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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo produzir uma tradução comentada, do alemão para o português, de uma seleção de documentos emblemáticos da resistência alemã ao Nacional-Socialismo. O corpus constitui-se especificamente de registros escritos dos interrogatórios (em alemão: Verhörprotokolle, protocolos de interrogatório) conduzidos em fevereiro de 1943 pela Polícia Secreta Nazista com os irmãos Hans e Sophie Scholl. Ambos eram integrantes do grupo A Rosa Branca, formado sobretudo por estudantes da Universidade de Munique que se opuseram ao regime nacional-socialista através da produção e distribuição de panfletos, nos quais lançavam críticas incisivas ao regime e à postura apática da população alemã perante os crimes cometidos pelo Estado. Tendo em vista o objetivo geral do trabalho e a conjuntura histórica em que se insere o corpus, partiu-se na análise e tradução dos protocolos de uma base teórica interdisciplinar, pautada tanto em elementos da pesquisa historiográfica quanto em pressupostos dos Estudos Funcionais da Tradução sobretudo no modelo de análise textual e tradução de Christiane Nord (1988, 2009) , da Linguística Textual e da Análise do Discurso. Para a tradução comentada dos protocolos, produto final deste trabalho, previu-se desde o início uma função documental, a qual justifica diversas microdecisões tomadas ao longo do processo tradutório. Elas vão desde a opção por reproduzir a formatação original dos textos de partida em alemão até a busca por reconstituir seu pano de fundo histórico por meio de comentários e imagens, inseridos propositalmente na margem direita e não no rodapé ou no fim da tradução. Espera-se, assim, que os textos traduzidos possam ser consultados, lidos e analisados como documentos e testemunhos sobre a resistência alemã ao Nacional-Socialismo, tema ainda pouco divulgado e estudado no Brasil. / This study aims to produce a commented translation from German into Portuguese of a selection of iconic documents of the German resistance to the National Socialism. The corpus is specifically consisted of written records of the interrogations (in German: Verhörprotokolle, interrogation protocols) conducted in February 1943 by the Nazi Secret Police with the brothers Hans and Sophie Scholl. Both were members of the group The White Rose, mostly comprised of students from the University of Munich who opposed the National Socialist regime by producing and distributing pamphlets in which they released incisive criticism to the government and apathetic posture of the German population before the crimes committed by it. Bearing in mind the overall aim of the work and the historical context to which the corpus belongs, an interdisciplinary theoretical basis was used in the analysis and translation of the protocols, based both in the historical research elements and on suppositions of the Functional Translation Studies especially in the model for translation-oriented text analysis by Christiane Nord (1988, 2009) , Text Linguistics and Discourse Analysis. For the commented translation of the protocols, the end product of this research, a documentary function was envisaged from the beginning, which justifies different micro decisions taken throughout the translation process, ranging from the choice of reproducing the original formatting of the source texts in German to the search for reconstituting the historical background of the source texts by means of comments and images intentionally inserted on the right edge of the page, and not in footnotes or at the end of the translation. It is, therefore, expected that the translated texts can be consulted, read and analyzed as documents and testimonies of the German resistance to the National Socialism, a subject still little publicized and studied in Brazil.

Com a ascensão do nacional-socialismo em 1933, iniciou-se uma série de medidas como promulgações de leis e criação de tribunais especiais para garantir a manutenção e expansão do poder do regime. Como exemplo da instrumentalização do sistema judicial nacional-socialista e suas consequências no Pós-guerra, destacamos na presente pesquisa os depoimentos de duas vítimas políticas do Tribunal do Povo, Hans Hirzel e Franz J. Müller. Ambos foram integrantes do grupo de resistência estudantil conhecido como Rosa Branca, cuja história contribuiu para o processo de contestação da validade de sentenças penais proferidas neste período. Desenvolvemos um estudo na interface entre as áreas da História (HUDEMANN, 2014; BENZ, 2008; STEINBACH; TUCHEL, 2004; ARENDT, 1989, entre outros) e do Direito (SILVA, 2011; ALEXY 1997; STOLLEIS, 1994; HART, 1958; RADBRUCH, 1946; entre outros), tendo como cerne o conceito de Unrecht (Injustiça extrema). Com base no modelo de análise textual de Christiane Nord (2010, 2009), dos Estudos da Tradução, destacamos a relevância de uma análise multidisciplinar da situação comunicativa e da temática dos textos-fontes para a tradução. Apresentamos uma edição bilíngue de três documentos pertinentes para abordar o conceito estudado nesta pesquisa. Nosso corpus é composto por um ofício enviado em 1983 pela Secretaria de Justiça do Estado Federado de Baden-Württemberg a Franz Müller; seu depoimento ao lado de Hans Hirzel no Parlamento Alemão em 1984, cuja temática central gira em torno da questão da validade do direito e das práticas jurídicas no período do nacional-socialismo, e a Lei de anulação das sentenças da injustiça extrema nacionalsocialista na administração da justiça penal de 1998, medida que anulou retroativamente sentenças penais proferidas por tribunais nacional-socialistas. Trata-se de documentos que registram parte do percurso histórico e jurídico de correção da injustiça nacional-socialista no período do Pós-guerra. Com esta pesquisa, pretendemos viabilizar o acesso a pesquisadores de diferentes áreas do conhecimento a este material inédito em português acerca da validade do direito legalmente produzido em períodos totalitários. / With the ascension of national-socialism in 1933, a series of measures such as promulgation of laws and the creation of special courts were introduced in order to guarantee the maintenance and expansion of the regimes power. As an example of the use of nationalsocialism court system as a power tool and its consequences in the post-war period, in this research we highlight the testimony of two political victims of the People\'s Court, Hans Hirzel and Franz J. Müller. Both were part of the student resistance group known as The White Rose, which has contributed for the contestation of the validity of the criminal judgments issued in this period. We developed a study at the interface between the fields of History (HUDEMANN, 2014; BENZ, 2008; STEINBACH; TUCHEL, 2004; ARENDT, 1989, among others) and Law (SILVA, 2011; ALEXY 1997; STOLLEIS, 1994; HART, 1958; RADBRUCH, 1946; among others) having the Unrecht concept (Extreme Injustice) as the core concept. Based on the model of text analysis of Christiane Nord (2010, 2009), on Translation Studies, we highlight the relevance of interdisciplinary analysis of the communicative situation and the topic of the source texts for translation. We produce a bilingual edition of three documents that are relevant to approach the concept studied in this research. Our corpus consists of an official document sent in 1983 by the Justice Administration of the state Baden-Württemberg to Franz Müller; his testimony beside Hans Hirzel at the German parliament in 1984, which central topic is based on the validity of the law and the legal practices in the period of national socialism, and the Law of annulation of extreme national socialist injustice in the implementation of criminal law, from 1998, measure that cancelled retroactively criminal judgements issued by national socialist courts. These are documents that register part of the historical and legal path of correction of national socialist injustice in the post-war period. With this research, we intend to facilitate the access to researches from different areas of knowledge to this unreleased material in Portuguese about the validity of the Law legally produced in totalitarian periods.

Abstract In this thesis, various meanings of representations of homeland and nation were explored from a view of symbolic anthropology and social constructionism. The main research material consists of interviews of 16 Norwegians and 21 Finns, including musicians and other active members of Black Metal and Folk Metal subcultures. The interviews were conducted in 2010–2012. In these subcultures, the most important symbols of homeland and nation were associated with the past and nature. Symbols were given meanings in different ways, also politically, although disagreements regarding politics at a subcultural cubcultural context. Political goals were, for example, resistance to immigration, nature conservation and promoting the home region. Although these subcultures positioned themselves as counterculture, they reproduced national meanings of the mainstream cultures. Members of the subcultures often identified themselves with 19th century National Romantics. According to them, National Romantic ideas had become suspect or forbidden in Finland and Norway after the Second World War. However, the views of the informants were radically different from each other and even some commonly shared ideas were strongly criticized in the subcultures. Based on the interview materials, level of commitment varied in the subcultures. For some informants, black metal was a comprehensive way of life. For others, it meant just good music or a chance to promote folklore. The most extreme statements came from Finnish Black Metal musicians and fans. Some of them even supported National Socialism. On the other hand, Finnish Folk Metal musicians were opposed to more extreme ideas. In general, Norwegian informants emphasized National Romanticism more than Finnish informants. / Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin symbolisen antropologian ja sosiaalisen konstruktionismin näkökulmasta kotimaan ja kansakunnan representaatioiden moninaisia merkityksiä black metal- ja folk metal -alakulttuureissa. Tärkeimmän aineiston muodostavat 16 norjalaisen ja 21 suomalaisen muusikon tai muuten alakulttuureissa toimivan henkilön haastattelut, jotka toteutettiin vuosina 2010–2012. Keskeiset alakulttuureissa käytetyt kotimaan ja kansakunnan symbolit liittyvät esikristilliseen muinaisuuteen ja luontoon. Symboleita merkityksellistetään eri tavoin, myös poliittisesti, vaikka politiikan yhdistämistä alakulttuuriin myös vastustetaan. Poliittisia päämääriä olivat muun muassa maahanmuuton vastustaminen, luonnonsuojelu ja kotiseudun tunnetuksi tekeminen. Tutkimuksessa kävi ilmi, että vaikka alakulttuurit asemoivat itsensä vastakulttuuriksi, niissä uusinnetaan valtakulttuurissa tuotettuja kansallisuuden merkityksiä. Monet haastatellut samaistuivat 1800-luvun kansallisromantikkojen ajatuksiin, joiden he kokivat muuttuneet arveluttaviksi ja kielletyiksi toisen maailmansodan jälkeisessä Suomessa ja Norjassa. Kuitenkin haastateltujen näkemyksissä oli suuria eroja, ja monet myös esittivät ankaraa kritiikkiä alakulttuureissa jaettuja käsityksiä kohtaan. Aineiston perusteella haastatellut ovat sitoutuneet alakulttuureihinsa hyvin eri tavoin. Toisille etenkin black metal edustaa kokonaisvaltaista elämäntapaa ja ideologiaa. Toisille metallimusiikki on pelkästään hyvää musiikkia tai keino tehdä kansanperinnettä tunnetuksi. Äärimmäisimpiä mielipiteitä esittivät suomalaiset blackmetalistit, joista osa tunnustautui kansallissosialismin kannattajiksi. Suomalaiset folkmetalistit osoittautuivat ääriajattelun vastustajiksi. Norjalaiset haastatellut korostivat kansallisromantiikan merkitystä enemmän kuin suomalaiset.

This diploma thesis named The Personality of Jan Rys as a journalist and his work in the Flag magazine describes the personality of Jan Rys in all aspects of his life and work. In the introductory part it is set into the historical context where the state of protectorate journalism is described focusing on illegal and collaborant and activistic journalists. Part of the chapter concentrates on subsequent retribution courts. Another chapter focuses on the historical context where the origin and formation of fascism in our country is described and concentrates also on antisemitism in a Protectorate. The main part is focused on the character of Jan Rys, while his work in Vlajka movement is described whose leader he was until 1942, when he was sent at first to Terezin and than to Dachau, where he stayed till the end of war as well as his literature and his journalistic work. In the journalistic work it deals mainly with journal the Vlajka in the period when Jan Rys was an editor in chief, attention is paid to Rys' articles and their focus. A separate chapter analyzes a court trial with Jan Rys and other representatives of Vlajka, the seventh chapter concludes with the judgement of the National Court, which sentenced him to death by hanging.

Alors même que la France et la Grande-Bretagne s’apprêtent à déclarer la guerre à l’Allemagne, plus d’un million de personnes sont évacuées de la frontière franco-allemande. Encadrés de part et d’autre de la frontière par les autorités civiles et militaires, les Alsaciens, Lorrains, Badois et Sarrois, vivant entre les lignes défensives (ligne Maginot, Ligne Siegfried) et la frontière, sont transportés vers l’intérieur de leur pays respectifs. Ces mesures d’évacuation du début de la Seconde Guerre mondiale constituent pour les deux sociétés, après la mobilisation des hommes en âge de se battre, la seconde grande mesure de guerre faisant passer ces deux sociétés civiles à l’état de sociétés en guerre. Cette transformation a non seulement des conséquences au niveau social, politique et économique, mais également des effets au niveau communicationnel, ce qui constitue l’objet de cette thèse. Il s’agit, à travers le phénomène de l’évacuation, de faire ressortir les mécanismes de communication des États au niveau de leur propagande nationale, de faire apparaître les interactions et méthodes de communication entre les autorités locales et les évacués et enfin d’éclairer les systèmes de communication au sein des groupes des évacués à travers l’analyse des rumeurs de pillages des zones évacuées. Cette approche permet de retracer une histoire de la communication dans les sociétés en guerre française et allemande dans laquelle fusionnent les perspectives ascendante et descendante mais également comparative et transnationale. Ainsi, la communication des sociétés en guerre apparaît comme le fruit de négociations et d’interactions en constante évolution entre acteurs aux intérêts différents. De cette étude ressortent également les limites d’influence des deux États au sein de leur population, qu’il s’agisse d’un État républicain démocratique telle la Troisième République ou bien d’un État dictatorial aux ambitions totalitaires comme le fût le « Troisième Reich ». / While France and Great-Britain were about to declare war on Germany, more than one million persons were evacuated from the Franco-German Border. Led on both side of the border by civilian and military authorities, the Alsatians, Lorrainers, Badners and Saarlanders living between the defence lines (Maginot-Line, Siegfried Line) were transported inside their own country. These evacuations measures formed – after the mobilization on the front of the men in-age to fight – the second important measure of war, which turned these civil societies into war societies. This transformation has not only consequences on political, economic and social level, but also on communication, which is the topic of this doctoral thesis. The evacuations phenomena allow us to shed light on state propaganda on a national and international level, to reveal the communication methods and interactions between the local authorities and the evacuees and finally to show the communications systems within groups of evacuees by analysing rumours on pillages of the evacuated region. This approach highlights a history of communication in both French and German war society based on top-down and bottom-up perspectives and on comparative and transnational analyses. Communication in war society appears as the fruit of negotiations and interactions in constant evolution between agents with different interests. This study emphasized the limits of the state’s influence over the population, both in a republican democratic state as the French Third Republic and in a dictatorial state with totalitarian ambitions such as the “Third Reich”.

This thesis follows on the Bachelor's thesis dedicated to those aspects of origins and functioning of Wagner's festival in Bayreuth, which are seen as links to the ideological ambiance of the Third Reich most often. This thesis examines the development of the same issue in the period after the end of World War II. The objective of this thesis is to survey the post-war development of the Bayreuth festival, personal contacts between the heirs of Wagner's legacy with representatives of the Third Reich or the sincerity of "denazification" of Bayreuth in the 50s. The thesis summarizes Wagner reflection from 1945 until the end of era of Winifred Wagner in 1980.

The Worker´s Party of Social Justice is the most significant far right party in the Czech Republic. This work deals with its ideological basis while emphasis is placed on the conception of nation and the attitude towards the political systém and a charakterization of its development too. The first two chapters focus on the analysis of the predecessor: the Worker's Party which in its third phase adopted the German national socialism from the National Democratic Party of Germany. Within the new approach it adopted the notion of white Europeanism which is a contemporaty Aryan rase. The second two chapters contain the analyses of ideological postulates of the Worker's Party of Social Justice which continues to co-operate with the National Democratic Party of Gemany and to adopt its attitudes and strategy. The basis of identity of the Worker's Party of Social Justice is white Europeanism which is common for all native European nations. Incompatibility of some of its attitudes with the values of representative democracy makes it an anti-system party.

The diploma thesis Totalitarian tendencies of German colonial policies deals with German colonial policies towards Africans in the period between 1884-1914. The main focus is placed on the characteristics and analysis of German native policy in the most important of German colonies - German South West Africa. This piece attempts to pinpoint the relationship between the colonizers and the colonized, to illustrate the racist prejudice of the Germans and to describe the impact of these ideas on the colonial reality. Furthermore, this work reflects upon the Herero war, with particular interest being paid to the German war strategy, and tries to identify the reasons behind its radicalization as well as to resolve the query concerning the genocidal intent. The totalitarianism section of this thesis explores the totalitarian aspects of German native policy in German South West Africa and their development following the Herero war. A comparison of German colonial policies towards the natives with colonial policies of the other major powers active on the African continent follows. The final chapter endeavours to answer the question regarding the continuity of German history and continuity between German colonialism and National Socialism.

Aus der Einleitung: 'Spätestens seit dem Ersten Weltkrieg übte das Leitbild der Autarkie erheblichen Einfluss auf die deutsche Innovationskultur aus. Technikhistorische Interpreten sind sogar so weit gegangen, die Geburtsstunde einer spezifischen deutschen Ersatzstoffkultur in dieser Zeit zu verorten. Mit der Machtübernahme durch die Nationalsozialisten, spätestens aber mit Verkündigung des Vierjahresplanes 1936, der die deutsche Wirtschaft innerhalb von vier Jahren kriegsfähig machen sollte, intensivierten sich die Innovationsaktivitäten im Ersatzstoffbereich noch. Die dabei hervorgebrachten Surrogate können als direkte Resultate einer Autarkieorientierung der Volkswirtschaft betrachtet werden. Der auch in der frühen Bundesrepublik populäre Sachbuchautor Anton Zischka feierte die Forschungsleistungen, die Durchbrüche bei der Herstellung synthetischen Benzins mittels Kohlehydrierung, bei der Einführung von Zellwolle und künstlichem Kautschuk (Buna) sowie bei der Gewinnung neuer Kraftfuttermittel aus Holz und Kohle gebracht hatten, überschwänglich als Mittel zur Erlangung einer neuen Unabhängigkeit: „Und hervorgerufen oder ermöglicht durch diese Großtaten wurden hunderte, tausende Verbesserungen möglich, in einer gewaltigen Symphonie der Arbeit kam es zu einer Umwertung aller Werte, einer Revolution der Rohstoffwirtschaft, einer neuen Ära.“ Aufgrund ihrer Konsumentenferne ist anzunehmen, dass sich insbesondere in diktatorischen Innovationssystemen Ersatzstoffprojekte im sensiblen Lebensmittelbereich intensiver verfolgen ließen als unter Bedingungen eines freien Marktes mit selbstbewussten und mündigen Konsumenten. Zudem wirken zweifelsohne Kriege als Katalysatoren bei der Entwicklung von Ersatzstofftechnologien, nicht nur, weil in ihnen der freie, weltweite Warenaustausch bewusst oder als unbeabsichtigte Begleiterscheinung begrenzt wird, sondern auch, weil sie fast immer Zeiten von Knappheit und Hunger sind. [...]:Einleitung S. 95 Proteinmangel im Ersten Weltkrieg S. 96 Eiweiß im Nationalsozialismus S. 97 Verbindungen zur TH Dresden S. 102 Ernährungsphysiologische Versuche S. 105 Kommerzielle Verwertung S. 108 S. 111