In the position against surrogatemotherhood I found chains of equivalence that was constructed in relation toconcepts like exploitation, commodification, biologism and motherhood. In theother position I discerned chains of equivalence which consisted of concepts likevoluntary, self-determination, longed-for and social parenting. The discourseanalysis applied is in turn, based on a social constructionist view and in the finalchapter I examine how these constructions, that I have discern in the empiricialmaterial, can be problematized. I argue that the con-position can be critizised fordescribing women as biological beeings and disregard that humans also arecultural beeings. The pro-positions in turn can be critizised for assuming that allpeople regardless of gender and ethnicity, have equal opportunities. From adiscourse analysis perspective, it is interesting to note that the pro-position forsurrogate motherhood suggests the word “host motherhood” instead of surrogatemotherhood.

Studiens mål är att undersöka hur läroplanens hänvisningar om att demokratiska värden ska genomsyra undervisningen påverkar läroböckernas innehåll kring demokratibegreppet. Studien bygger på en diskursanalytisk metod och resultatet bygger på läroböcker för samhällskunskap på gymnasiet som material. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten i studien grundar sig i diskursteori men även teori kring begrepp demokrati. Chantal Mouffe, William Connolly och Mats Lundström har alla en del i den teoretiska bakgrund mot analysen är gjord. Resultatet påvisar att de analyserade läroböcker tenderar att använda sig av demokratiska fri- och rättigheter för att förklara hur en demokrati konstrueras. Genom detta kommunicerar läroböckerna de demokratiska värdena i termer av vilka fri- och rättigheter det demokratiska samhället ska ha. Det har även påvisats att de demokratiska värdena är odefinierade och därmed görs tolkningar av vad de kan innefatta. / This study aims to present how the democratic values in the curriculum are exposed in the education and content about the democratic concept in textbooks. The study is based on and uses a discourse analysis as a method. The results of the study is based on textbooks for social science in the upper secondary high school. The theoretical point of view for this study is based on discourse theory but also theories about democracy as a concept. Chantal Mouffe, William Connolly and Mats Lundström have contributed to the theoretical background for the analysis in the study. The result showed that textbooks have a tendency to use democratic right and freedoms to legitimize and explain how the idea of democracy is constructed. Through this the textbooks tend to communicate the democratic values in terms of which democratic freedom and rights a society will have. It has also been demonstrated that democratic values ​​are undefined and thus interpreted by what they can include.

<p>In this essay I try to find out how the local political climate in the Swedish Municipal Örebro looks like through the eyes of Michel Foucault. I’ve been focusing on the concept power, knowledge and politic. I’ve been applying the discourse theory on the study and the founder of that theory is Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, the discoursetheory is a refinement of Foucaults thoughts about discourse. The object of study is the Mayor of Örebro, Staffan Werme and the position connected to that post. I’ve used the method “shadowing”, and I’ve been following the Mayor in every physical room that he appears in for nearly two weeks. The aim is too see which subject-position that the Mayor ascribes to in those different rooms, and also how the concept of power is used.</p>

From an institutionalized conception of contemporary intellectuals as silent or absent, the aim of this thesis is to analyse how the representation of the intellectual changed from a hero of reason to a more or less absent actor. Descriptions of intellectuals that were initially analysed which showed that the representation of the intellectual, besides being linked to modernity, contained a relationship between the individual actor and political power, a relationship which could be traced back to ancient myths. Using discourse theory and concepts primarily from Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, the dissertation demonstrates how the discourse of intellectuals changed the representation content in relation to the myth of the postmodern and to the myth of the modern society. In relation to the modern intellectual, the discourse linked the representation with elements as reason, freedom and politics. Texts written after the linguistic turn or the myth of the postmodern describe intellectuals as specific, bourgeois, academic and politicized. This makes the representation impossible in relation to the initial establishment. The main contribution of the thesis to research on the discourse of intellectuals is the myths bearing on how intellectuals can or should act and how the representation can be described. The notion of the intellectuals can only be understood in an already existing discourse based on what an intellectual should do or be.

Sociologen Colin Crouch beskrev i sin bok ”Post-democracy” från 2004 om en demokrati i förändring, i rörelse bort från den dialogen mellan samhällsaktörer som demokratin tidigare byggt på, för att i ett postmodernt samhälle istället hamna i händerna på en politisk- och företagselit. Denna kvalitativa fallstudie tar sin ansats i begreppet postdemokrati för att studera datainsamlingen av samspelet mellan svenska staten, spelbolag och andra aktörer kring genomförandet av en ny spellag som började gälla i Sverige 1 januari 2019. Studiens syfte var att undersöka om, och i så fall på vilket sätt, empirin kunde ses som ett exempel på postdemokratiska processer i svensk politik. Processen mellan aktörerna belystes genom en granskning av dokument upprättade av regering, riksdag och dess myndigheter, spelbolagen, representanter för spelberoende, spelforskning samt medierapportering. Studien genomfördes med utgångspunkt i Colin Crouchs beskrivning av postdemokrati inom företagande, politik och medborgarskap samt statsvetaren Chantal Mouffes begrepp om ”politik” och ”det politiska”. Resultatanalysen visar på att delar av beslutsprocessen och efterspelet kan benämnas som postdemokratiska, samt att den bedrivna politiken utgår enligt Mouffes definition mer från de demokratiska principerna som handlar om frihet snarare än om jämlikhet. / Colin Crouch wrote in his book Post - democracy (2004) about democracy in crisis, the dialogue in the society was no longer between the citizens and politicians, but on its way back to the hands of the politics and business elite. This qualitative case study takes position in the concept post-democracy to study the interaction between the Swedish state, gambling companies and other actors, when the implementation of a new law regarding gambling began to apply as a law in Sweden 1 January 2019. The aim of the study was to investigate whether, and if so in what way, the data collection could be seen as an example of post-democratic processes in Swedish politics. The process between the actors is highlighted by a review of documents drawn up by the government, parliament and its authorities, bookmakers, representatives of gambling addiction, gambling research and media reporting. The study was carried out on the basis of Colin Crouch's description of post-democracy in business, politics and citizenship, as well as political scientist Chantal Mouffe's concept of "politics” and "the political". The results of the analysis show that parts  of  the decision-making process and the aftermath can be referred to as post-democratic, and that, according to Mouffe's definition, the policies pursued by Mouffe are more concerned with democratic principles that are about freedom rather than equality

In our thesis we will discuss political philosophy of Slavoj Žižek. Our aim is to explore his thoughts in the context of searching for an emancipatory strategy for 21st century. In first par of our thesis we will concentrate on the analysis of functioning of capitalism from the perspective of Lacan's discourse of university. Then we will move to the criticism of static subject in Marxism and dispersed subject in thoughts of post-Marxist radical democrats. We will continue to so called communist hypothesis. In second part of our thesis we will discuss how Žižek's theoretical approach affects his position to the three selected social conflicts and movements. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The Jasmin Revolution in Tunisia began at the end of 2010. Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest against the corrupt police officials that had forced him to pay bribes in order to run his business. His protest became the symbol for the revolution that followed. A combination of political instabilities along with an economic downturn that lead to unemployment created dissatisfaction among the people in Tunisia. The Protest grew into a revolution that demanded action against the widespread unemployment, lack of democracy and human rights. A democratization process started after the revolution because of the protests. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse how Tunisia developed a democratic system of governance, if the notion of human rights has changed since the democratization process started and to analyse the relationship between human rights and democracy within the case of Tunisia. Three democratization theories, are applied to this case on Tunisia in order to answer these questions. The theorists are Robert A. Dahl with a theory of constitutionalism and institutionalism, Chantal Mouffe with a theory of agonistic pluralism and Seyla Benhabib with a theory of deliberative democracy.  The three theorists have different opinions regarding democracy and democratization processes but they all agree that the modern notion of democracy is of liberal character and that inclusion and that equality is important for a democracy. This thesis shows that the democratization of Tunisia’s governance could arise because the process had a relatively liberal agenda, which is perceived through the theories as the modern concept of democracy. The three theories require inclusion and equality for a transition to be democratic. Tunisia has included the citizens in the work of establishing a better relationship between the state and citizens but also when drafting the new constitution after the revolution. The actions taken by Tunisia are compatible with the theories, and maybe an explanation to the democratization process. The relationship between democracy and human rights is important when discussing the democratization of Tunisia. The revolution demanded democracy and human rights, something that the state could not deny. In order to honour the revolution and its demands the government in Tunisia tried to incorporate human rights into the democratic work, linking the relationship between democracy and human rights. Therefore, it can be viewed as a liberal democratization process. This thesis proves that Tunisia is not a democracy, but the process after the revolution is still remarkable and one day I can only hope that the process will be complete.

The thesis The Vacation House as a Planning Dilemma deals with how the processes that generate meaning in space proceed in parallel both in everyday life and in the planning realm. Multiple dwelling, or having two homes, can be seen as a dilemma—one in which the planning system’s attempts to conquer an unruly reality conflicts with the ways people live. The vacation house phenomenon is not a neutral concept, but rather influences and is influenced by a variety of contexts. This ambiguity is problematic for practitioners of spatial planning, a field that strives for unequivocal concepts. My interest is primarily directed at the relationship between the intentions in Swedish legislation and their practical application in planning. These legislative and planning spheres are also influenced by what actually happens in a physical space and by the conceptions we have of the life to be lived in it. The purpose of the thesis is to create the conditions for a discussion of how a planning dilemma like multiple dwelling can be understood based on how the various actors in a space create meaning and on the internal competition among them for the preferential right of interpretation over concepts. The thesis actualizes several scientific issues for us to address: How is the concept of multiple dwelling contextualized in material space? How does the housing market portray conceptions of vacation living? How do municipal planners view having two homes? How do environmental and urban planning laws view multiple dwelling? I use Henri Lefebvre’s three-part dialectic of spatial theory in this thesis as a tool for general classification, to analyze spatial processes over time, and to clarify the relationships between the different elements of a space and different actors’ actions in a space. The focus of my analysis of the field of planning is the various kinds of representations made by experts. My analysis of such constructions is conducted at the level of discourse. In order to understand how such spatial representations are constructed and how they compete with one another, I have taken a discourse analytical perspective inspired by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The results of my thesis have shown that problem solutions lead to different planning constructions depending on the underlying conception of the vacation house, whether the vacation house is conceived as the Other Home or the secondary home. My analyses have shown that modernism’s striving for systematization and functional separation doesn’t work, at least as applied to housing. We must question the premise of functionally distinguishing between housing forms as a means to conserving natural resources. / fritidshus, planeringsdilemma, fysisk planering, lagstiftning, dubbel bosättning, miljöbalken, annonser, fastighetsmäklare, Lefebvre, Laclau, Mouffe