Heather Metcalfe Doctoral Abstract, Ph.D. program, 2009 Department of History, University of Toronto “It’s All About War: Canadian Opinion and the Canadian Approach to International Relations, 1935-1939.” Canadians in the 1930s did not appear eager to focus on foreign affairs. The social and economic difficulties caused by the dislocation of the Great Depression meant that international developments often seemed remote and irrelevant. However, despite this focus on domestic issues, many Canadians were concerned with the trend of international events. As a result, the debate regarding the appropriate Canadian response remained an ongoing, if underlying, factor. In addition, the political issues raised by Canadian foreign policy, particularly through the Canadian involvement in the British Commonwealth and the League of Nations, meant the issue could not simply be ignored. During the later part of the decade, as the possibility of international conflict became ever more likely, increasing numbers of Canadians turned their attention to Canada’s international role. They also turned their attention to what this debate meant in terms of the Canadian sense of identity. These individuals were concerned as well with the response of Canadian public opinion to involvement overseas. This question, of the nature and susceptibility of Canadian public opinion to attempts to direct it, remains an intriguing one. The nature of this response remained open to question, and was the subject of significant debate among Canadian intellectuals, politicians and public figures. In response, a number of individuals and groups, including members of the Canadian press, attempted to influence Canadian public opinion. Many also pressured the Canadian government, led by William Lyon Mackenzie King’s administration, to play a more active role in shaping public opinion. Canadian intellectuals, for instance, influenced by contemporary writings on public opinion, seemed convinced of their natural role as ‘shapers’ of public opinion, particularly in a time of domestic and international crisis. These assumptions, and the ways in which Canadian public opinion both responded to, and rejected these attempts at direction, provide an interesting window into the question of public opinion, particularly in regards to international events. The debate regarding the Canadian response to the crises of the late 1930s can thus aid in gaining a greater appreciation of how public opinion shifts in response to outside challenges and the attempts to influence its course.

A presente tese trata da chamada “Questão de Limites” entre as províncias de Santa Catarina e Paraná, de 1853 (momento de emancipação da comarca de Curitiba) a 1889 (ano que marca o fim do Império do Brasil). O tema insere-se no contexto de estruturação política/econômica provincial e de construção da unidade nacional no Brasil oitocentista. Unidade aqui pensada com base na complexa interface entre esta e a formação do Estado, do território e da nação. O foco de análise concentra-se no exame das iniciativas tomadas pelas elites provinciais e pelo governo central, nos espaços imperiais de poder, a respeito da delimitação de uma fronteira “aberta” e extremamente “complexa”. Defende-se que, a contenda entre catarinenses e paranaenses se constituiu num problema de significativa importância política e econômica na fronteira sul, pois contemplava assuntos considerados centrais – “consideração política”, administração pública, desenvolvimento fiscal e expansão da colonização – inerentes ao processo de constituição da unidade nacional a partir das relações estabelecidas entre o centro (Corte) e as partes (províncias). A partir daí, sustenta-se que a não resolução da pendência de limites pode ser explicada através da própria natureza da organização política brasileira daquele período. Cabia ao Legislativo a definição do impasse, havia, porém, muitos interesses regionais e nacionais conflitantes em jogo durante os debates, os projetos, as negociações, os encaminhamentos e as decisões efetuadas pelos parlamentares. Apesar do centro (governo estabelecido no Rio de Janeiro) não ter interferido efetivamente na resolução do impasse fronteiriço entre duas unidades administrativas consideradas “pequenas”, o mesmo demonstrava muitos interesses com a organização interna do território. Santa Catarina e Paraná não possuíam uma ampla representação política no cenário nacional, mas eram apontadas pelas narrativas como fundamentais por estarem localizadas num espaço estratégico para a delimitação espacial do Estado Nacional. Nesse sentido, a continuidade de problemas com pendências territoriais entre muitas das províncias era vista como prejudicial para o desenvolvimento econômico e para a manutenção da estabilidade política. Assim, ao contrário do que se possa imaginar, a Questão de Limites revelou-se como um tema importante para se compreender – guardadas as devidas proporções de um caso específico – a organização política e econômica provincial, bem como o próprio processo de formação do território do Brasil. / This thesis deals with the so-called "Matter of Boundaries" between the provinces of Santa Catarina and Paraná, from 1853 (time of the emancipation of the district of Curitiba) to 1889 (year that marks the end of the Brazilian Empire). The theme is inserted in the context of provincial political / economic structuring and the construction of the national unity in the nineteenth-century Brazil. Unit, here, is based on the complex interface between it and the formation of the State, the territory, and the nation. The analysis focus on examining the initiatives taken by the provincial elites and the central government in the imperial areas of power regarding the delimitation of an "open" and extremely "complex" frontier. We believe that the dispute between the people of Santa Catarina and the people of Paraná constituted a problem of significant political and economic importance on the south frontier, for it contemplated issues considered central, like "political consideration", public administration, fiscal development and the expansion of colonization. All of them inherent in the process of the constitution of the national unity based on the relations established between the center (Court) and the parties (provinces). Thenceforth, it is sustained that the non-resolution of the pendency regarding limits can be explained by the very nature of the Brazilian political organization of that period. The definition of the impasse was in the Parliament hands. However, there were many conflicting regional and national interests at stake during the debates, the projects, the negotiations, the referrals and the decisions made by the Members of Parliament. Although the center (government established in Rio de Janeiro) did not effectively interfere in the resolution of the border impasse between two small administrative units, the central government (established in Rio de Janeiro) showed a lot of interest in the internal organization of the territory. Santa Catarina and Paraná did not have a very broad political representation on the national scenario, but according to the narratives, they were fundamental because they were located in a strategic space for the spatial delimitation of the National State. In this regard, the continuity of the pending territorial problems among many of the provinces was seen as detrimental in terms of economic development and the maintenance of political stability. So, contrary to what one may think, the Boundaries Matter has proven to be a relevant theme in the understanding – preserved the due proportions of a specific case – of the provincial political and economic organization, as well as the very process of the Brazilian territory formation.

A presente tese trata da chamada “Questão de Limites” entre as províncias de Santa Catarina e Paraná, de 1853 (momento de emancipação da comarca de Curitiba) a 1889 (ano que marca o fim do Império do Brasil). O tema insere-se no contexto de estruturação política/econômica provincial e de construção da unidade nacional no Brasil oitocentista. Unidade aqui pensada com base na complexa interface entre esta e a formação do Estado, do território e da nação. O foco de análise concentra-se no exame das iniciativas tomadas pelas elites provinciais e pelo governo central, nos espaços imperiais de poder, a respeito da delimitação de uma fronteira “aberta” e extremamente “complexa”. Defende-se que, a contenda entre catarinenses e paranaenses se constituiu num problema de significativa importância política e econômica na fronteira sul, pois contemplava assuntos considerados centrais – “consideração política”, administração pública, desenvolvimento fiscal e expansão da colonização – inerentes ao processo de constituição da unidade nacional a partir das relações estabelecidas entre o centro (Corte) e as partes (províncias). A partir daí, sustenta-se que a não resolução da pendência de limites pode ser explicada através da própria natureza da organização política brasileira daquele período. Cabia ao Legislativo a definição do impasse, havia, porém, muitos interesses regionais e nacionais conflitantes em jogo durante os debates, os projetos, as negociações, os encaminhamentos e as decisões efetuadas pelos parlamentares. Apesar do centro (governo estabelecido no Rio de Janeiro) não ter interferido efetivamente na resolução do impasse fronteiriço entre duas unidades administrativas consideradas “pequenas”, o mesmo demonstrava muitos interesses com a organização interna do território. Santa Catarina e Paraná não possuíam uma ampla representação política no cenário nacional, mas eram apontadas pelas narrativas como fundamentais por estarem localizadas num espaço estratégico para a delimitação espacial do Estado Nacional. Nesse sentido, a continuidade de problemas com pendências territoriais entre muitas das províncias era vista como prejudicial para o desenvolvimento econômico e para a manutenção da estabilidade política. Assim, ao contrário do que se possa imaginar, a Questão de Limites revelou-se como um tema importante para se compreender – guardadas as devidas proporções de um caso específico – a organização política e econômica provincial, bem como o próprio processo de formação do território do Brasil. / This thesis deals with the so-called "Matter of Boundaries" between the provinces of Santa Catarina and Paraná, from 1853 (time of the emancipation of the district of Curitiba) to 1889 (year that marks the end of the Brazilian Empire). The theme is inserted in the context of provincial political / economic structuring and the construction of the national unity in the nineteenth-century Brazil. Unit, here, is based on the complex interface between it and the formation of the State, the territory, and the nation. The analysis focus on examining the initiatives taken by the provincial elites and the central government in the imperial areas of power regarding the delimitation of an "open" and extremely "complex" frontier. We believe that the dispute between the people of Santa Catarina and the people of Paraná constituted a problem of significant political and economic importance on the south frontier, for it contemplated issues considered central, like "political consideration", public administration, fiscal development and the expansion of colonization. All of them inherent in the process of the constitution of the national unity based on the relations established between the center (Court) and the parties (provinces). Thenceforth, it is sustained that the non-resolution of the pendency regarding limits can be explained by the very nature of the Brazilian political organization of that period. The definition of the impasse was in the Parliament hands. However, there were many conflicting regional and national interests at stake during the debates, the projects, the negotiations, the referrals and the decisions made by the Members of Parliament. Although the center (government established in Rio de Janeiro) did not effectively interfere in the resolution of the border impasse between two small administrative units, the central government (established in Rio de Janeiro) showed a lot of interest in the internal organization of the territory. Santa Catarina and Paraná did not have a very broad political representation on the national scenario, but according to the narratives, they were fundamental because they were located in a strategic space for the spatial delimitation of the National State. In this regard, the continuity of the pending territorial problems among many of the provinces was seen as detrimental in terms of economic development and the maintenance of political stability. So, contrary to what one may think, the Boundaries Matter has proven to be a relevant theme in the understanding – preserved the due proportions of a specific case – of the provincial political and economic organization, as well as the very process of the Brazilian territory formation.

Le présent mémoire a pour but de contextualiser et d’analyser Visions du Canada, une série de douze paysages représentant chaque province et territoire du pays. Commandés par la Société canadienne des postes en 1982 au peintre québécois Jean Paul Lemieux, ils sont émis en 1984 dans le cadre de Jour du Canada, une série annuelle visant à souligner la fierté et l’appartenance nationale lors de la fête du Canada. Les paysages variés et colorés d’apparence sereine, réalisés dans un style semi-classique, exhibent l’image d’un Canada uni, égalitaire et diversifié. Le contexte historique et politique dans lequel ils sont produits lève toutefois le voile sur une réalité plus complexe, puisque l’échec du référendum sur la souveraineté en 1980 et le mécontentement des Québécois face aux conditions du rapatriement de la Constitution en 1982 accentuent les clivages culturels entre le Québec et le reste du Canada. La nature présentée dans Visions du Canada est alors envisagée par le gouvernement fédéral comme la source de l’unité nationale. En commandant au peintre québécois des œuvres conçues pour être diffusées à l’échelle nationale, le gouvernement, par l’entremise de la Société canadienne des postes, brouille en fait les dichotomies entre l’identité québécoise et canadienne. Les fonctions intrinsèques du timbre permettent par la suite de rendre ce message accessible à tous les Canadiens. Ainsi, l’analyse des œuvres de Visions du Canada révèle une perception plus nuancée et plus complexe du paysage canadien. Les interrogations qui ponctuent la carrière de Lemieux, comme la relation entre l’Humain et l’univers et l’angoisse face à la modernisation, viennent également remettre en question les mythes de la coexistence avec la nature et de la nordicité qui affirment l’unité du pays. / The purpose of this thesis is to contextualize and analyse Visions du Canada, a series of twelve landscapes representing the country’s provinces and territories. Commissioned to Quebec painter Jean Paul Lemieux by the Canada Post Corporation in 1982, they are issued in 1984 as part of Canada Day, an annual series designed to highlight national pride and belonging on Canada Day. Created in a semi classic style, these varied, colourful, and serene-like landscapes display a united, equal and diverse image of Canada. However, the historical and political context in which they are produced reveals a more complex reality. Indeed, the failure of the 1980 referendum on sovereignty and the Quebecers’ dissatisfaction with the terms of the Constitution’s patriation in 1982 fuel the cultural divide between Quebec and the rest of Canada. In Visions du Canada nature creates the basis for national unity as envisioned by the federal government. By commissioning works designed for national dissemination to the Quebec painter, the government, through the Canada Post Corporation, thus blurs the dichotomy between Quebecer and Canadian identity. The stamp’s intrinsic functions then render this message accessible to all Canadians. Therefore, an analysis of Visions du Canada reveals a more nuanced and complex perception of the Canadian landscape. The questions that punctuate Lemieux’s career, such as the relationship between the human being and the universe and the anguish in front of modernization, also challenge the myths of coexistence with nature and northerness that sustain the country’s claim to unity.

The purpose of the thesis is to examine the relationships between the Czech fascists and the National Democratic Party in all its forms. The thesis covers the analysis of these relationships and their displays. The author used analytical and comparative methods as well as available specialized literature and other sources. The dissertation is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter analyzes the fascist theory, its main characteristics and, in one of its subchapter, the specific Czech scheme for better understanding of the fascist environment during the First Czechoslovakian Republic era. The second chapter deals with fascists' actions and operation during the First Czechoslovakian Republic era. For important changes that took place in 1938, the political system of the so called "Second Republic" is briefly mentioned, as the political direction was extremely right wing oriented. The third chapter focuses on the National democratic party and analyzes the party's activities up to 1935. For better compression, the Czechoslovak political system is also outlined in this section. Chapter four is the key part of the dissertation as it deals with the relations and cooperation between the Czech fascists and National democracy and cooperation with the National Unity from 1935. To complete the...

This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)

Après un peu plus de deux décennies d’un système de parti unique, le Cameroun a connu le retour aupluralisme politique au début des années 1990. Ce retour au multipartisme a conduit à une certaine libération de la parole, à une libéralisation politique et des revendications d’appartenances. Le nouvel espace de liberté a contribué à soulever, dans la sphère sociopolitique nationale, la problématique relative à la construction nationale postcoloniale dans un pays où cohabitent un double héritage colonial (franco-britannique) localement domestiqué et des centaines d’appartenances locales d’ordreethno régional, linguistique et religieux. La problématique de la construction nationale, dans un tel contexte de multi appartenance, constitue le propos central de cette étude et porte plus précisément sur la libération manifeste de l’expression des frustrations de la minorité anglophone du Cameroun. Il yest notamment démontré comment le Cameroun moderne, issu de la réunification entre l’ancien territoire du Cameroun sous tutelle française et la partie méridionale de l’ancien Cameroun britannique, gère son double héritage colonial dans un espace d’une diversité labyrinthique. Une gestion parfois concurrentielle, hégémonique et népotique des appartenances ou des identités, identités relatives au double héritage colonial franco-britannique, mais également identités tribales ou ethno régionales, enfin un processus de démocratisation plutôt frivole, illusoire et languissant, semblent entretenir ce qu’on nomme désormais au Cameroun : « la question anglophone » ou encore « le problème anglophone ». / In the early 1990s, just over two decades of a single-party system, Cameroon experienced a return to political pluralism. The multiparty system then led to some free speech, to some political relaxation and claims of belonging as well. The then new area of freedom conduced to the raising, at the sociopolitical level, of the issue of postcolonial nation-building in a country where a double colonial legacy (Anglo-French), locally re-appropriated, has coexisted with hundreds of local particularities of ethno-regional, linguistic and religious nature. The issue of nation-building in such a multiple belonging context is actually the very objective of this study, which focuses on the evident liberation in the manifestation of the English-speaking minority’s frustrations in Cameroon after the political relaxation in the early 1990s. The study shows how the modern State of Cameroon, resulting from the reunification of the former French Cameroon and the former British Southern Cameroons, manages its double colonial legacy in an area of a labyrinthine diversity. What has now been termed in Cameroon as: “the Anglophone Problem” seems to have been nurtured by a competitive, hegemonic and nepotistic management, at times, of heritage or identities – identities regarding the Anglo-French colonial heritage. It has also been revealed by tribal or ethno regional identities and by a democratisation process, which can be seen as rather trivial, illusive and lackadaisical.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T14:31:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CED - Alipio Elisa Paulino Siquisse.pdf: 326548 bytes, checksum: 4a40415bbf4e91bbaef3820595396d8b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-04 / The present work is composed of two major problems: one is related with the scientific content of the theme, and the other is related with the teaching of the social sciences in the extent of the content of the Basic Education in Mozambique. This research is necessary for the following reasons:. First for the conviction that there is a gap in the extent of construction of our curriculum for the basic education. This gap brings about a big distance between .traditional education and official education. What is taught at moment is extremely limited and does not allow an in-depth study of the main socio cultural elements of our country that base themselves in the local knowledge of the society responsible of the oncoming generation. We have identified the Vatshwa from Inhambane province, a major ethnic group in the northern part of the south region of Mozambique as the focus of the study. We started by identifying this group in terms of hypotheses of its origin in order to understand the socio economic, historical, cultural aspects that they possess. This work guides us in the process of construction of education as a task for all and it helps us to understand what would have been the effect of political and educational system of socio cultural values of the Vatshwa. In other words it tries to find out the extent of advances or draw backs caused by the political and economic situation in the Mozambican economy. In the end of the work we suggest some socio cultural elements that help to understand the knowledge of the Vatshwa group. In order to collect the local knowledge direct contact was made with the local communities those who make and reformulate the culture. This has been a new learning experience in terms of sui generis knowledge of the Vatshwa ethnic group. Finally, the communities do not abandon their cultural values, they always maintain them as part of their life and the school should stand responsible in the implementation and transmission of those values / O presente trabalho compõe-se de duas problemáticas: uma, relacionada com o conteúdo técnico-científico do tema, e outra com o ensino das ciências sociais no âmbito dos conteúdos do Ensino Básico ministrado em Moçambique. Tudo o que estudamos através desta pesquisa nos leva a acreditar que o seu propósito é necessário. Primeiro pela convicção com que partimos em considerar a existência de lacunas no âmbito de construção do nosso currículo para o ensino básico em vigor. Essa lacuna acaba estabelecendo clivagens entre a educação tradicional e a educação oficial, isto é, não há uma clareza sobre o que ensinar efectivamente, nas ciências sociais. O que é ensinado neste momento é bastante limitado e não permite o aprofundamento dos principais elementos sócio-culturais e históricos do nosso país, que se fundamentam na dinâmica dos saberes locais, da sociedade responsável pelas gerações vindouras. Partimos duma experiência real a dos Vatshwa de Inhambane, um grupo étnico representativo naquela parte norte da região sul de Moçambique. À partida tentamos conhecer este grupo em termos de hipóteses da sua origem, para percebermos os aspectos sociais, económicos, históricos e culturais que ostentam. Este trabalho situanos no processo da construção da educação como tarefa de todos nós e ajuda-nos a perceber qual teria sido o efeito dos sistemas políticos educativos dos valores socioculturais dos vatshwa, isto é, em que medida houve ou não aspectos de avanço ou recuo provocados pelas conjunturas económicas e políticas na sociedade moçambicana. No fim do trabalho sugerimos alguns elementos sócio-culturais () que podem servir para melhorar o conhecimento dos vatshwa. Para reunir esses saberes locais valeu o contacto directo com as c omunidades fazedoras e reconstrutoras da cultura. Foi uma experiência inédita em termos de aprendizagem e do conhecimento sui generis dos vatshwa. Em suma as comunidades não abdicam dos seus valores culturais apelam ao resgate, responsabilizando a escola através dum currículo integrado, na implementação e transmissão desses valores

Evaluating the effectiveness of Thabo Mbeki’s political mediation in the Zimbabwean conflict of 2008, following a disputed election outcome, is the principal objective of this study. The Ripeness Theory of mediation and conflict resolution that was proposed by William Zartman and developed by other scholars is deployed as the theoretical framework of the study. The principal measure of the effectiveness of mediation lies in its success in resolving conflict in a sustainable manner. There is consensus in conflict resolution scholarship that the post-cold war era has witnessed a marked shift of conflicts from the inter-state scene to the intra-state domain, such as the one in Zimbabwe, 2008. This shift has brought with it increasing attention to issues of human security, human rights and democratisation in mediation and conflict resolution. As a result, a compelling need for the effective resolution of such conflicts, and guarantee of the enforcement of human rights, security and promotion of democratisation as part of mediation, has arisen. There is also a general acceptance, amongst scholars, that the success of mediation goes beyond the signing of mediated agreements as often case conflict has re-ignited after the signing of peace agreements. For that reason, the argument that mediation is counter-productive as it often puts a lid on the can of conflict without resolving the underlying conflict issues has achieved currency. There is therefore a general convergence of views in mediation literature that addressing the structural causes of disputes guarantees the sustainable resolution of conflict. It is in the context of these developments and views in international relations and politics that this study evaluates, using the Ripeness Theory, its limits noted, the effectiveness of Thabo Mbeki’s mediation in Zimbabwe, and the argument is advanced that often case mediated agreements are not effective mechanisms for the sustainable resolution of conflict and the achievement of democratisation and durable peace. Civil society groups need to be involved to expand the scope of negotiations and limit effects of mediator partiality. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)