Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão sobre como o discurso diplomático estabelece um enredo para a identidade nacional e colabora para a construção de uma narrativa de país. Em um mundo cada vez mais interdependente e conectado, a metanarrativa de país precisa do suporte de uma inserção internacional autônoma, criativa e pragmática para continuar a se estabelecer. Diante desse contexto, o governo Lula (2003-2010) reposicionou o Brasil no cenário internacional e colocou a política externa a serviço de seu projeto de nação. O governo adotou uma estratégia de valorização da autoestima, reforçada pela ideia de Brasil emergente, da solidariedade latino-americana e da reaproximação com a África, para alterar algumas figuras narrativas da rede simbólica da identidade nacional e tentar superar suas diversas contradições. A partir da análise de discursos da diplomacia brasileira, estabeleceu-se um percurso teórico interdisciplinar para demonstrar as inter-relações entre narrativa de país, discurso diplomático e identidade nacional, ajudando a revelar a estrutura do mito nacional brasileiro. / This research proposes a reflection on how the diplomatic discourse establishes a plot to national identity and contributes do build a narrative of country. Faced with an increasingly interdependent and connected world, the metanarrative of country needs the support of an autonomous, creative and pragmatic international insertion to establish itself. In this context, Lula administration (2003-2010) repositioned Brazil internationally and put foreign policy in the service of its national project. The strategy adopted by the government was to enhance self-esteem, strengthened by the idea of the emerging Brazil, the Latin American solidarity and the rapprochement with Africa, to change some narratives figures of the symbolic network of national identity, and try to overcome its many contradictions. From the analysis of speeches of Brazilian diplomacy, It was settled an interdisciplinary theoretical path to demonstrate the interrelationships between country of narrative, diplomatic discourse and national identity, revealing the structure of the Brazilian national myth.

Os estudos que registram a Amazônia na passagem dos séculos XIX-XX representam um significativo material documental linguístico-antropológico, por sua motivação de registrar os costumes e os valores dos povos indígenas por meio da construção literária, nesta Língua Geral ou Nheengatu, à época deixando de ser a mais falada na região. Carregados de informações científicas, de espaço e de memória, esses textos influenciaram a partir de uma literatura de informação a construção de uma literatura nacional, que corroborou na constituição de uma intencional identidade brasileira. Literatura esta que amplia o universo dos ideais românticos e contribui para o entendimento de um processo de contato de forças e culturas diversas. Busca-se, assim, tratar esse registro documental a partir de questionamentos e comparações acerca do percurso e presentificação da memória, individual e coletiva, dessas sociedades indígenas, por meio dos mitos e narrativas com os ritos e toda sua simbologia do passado integrada à do presente que remetem tanto a diferentes esferas da verdade quanto a diversas concepções de tempo-espaço, e quanto à própria formação da identidade. As narrativas aqui representam esse ciclo em que rupturas e reconfigurações são interpretadas como a formação de uma nova humanidade, porém sem a descontinuidade da ancestralidade a partir da memória. Buscamos traçar um pouco de uma ruptura, a chegada da civilização e suas consequências, a povos milenares por meio de um arcabouço literário construído por intermediários, ou seja, autores que concretizaram a passagem de uma tradição, baseados quase completamente em fontes anteriores, produzindo pesquisas contemporâneas, manuais, dicionários que apresentavam informações dos saberes e cultura dos povos amazônicos. / The studies that register the Amazon in the transition from the 19th to the 20th century represent an expressive linguistic and anthropological material due to the intention of register the habits and values of the indigenous people by the literary construction in Língua Geral (General Language) or Nheengatu, that no longer was the most spoken language in the period. Loaded of memories, landscapes and scientific information, these texts have influenced the construction of a national literature, though the perspective of the literature of information, that corroborated the construction of Brazilian identity formation. This literature expands the universe of romantic ideals and contributes to the understanding of a contact process of various forces and cultures. Therefore, the intention of this documentary record through questions and comparisons about the course and presentification of memory, individual and collective, of indigenous societies, through the myths and narratives that reveal the rites and all symbolism of the past integrated to the present referring to different perspectives of true as to different conceptions of time and space, and the own identity formation. The narratives here represent this cycle where ruptures and reconfigurations are interpreted as the formation of a new humanity, but without the discontinuity of ancestry from memory. We search to draw a rupture, the arrival of civilization and its consequences, to the ancient people through a literary framework constructed by intermediaries, i.e. authors who realized the passage of a tradition, based almost entirely on ancient sources, producing research contemporary, manuals, dictionaries presenting information of the knowledge and culture from Amazon peoples.

Entre 1937 e 1945 o Brasil esteve sob o governo ditatorial do Estado Novo, cuja ideologia de progresso e engrandecimento nacional aparece fortemente caracterizada pelos paradigmas do nacionalismo, a defesa da soberania nacional, a modernização das instituições, a industrialização dos processos de produção, e, principalmente, pela crença no Estado como mediador das tensões. Neste processo, marcado pela transformação do imaginário coletivo num instrumento regulador do cotidiano, a construção de uma identidade nacional unificadora, capaz de acomodar as diferenças, tornou-se um mecanismo central de poder. Além disso, pode-se dizer que, neste mesmo período, culminou o longo processo de construção de um campo profissional autônomo para a arquitetura - especialmente no que diz respeito a seu aspecto erudito -, que havia ocupado as décadas anteriores envolvendo procedimentos e estratégias diversas não só no campo da educação, mas também no que diz respeito à consolidação de uma linguagem plástica reconhecida, à construção de obras emblemáticas e ao poder de elaborar sua própria história. Neste contexto, arquitetura e Estado estabeleceram, especialmente durante estes anos de governo ditatorial, uma relação bastante particular. O objetivo da presente dissertação, portanto, é abordar algumas destas questões, a partir de um episódio específico: a construção das Escolas Práticas de Agricultura do Estado de São Paulo, erigidas pelo Interventor Fernando Costa, entre 1942 e 1945. Propôs-se para tanto investigar os processos de idealização, concepção do projeto e implantação das referidas escolas, procurando identificar, a partir de sua arquitetura, o entrecruzamento de projetos políticos diversos. Destaca-se particularmente nesse cenário a adoção da arquitetura neocolonial como aspecto central do projeto de implantação das referidas escolas - executado no âmbito de órgãos públicos estaduais -, e o discurso ideológico que assume para tanto, onde os elementos constituintes de sua linguagem formal ganharam importância ao assumirem uma carga simbólica que se referenciava e propunha novas construções para o imaginário coletivo; e onde tais elaborações eram vistas em uma perspectiva da função social da arquitetura. / Between 1937 and 1945 Brazil was under the dictatorial government of the Estado Novo, whose ideology of progress and national growth appears strongly characterized by the paradigms of nationalism, defense of the national sovereignty, modernization of institutions, industrialization of production processes, and mainly by the belief in the government as a mediator of tensions. In this process, marked by the transformation of the collective imagery in a regulatory instrument of daily life, the construction of a unifying national identity, able to accommodate differences, became a central mechanism of power. Furthermore, we can say that, in the same period, the long process of construction of an architectural autonomous professional field - especially in what concerns its erudite aspect - reached its culmination. This process, which was present in the previous decades, involved many procedures and strategies not only in the educational field, but also regarding the consolidation of a recognized plastic language, the construction of emblematic buildings and the power to elaborate its own history. In such a context, architecture and the state established, especially during these years of dictatorial government, a very particular relationship. The aim of this dissertation is to approach some of these questions by addressing a specific episode: the construction of the Practical Schools of Agriculture, carried through by the governor of São Paulo, Fernando Costa, between 1942 and 1945. Therefore the research was centered in the analysis of the idealization, conception of the architectural project and establishment of these schools, in the effort to identify, through its architecture, interconnected or contrasting political projects. In this scenario, special attention was given to the neocolonial architecture adopted as the central aspect of the conception of these schools - whose architectural projects were conceived by governmental institutions -, and its assumed ideological discourse, where the esthetic and symbolic elements made reference to but also proposed new constructions to the collective imagery, and where these elaborations were understood as part of architectural social responsibility.

Submitted by Programa de Pós-Graduação em Mídia e Cotidiano (ppgmc@vm.uff.br) on 2017-04-27T20:25:16Z No. of bitstreams: 2 NARRATIVAS FICCIONAIS SERIADAS E A REPRESENTAÇÃO DOS DOIS BRASIS.pdf: 7149856 bytes, checksum: 92dd0e58e04786d1cef2218d6c0cee36 (MD5) Freire, Elisabete de Jesus Estumano.- MESTR.-MÍDIA E COTID.- 22.03.16 (1) FICHA CATALOGRÁFICA.pdf: 107842 bytes, checksum: e305f82219391cad713b69ee6b092a20 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Josimara Dias Brumatti (bcgdigital@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-06-13T17:48:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 NARRATIVAS FICCIONAIS SERIADAS E A REPRESENTAÇÃO DOS DOIS BRASIS.pdf: 7149856 bytes, checksum: 92dd0e58e04786d1cef2218d6c0cee36 (MD5) Freire, Elisabete de Jesus Estumano.- MESTR.-MÍDIA E COTID.- 22.03.16 (1) FICHA CATALOGRÁFICA.pdf: 107842 bytes, checksum: e305f82219391cad713b69ee6b092a20 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-13T17:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 NARRATIVAS FICCIONAIS SERIADAS E A REPRESENTAÇÃO DOS DOIS BRASIS.pdf: 7149856 bytes, checksum: 92dd0e58e04786d1cef2218d6c0cee36 (MD5) Freire, Elisabete de Jesus Estumano.- MESTR.-MÍDIA E COTID.- 22.03.16 (1) FICHA CATALOGRÁFICA.pdf: 107842 bytes, checksum: e305f82219391cad713b69ee6b092a20 (MD5) / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo verificar a produção de sentidos de algumas narrativas webseriadas inspiradas em narrativas seriadas televisivas, tendo como foco o modo como vem sendo representada a identidade nacional. A partir de uma pesquisa exploratória das webséries inspiradas nos seriados As Brasileiras e As Cariocas, exibido pela Rede Globo de Televisão, entre 2010 e 2012, pretendemos identificar como o discurso de brasilidade e regionalismo vem sendo mostrado pela mídia televisiva e apropriado pelos internautas nas webseries relacionadas. As discussões baseiam-se em referencial teórico de Martin-Barbero (2009), que estudou sobre a relação da narração com a identidade cultural e os modos de mediação da sociedade midiatizada, além de outros autores como Henry Jenkins (2012), Lima (2013), Ortiz (2006), Sodré (2006), Amâncio (2000), Gaudreault e Jost (2009), Aeraphe (2013) e Rodrigues (2014) / This dissertation is to study discusses the meaning making ofsome amateur webseries narratives inspired by television serial narratives, focusing on the way has been presented the concept of national identity. Starting from the narratological analysis of the miniseriesAs Brasileirasand As Cariocas, shown by Globo Television Network between2010-12, this research aims to identify as the discourse of Brazilianness and regionalism in the television media and how it was worked by Internet the selected webseries. The discussions showed here are based on theoretical framework of Martin-Barbero(2009), who studied the relationship of the narration with the cultural identity and ways of mediating media society, as well as other authors such as Henry Jenkins(2012), Lima (2013), Ortiz (2006), Sodré (2006), Amâncio (2000), Gaudreaulte Jost (2009), Aeraphe (2013) andRodrigues (2014)

The objective of this essay is to look at two cases where the debate rages regarding whether or not to restitute stolen art back to the states from which it was originally stolen. By looking at the debate in each country the essay focuses on gaining understanding in how one state might decide upon returning the cultural treasures and the other refuses to. In assisting the analysis of the debate, theories from social constructivism, norms and ideas of different national identities are assessed. More closely, this essay tries to examine the different ideas of national identity (Imperial Cosmopolitanism and Egalitarian Cosmopolitanism) and analyze the domestic interpretations of the international norm on restitution of plundered treasures that follow from these identities. In doing so, states of interest, Sweden and Great Britain, are chosen and the theoretical model for analysis developed by Bacchi (2010) will be used in order to present ―the problem‖, the causes to the problem and the solutions provided to solve the problem. Thereby, the essay aims to show how the actions, behavior and arguments of these states, in the question of restitution, are greatly dependant on the differences in the ideas of national identity that each state might possess or have inherited from past.

The aim of this thesis is to understand and demonstrate the narrow ties between sport and International Relations. My purpose is to examine how Football especially is mixed with International Relations in many levels. The theoretical framework deals with the nationalism theories. Nationalism theories have been relevant only for the last two decades. Nationalism has been developed in the two last centuries with the industrialisation. It can be considered as a political doctrine or ideology. The definition of Nationalism is not obvious because there are no founding theorist or text on it. This process of nationalism induced nations to existence or self-determination. But extreme nationalism can be a danger. Nationals symbols have been created like language, food and drink, clothing, commemorative holidays, military heroes, flags, colours, and anthems. Sport should not be forgotten in this Nationalism ideology. A qualitative study of all the books have been studied carefully. The thesis is based on a long historical approach that permitted to demonstrate the links between sport and International Relations. Pierre de Coubertin wanted Olympics to bring peace and without political means, but the situation changed rapidly everything and government policies were really influenced by sports. Not only totalitarian states but also democratic ones have been using sport for their propaganda to promote national strength. It has been like a trigger mechanism, everyone has understood how to use sport for diplomatic relations and it is a safer and harmless way than a war. Then a study of national identity construction will be the second goal. Governments are now involved in sport to promote the prestige of a group. The other reason is to encourage a sense of identity, belonging and unity. Sport as a diplomatic tool can be considered like a public diplomacy to influence opinion. Football passion is shared by every citizen and helps us to understand the complexity of the world with its conflicting nations. In all this complicated situation, the Nordic nationalism is a fascinating new direction of peace and tolerance. For example, the Danes showed a festive way to support national teams that we can call a ‘sporting nationalism’.

The Northern Irish conflict known as the Troubles reached a peace process in 1998, through the framework of the Good Friday Agreement. Infused in the agreement are the traits of consociationalism, a theory often articulated by Professor Arend Lijphart. While Lijphart himself condemned a consociational democracy for Northern Ireland as unrealistic in its initial stages, the political settlement in the region is today one of the key confirming cases of consociational theory. However, while political cementation, enabled through this agreement, heightened the opportunities for the political accommodation of groups in a heterogeneous Northern Ireland, the traits of consociationalism offers less normative measures as to move beyond conflict management. The intent of this essay is to understand the barriers and opportunities of consociationalism in tangling the complexity of Northern Ireland as a deeply divided society. Moreover, this disciplined configurative case study will grant insights on whether the theoretical framework has offered sufficient explanatory power for Northern Ireland in making the shift from conflict management to conflict transformation. Through the application of consociationalism and nationalism, the barriers and opportunities of the Good Friday Agreement in maintaining a Northern Irish identity will be discussed and analysed by theoretical and qualitative means.

The subject of this thesis is a diversified conception of Czechishness. The main proposition is a comparison of types and aspects of relation to the country in the case of (political) emigrants after 1948 in contrast with the "home-based" non-emigrant Czech population. The thesis will briefly mention also the preceding periods of Czech emigration, the socio-economic situation at the turn of the 19th and the 20th centuries, the 1950s etc. All this will be put into the context of the historical turning of the Czech lands away from the West, despite the latter being the destination of the post-February emigrants. In this respect the description of social-political events as perceived by the citizens at the time, by the official propaganda and by emigrants is crucial. The image of the West or emigrants as perceived then together with other conclusions will be compared with the basic theories of migration and migration policy. In the section on political emigration legislation of the period incl. its wording will be quoted. The thesis focuses exclusively on emigrants to the West, especially to Western Europe, the USA and Canada, but also to Australia and Israel. It reflects the direction and the main centres of emigration, checks the relevance of information on the numbers of exiled Czechs, their...

I argue that a country’s preferences in an international trade negotiation ultimately reflect the domestic distribution of power across economic sectors not only in the field of the market, but also in the field of society. Fields correspond to arenas of power. Whereas in the market societal actors have economic capital (EC), their position in society determines their identity capital (IC). The more a sector is associated to the dominant conception of national identity, the higher is its IC. Both types of capital impact a sector’s political power (PP). IC manifests itself in the phase of ratification either instrumentally, when in dispute in the political field, or structurally, if embedded in state institutions. Hence, when IC is instrumentalised, only if the coalition in government espouses a social paradigm to which a sector is mostly associated it will be able to convert its level of IC into PP. As ratification shadows negotiation, constraints in this latter phase tend to be false positives in explaining the formation of the national interest. The hypothesis on the role of IC in shaping the weight of sectors’ preferences in trade negotiations is tested along with a process of theory-building through a multi-method structured-focused comparison. For the comparison, two countries were chosen as their societies are diverse in terms of identity, yet each represents a variety of the effects of IC. Brazil and India have identity-based social cleavages that are expressed in structural and instrumental terms respectively. They are key players in the World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) multilateral system of trade, having participated of the Doha Development Round of trade liberalisation. Brazil expressed interest for liberalisation as the mostly racially-diverse sectors had offensive demands. In turn, protectionist demands prevailed in India, as defensive sectors are associated to the dominant secularist paradigm of national identity.

Abstract The rise of competing nationalisms in Cyprus first drew world attention in the 1950's, yet the origins of nationalism in Cyprus can clearly be traced to the closing stages of Ottoman rule on the island during the nineteenth century. While the earlier development of nationalism in the Greek Orthodox community of Cyprus is commonly acknowledged, the pre-World War II evolution of nationalism amongst Cyprus' Moslem Turks is consistently overlooked or misrepresented. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this work contends that Turkish nationalism in Cyprus did not first emerge in the 1950's, but instead grew gradually from the late nineteenth century onwards; that nationalism amongst the island's Turks was first discernible in a 'civic' form founded on Ottomanism which was gradually, though progressively replaced by Turkish ethno-nationalism; and that while both British colonial policies and especially the threat perceived from the rise of Greek nationalism on the island may have helped spur nationalism amongst the Turks, the continued cultural and political interaction with Ottoman, and even non-Ottoman Turks, and later with the Turkish Republic was at least as influential in fostering nationalist sentiments and prompting their expression in political actions. While particular note is made of the often neglected impact of the Young Turk movement in the early twentieth century, this study acknowledges and seeks to elucidate a complex assortment of variegated stimuli that ranged from international developments, such as the recurring crises in the Balkans and President Wilson's speech on the 'Fourteen Points', to the personal attitudes and attributes of British administrators and domestic inter-ethnic relations, and local and international economic trends and developments. Together, it is maintained, these influences had made Turkish nationalism a perceptible phenomenon amongst the Turks of Cyprus by the time of the October Revolt of 1931.