Den här uppsatsen handlar om lokaljournalistik i Lindesberg, en ort i norra delen av Örebro län. Uppsatsen är inriktad på bevakningen av den kommunala myndigheten för att på så sätt kunna diskutera de lokala mediernas betydelse för demokratin i Lindesberg. Till grund för uppsatsen ligger en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av 227 kommunrelaterade artiklar publicerade vecka 6 och vecka 7 i Bergslagsposten åren 1995 och 2001 samt vecka 6 och vecka 7 i Nerikes Allehanda åren 2007 och 2013. Det teoretiska avsnittet tar avstamp i fyra olika medieideologier, och landar genom dessa i journalistikens demokratiska uppgifter. De demokratiska uppgifterna är födda ur ett synsätt att medierna har en avgörande betydelse för att demokratin ska fungera. Med utgångspunkt i det teoretiska avsnittet, och med hänvisning till tidigare forskning, handlar diskussionen om att antalet kommunrelaterade artiklar har blivit färre vilket gör det svårare att uppfylla de demokratiska uppgifterna. I diskussionen konstateras även att det finns en gråzon i att granska makthavare; det är ofta tjänstemännen som får representera kommunen eftersom de har ett stort inflytande, men det är politikerna som är de som egentligen är folkvalda och kan röstas bort. Slutligen förs en diskussion om hur den studerade bevakningen förhåller sig till olika idealtyper av demokrati.

Syftet med vår uppsats är att undersöka Aftonbladet och Nerikes Allehandas rapportering av Sverigedemokraterna, Kristdemokraterna och Miljöpartiet. Vi vill ta reda på om rapporteringen är partisk eller ej och i så fall vem som gynnas eller missgynnas. Vi har utgått ifrån att Sverigedemokraterna får en viss särbehandling då det anses vara ett främlingsfientligt parti. Vi har valt att använda oss av en kvantitativ metod då vi vill undersöka frekvenser och utrymme. Det vi vill ha svar på är hur Nerikes Allehanda respektive Aftonbladet rapporterar om partierna. Vi vill även veta vem som får representera partiet i artiklarna. Vår undersökning pekar på att Sverigedemokraterna gynnas i form av stor medial bevakning. Det är det parti som oftast står i förgrunden, det vill säga att artikeln huvudsakligen handlar om partiet, men får sällan komma till tals. Kristdemokraterna är det parti som oftast får komma till tals och de får ofta uttala sig i frågor som ligger utanför deras hjärtefrågor. Miljöpartiet får också komma till tals och uttrycka sig i olika sakfrågor. Det förekommer betydligt fler politiska analyser om SD än om de andra partierna. Vilket innebär att många försöker utvärdera Sverigedemokraternas politik medan de andra partierna har representanter som svarar för deras politiska åsikter.

I den här uppsatsen undersöks opinionsmaterialets utveckling och förändring mellan 1986 och 2013 i de fyra tidningarna Dagens Nyheter, Expressen, Metro och Nerikes Allehanda. De år som har undersökts i nämnda period är 1986, 1995, 2004 samt 2013. Genom kvantitativa undersökningar har vi studerat hur mycket opinionstexterna har ökat i antal, hur placeringen på tidningssidan har förändrats, vilka ämnesområden som har bevakats och hur många kvinnliga respektive manliga skribenter som har skrivit texterna. En kompletterande kvalitativ undersökning har också gjorts för att undersöka hur argumentationen i opinionstexterna har förändrats genom åren. För att komma fram till det har vi använt oss av Aristoteles retorikbegrepp ethos, pathos och logos, och applicerat dem på ett urval av krönikor från olika år och tidningar. Undersökningen visar att antalet opinionstexter utanför ledarplats har ökat och att majoriteten av skribenterna är män. Undersökningen visar även hur den populära spalten så sakteligen har börjat bytas ut mot andra placeringar på nyhetssidan. Sport och kultur har varit de två mest populära genrerna genom åren, värt att notera är även de opinionsbildande ekonomitexternas kraftiga ökning sedan 1986.

This study was conducted with the motive to analyze and demonstrate the differences and similarities of three Swedish newspapers’ coverage about two different murders. The main focus of the study was to compare and contrast the newspapers’ descriptions of one male and one female murderer. Through the study we also aimed to answer the question “Is it possible to apply the Chivalry Hypothesis in the newspapers descriptions of the murderers?” The Chivalry Hypothesis proclaims that women get treated in a more lenient way than men in the judicial system of America. A study from 2006 discovered that a specific newspaper in USA did in fact not treat criminal women in a more lenient way than criminal men. Our most important theoretical standpoints was that of discourse; as discourse analysis in the way Norman Fairclough preferred it was the method that was used. As we compared differences between the sexes gender studies was also a major theoretical part of the study. The result of our empirical analysis showed that a man and a woman which had committed similar murders during the same time period was partially treated and described different from each other in the articles. The result also showed partial support for the thesis about the Chivalry Hypothesis being translatable to Swedish news-press.

The aim of the study was to examine how crime journalism relates to gender by exploring how a female perpetrator is constructed in Swedish news media. We examined a specific case where a female perpetrator murdered and dismembered her victim in Askersund, Örebro. The questions examined were; How are the female perpetrator represented in the tabloid Aftonbladet and the local newspaper Nerikes Allehanda and what are the differences and similarities between Aftonbladet’s and Nerikes Allehanda’s representation of her? We made a discourse analysis of eighteen news articles. The result shows that the female perpetrator is represented as a non-ideal female perpetrator, a heartbroken and weak victim and an ordinary woman who suddenly transforms. Aftonbladet and Nerikes Allehanda also represent the female perpetrator as an evil and insensitive murderer and like a jealous madman. Both Aftonbladet and Nerikes Allehanda describe that the female perpetrator saw her victim as a rival. At the beginning, mainly Nerikes Allehanda, represent the female perperator as a part of the community by representing her as a kind and innocent girl who loves horses. Then the representation is changing and the female perpetrator is represented as an intruder in the community. This representation also appears in Aftonbladet. However the tabloid mostly represents the female perpetrator with attributes like vicious, callous, jealous and mad. Our study also shows that the distance between the newspapers and the place where the crime occurred, influences the representation of the female perpetrator.

Sammanfattning       Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att analysera och diskutera hur rädsla utvecklas i samband med överfallsvåldtäkter, och undersöka samband mellan media och kvinnors rädsla. Syftet har också varit att relatera rädslans betydelse i förhållande till jämställdhet.   Den övergripande problemfrågan har varit: - Finns det samband mellan medias nyhetsförmedling och kvinnors rädsla för överfallsvåldtäkt? Följande undersökningsfrågor har använts: - Hur ser forskningen på problemet med kvinnors rädsla för brott och våldtäkt? - På vilket sätt kan nyhetsklippen i Nerikes Allehanda ha påverkat utvecklingen av rädsla för överfallsvåldtäkter i Örebro?   Undersökningen har gjorts i två delar. Först genom en undersökning av vad tidigare forskning kommit fram till om kvinnors rädsla för brott och våldtäkt. Sedan genom en textanalys av nyhetsklipp i Nerikes Allehanda, och hur dessa kan ha påverkat rädsla för överfallsvåldtäkter i Örebro. Tidsrummet sträcker sig från september 2009 till september 2010. Som utgångspunkt för textanalysen har Göran Bergström och Kristina Boréus metodbok Textens mening och makt använts. Jag har utgått från en teori om att medierna sätter dagordningen för vilka frågor som blir viktiga.   Genomgående har analyserna genomförts från ett genusperspektiv, som utgår från att män och kvinnor har olika positioner i förhållande till våldtäkt. Ett tema om kvinnors tillgång till det offentliga rummet har en central plats i uppsatsen. För att relatera resultaten till ett vidare jämställdhetsperspektiv har Susan Brownmillers teori, om våldtäkt som uttryck för makt och social kontroll, använts.   Slutsatsen är att det verkar finnas samband mellan medias nyhetsförmedling och kvinnors rädsla för överfallsvåldtäkt. Nerikes Allehandas nyhetsklipp är utformade på ett sätt som kan verka uppskrämmande på många kvinnor. Det gäller t.ex. signalerande nyheter, som är utformade på ett sätt som varnar kvinnor att de kan bli serievåldtäktsmannens nästa offer. Det sker också genom varningar från polisen, medierade genom media. Samspelet mellan Nerikes Allehandas kriminaljournalistik och polisen som huvudsaklig källa till nyhetsartikarna, har troligen haft en central roll i genererandet av en genuskodad rädsla, utan att varken polis eller Nerikes Allehanda haft något syfte att skrämma kvinnor. Ett sätt varigenom rädslan kunnat föras vidare är genom ett kulturellt narrativ, som skapas genom nyhetsklippen. / Abstract   The aim of this essay has been to analyze and discuss how fear develops in the context of rape attacks and investigate the relationship between media and women's fear. The aim has been to relate the importance of fear to gender equality. The overall question has been: - Is there a connection between media coverage and women's fear of sexual assault? The research issues that have been used: - How does research regard questions concerning women's fear of crime and rape? - How can newspaper articles in Nerikes Allehanda have influenced the development of fear of rape attacks in Örebro? The study was conducted in two parts. The first part was carried out as an examination of what previous research has concluded on women’s fear of crime and rape. Then through a textual analysis of newspaper articles in Nerikes Allehanda and how these may have affected the fear of rape attacks in Örebro. The time span is September 2009 to September 2010. Göran Bergström and Kristina Boréus method book Textens mening och makt was used as a basis for the text analysis. My point of departure has been a theory that the media set the agenda for what issues are important. The analysis was conducted from a gender perspective that assumes that men and women have different positions in relation to rape. A theme about women's access to public space has a central place in the essay. In order to relate the results to a wider gender equality perspective, Susan Brownmiller's theory of rape as an expression of power and social control has been used. The conclusion is that news media and women's fear of assault and rape seems to be linked. Newspaper articles in Nerikes Allehanda are designed in a way that may seem frightening to many women. This applies, for instance, to signaling news stories designed to warn women that they may become the next victim of a serial rapist. It also applies to warnings from the police, mediated through the media. The interaction between the crime coverage of Nerikes Allehanda and the police, as the main source of the news stories, probably played a central role in the generation of a gender-coded fear, without neither the police nor Nerikes Allehanda having any intent to scare women. A way that fear seems to have been passed on is through the creation of a cultural narrative that is created by the design of news articles.

According to earlier studies, men dominates the sports pages in Swedish newspapers. The gender balance is far from equal and the purpose of this thesis is therefore to look into how Swedish local and regional newspapers covered gender in their sports pages during the year of 2013. The study also examines the news values of men’s and women’s sports, whether there are any differences compared to previous studies and whether there are any differences across the country. The study uses a quantitative content analysis and the result is based on editorial material from six randomly selected newspapers in 18 randomly selected days. We have analyzed 2005 separate units in 108 copies of newspapers. The study shows, as in previous studies, that the news feed is mainly concentrated on sports practiced by men, and it isn’t any significant differences across the country regarding the coverage of gender. Sports practiced by men also have a higher newsworthiness since it gets more space and are more promoted on the frontpages of the newspapers. The conclusion is therefore that sports practiced by women are marginalized as a deviation from the male norm.

This study investigates the news discourses to find out how deaf people and/or deafness is represented and analyses how the discourses might be affected by or influence common attitudes and prejudices about deaf people and/or deafness. First, however, this study analysed the contents of the news articles quantitatively in order to find frequencies of different news topics with references to deaf people and/or deafness and whether deaf people were allowed to talk or not. After the content analysis, ten articles were selected for the discourse analysis.   The results of the content analysis show that deaf people are represented and allowed to talk in most of the articles, but that hearing people are also represented in a majority of the articles. Most articles are about culture and personalities, but there are also articles about for example sign language and hearing devices. Most deaf people are represented as individuals, but they are also represented as representatives for the deaf and as both individuals and representatives.   The discourse analysis shows that deaf people are represented as a linguistic and cultural minority in both cultural and personal discourses but represented as broken and in need of being fixed for integration in society in medical discourses. In medical discourses, only experts talk about deafness and no deaf people are represented. In other discourses, both deaf and hearing people talk about deaf people, sign language and deaf culture. In some of the discourses, however, it is clear that deaf people are represented from the hearing viewpoint on deafness. There were discursive discrimination of deafness in medical discourses but occurred rarely in other discourses except when the medical view on deafness is present. Deaf people are represented as a minority distinct from the hearing majority in most articles and some of the cultural discourses show attempts to build a bridge between the deaf world and the hearing society. The majority of the discourses point to pluralism as a social practice but some of those discourses also point to inclusion and exclusion as social practices. The medical discourses however point to both assimilation and exclusion as social practices.

This thesis examines narratives of the events called ”The War of Religion in Kvistbro”, a violent turmoil that erupted in Närke, Sweden 1843. The events involved persons connected to the Shouter Movement, a pietist inspired revivalist movement, and governmental officials who were ordered to arrest a preacher.A narrative analysis based on a model inspired by Labov and Chatman, is used for examining contemporary local newspaper Nerikes Allehanda's and the revivalist historian E. J.Ekman's narrations of the events. The theoretical framework of this thesis is founded on Charles Tilly's theory of collective violence, and James C Scott's theories of hidden transcripts and weapons of the weak.The results of the analysis indicates that there are three main understandings of the events within the empiric material: a religious framing, a medical framing, and a socio-political reading. The socio-political reading of the narratives implies that the concepts medicine as control, social antagonism, and gender-coded aspects of conflict, emerge from the material.

This study examines how the three most influential local newspapers in Sweden, Helsingborgs Dagblad, Nerikes Allehanda and Nya Wermlands-tidningen, framed the corona pandemic in terms of tone and main angle in their news reports. The corona pandemic was classified as a pandemic in march 2020 by the World Health Organisation, WHO. International, national and local news media have all reported about the effects and consequences of the virus. The corona pandemic is however not only taking place on national level, but also on local grade. The people who need information about the crisis are people who are closest affected. There is a substantial amount of previous research about journalism in crisis, but it is more common to examine national media rather than on a local level. The method used in this study is a quantitative content analysis and the material contains news articles published in the local newspapers. The purpose of the study is based on Ervin Goffman's framing theory, amongst Ulrich Beck's Risk society and Marina Ghersetti & Tomas Odéns crisis journalism. The result of the study shows that the most common tone was neutral, which implies that all three newspapers are delivering objective and fact-based information in their reporting. It also shows that a part of the news is of the more alarmistic kind. These results are presented in previous research about journalism and crisis, which alludes how alarmist tone is mainly presented but it generally depends on where the crisis takes place. If the question of fact is taking place close to the media in question, the reports tend to be more neutral. The study also shows that the frame called risk magnitude figures by far the most in our study, followed by responsibility of the society and social limits. The results show that the focus slightly shifts from the responsibility of the society and social limits to the question about vaccines and more opening up the society between the two periods. Although there is a difference in what frame that is raised between the periods, the used tone is slightly the same.