A relação sino-africana tem raízes seculares, passando por períodos de intercâmbio intenso, alternados por ciclos de menor interação. Na atualidade, o interesse chinês no continente africano está centrado em apoio político, no mercado consumidor para seus produtos manufaturados e, principalmente, em fontes de recursos naturais – com ênfase para o petróleo -, as quais possam garantir o abastecimento do país e possibilitar a continuidade do vertiginoso crescimento econômico apresentado pela China, nas últimas décadas. Nesse contexto, o fortalecimento dos vínculos com países africanos fornecedores de petróleo, como a Nigéria e o Sudão, torna-se uma questão de grande relevância para a política externa chinesa, pois os governantes do gigante asiático precisam elaborar estratégias, que possibilitem aumentar a cooperação com o continente, sem deixar de considerar a realidade interna de cada país africano. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo central o estudo das características da política externa chinesa para África, visando identificar se há um padrão utilizado para todo o continente africano, ou se a política externa chinesa varia para cada país africano. Para tanto, serão analisados dois casos, Sudão e Nigéria, no período entre a proclamação da República Popular da China (RPC), em 1949, e os dias atuais. / The Sino-African relationship has secular roots, going through periods of intense exchange, alternating cycles of less interaction. Currently, the Chinese´s interest in Africa is focused on political support, in the consumer market for its manufactured products and, mainly, in sources of natural resources - with particular emphasis on oil - which can guarantee the supply of the country and also enable the economy to continue growing, as the last decades. In this context, the strengthening of ties with African oil suppliers such as Nigeria and Sudan, becomes a matter of great importance for Chinese foreign policy, because the chinese government needs to elaborate strategies to increase the cooperation with the continent, considering the internal reality of each African country. This work is mainly aimed to the characteristics of Chinese foreign policy for Africa, to identify if there is a model for the chinese relationship with the entire African continent, or the Chinese foreign policy varies case by case, based on the analysis of two cases, and Sudan Nigeria; in the period between the proclamation of the People's Republic of China (PRC), in 1949, and the current days.

A relação sino-africana tem raízes seculares, passando por períodos de intercâmbio intenso, alternados por ciclos de menor interação. Na atualidade, o interesse chinês no continente africano está centrado em apoio político, no mercado consumidor para seus produtos manufaturados e, principalmente, em fontes de recursos naturais – com ênfase para o petróleo -, as quais possam garantir o abastecimento do país e possibilitar a continuidade do vertiginoso crescimento econômico apresentado pela China, nas últimas décadas. Nesse contexto, o fortalecimento dos vínculos com países africanos fornecedores de petróleo, como a Nigéria e o Sudão, torna-se uma questão de grande relevância para a política externa chinesa, pois os governantes do gigante asiático precisam elaborar estratégias, que possibilitem aumentar a cooperação com o continente, sem deixar de considerar a realidade interna de cada país africano. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo central o estudo das características da política externa chinesa para África, visando identificar se há um padrão utilizado para todo o continente africano, ou se a política externa chinesa varia para cada país africano. Para tanto, serão analisados dois casos, Sudão e Nigéria, no período entre a proclamação da República Popular da China (RPC), em 1949, e os dias atuais. / The Sino-African relationship has secular roots, going through periods of intense exchange, alternating cycles of less interaction. Currently, the Chinese´s interest in Africa is focused on political support, in the consumer market for its manufactured products and, mainly, in sources of natural resources - with particular emphasis on oil - which can guarantee the supply of the country and also enable the economy to continue growing, as the last decades. In this context, the strengthening of ties with African oil suppliers such as Nigeria and Sudan, becomes a matter of great importance for Chinese foreign policy, because the chinese government needs to elaborate strategies to increase the cooperation with the continent, considering the internal reality of each African country. This work is mainly aimed to the characteristics of Chinese foreign policy for Africa, to identify if there is a model for the chinese relationship with the entire African continent, or the Chinese foreign policy varies case by case, based on the analysis of two cases, and Sudan Nigeria; in the period between the proclamation of the People's Republic of China (PRC), in 1949, and the current days.

Este artigo tem por objetivo utilizar uma abordagem descritiva histórica para analisar as relações comerciais entre a Nigéria e o Brasil, de 1960 a 2010, com o propósito de formar um quadro desse intercâmbio, assim como a constituição dele. Também objetiva analisar seus acordos. A finalidade disso é descobrir se o quadro das relações comerciais entre o Brasil e a Nigéria (um país emergente e um país em desenvolvimento) é uma reprodução de o das relações comerciais entre um país avançado e um país em desenvolvimento, assim como saber se o foco dos seus acordos está nas relações comerciais ou na cooperação técnica Sul-Sul já que o discurso político coloca muita ênfase no uso da cooperação técnica para alcançar um perfil industrial e reduzir a assimetria entre os eixos socioeconômicos do Norte-Norte e do Sul-Sul. Vale ressaltar que o quadro das relações Norte-Sul retrata as relações de dependência econômica dos países em desenvolvimento, com o mundo desenvolvido, uma vez que os últimos são, principalmente, exportadores de matérias-primas e importadores de produtos manufaturados. Segundo a nossa análise do intercâmbio Brasil-Nigéria, a Nigéria tem um saldo de superávit, porém, esse quadro já apresenta uma reprodução do quadro das relações comerciais entre um país do Norte e um país do Sul já que o principal produto das importações brasileiras é um produto básico, o óleo bruto, enquanto os principais produtos das suas exportações são os manufaturados. Isto por causa da sua crescente capacidade industrial. Ademais, a análise dos seus acordos demonstra maior concentração nas relações comerciais. Isto demonstra a importância de desdobramentos políticos em relação ao discurso político sobre a cooperação técnica Sul-Sul, e maior esforço por parte do governo nigeriano nas suas políticas domésticas e econômicas para alcançar desenvolvimento industrial. / This article aims at using a descriptive approach to analyze historical trade relations between Nigeria and Brazil, from 1960 to 2010, with the purpose of having a clear picture of its components and its pattern. It also aims to analyze their bilateral agreements. The purpose of this is to find out whether Brazil and Nigeria trade relations (trade relations between an emerging country and a developing country) is a reproduction of that between an advanced country and a developing country, as well as to know if the focus of their bilateral accords is on their trade relations, or on South-South technical cooperation. The political discourse places a lot of emphasis on the use of this kind of cooperation to gain industrial ability, as well as to reduce the asymmetry of the socioeconomic divide between the North-South and South-South. It is worth noting that the framework of North-South relations portrays the economic dependence of developing countries on the developed world, since these first are mainly exporters of raw materials and importers of manufactured goods. According to our analysis of the Brazil-Nigeria trade relations, Nigeria has a surplus balance, however, this situation already shows a reproduction of the trade relations pattern between a developed country and a developing country, since Brazilian main import is a basic commodity, crude oil, while the its main exports are manufactured goods. This is as a result of its growing industrial strength. Furthermore, the analysis of their bilateral agreements demonstrates greater focus on their trade. This shows that more efforts and actions have to be put behind the political discourse about South-South technical cooperation in order to effectively realize it, and even greater efforts made by the Nigerian government through its domestic policies to achieve economic and industrial development.

Biyi Bandele est un écrivain d'origine nigériane dont l'œuvre novatrice et très riche reste encore peu connue du milieu universitaire en France. Aucune étude de grande ampleur n'a encore été consacrée à sa production et le présent travail essaie de combler ce grand vide. Cette étude qui s'appuie principalement sur les quatre romans de l'auteur a pour objectif de montrer que Biyi Bandele est un romancier carnavalesque et que tout son effort consiste à s'interroger sur les conditions de vie de ses concitoyens nigérians, la nature du pouvoir politique et ses modes d'exercice et les raisons pour lesquelles la construction d'une vraie nation semble impossible au Nigeria tant d'années après l'indépendance. A travers ces diverses interrogations, Biyi Bandele peint surtout un pays dont l'état de déconfiture et d'anomie est tel qu'il semble inconcevable d'en rendre compte avec les moyens traditionnels du roman réaliste européen. Mais grâce à son exceptionnel talent de conteur, Biyi Bandele réussit à nous faire prendre conscience de cette réalité grâce à une langue riche, et un nouvel art de conter inspiré des traditions yoruba et d'autres éléments de la culture populaire nigériane. / Biyi Bandele is a Nigerian writer whose innovative and very rich writings are still little known by academics in France. No large-scale study has been devoted to his writings yet, and this work tries to make up for this gap. This study which is mainly based on the four novels written by Biyi Bandele aims at showing that he is a Carnivalesque novelist and that all of his effort consists in raising questions about the living conditions of his fellow countrymen, the nature of political power and its functioning, and the reasons why nation-building seems impossible in Nigeria so many years after independence . Through these different questions, Biyi Bandele mainly portrays a country in shambles, in such a state of anomy that one can no longer rely on the means of the Europen realist novel to render its situation. But thanks to his exceptional talent as a storyteller, Biyi Bandele manages to make us become aware of this reality by inventing a rich language and a new way of telling story inspired by yoruba traditions and other elements of Nigerian popular culture.

La Responsabilité Sociale des Entreprises (RSE) contemporaine au Nigériaest née de la crise des Ogonis dans les années 1990. Shell et d’autres compagniespétrolières, opérant dans le Delta du Niger, ont essayé de préserver leur réputation à lasuite de la crise, en se présentant comme des acteurs socialement sensibles. Depuis lors,la RSE est devenue une pratique et une politique courante dans les principaux secteurs del’activité économique nationale. Sa mise en oeuvre se traduit principalement par descontributions au développement local à travers la mise à disposition des infrastructuressocio-économiques de base. D'autres dimensions de la RSE ont été largement ignorées etrestent inappliquées. Pourtant, les entreprises, notamment les compagnies pétrolièresmultinationales, en reconnaissent d'autres aspects. Cette recherche examine donc lesraisons de cette disparité entre la conceptualisation et la mise en oeuvre de RSE dans lepays. Elle suggère que la RSE au Nigéria n’est pas seulement conditionnée par le cadrenormatif international et le contexte institutionnel local, mais aussi par les objectifs desacteurs impliqués. / The Ogoni crisis of the 1990s marked the debut of contemporary CorporateSocial Responsibility (CSR) in Nigeria. Shell and other oil companies operating in the NigerDelta tried to salvage their tarnished reputation in the wake of the crisis by presentingthemselves as socially responsive actors. Since then there has been a remarkableexpansion in CSR activities in the all key economic sectors of the country. These haveprincipally focused on contributing to local development through the provision of basicsocioeconomic infrastructures. Other dimensions of CSR have been largely ignored andremain unapplied. Yet enterprises, especially multinational oil companies, acknowledge thatthere are other aspects. This study examines the reasons for this disparity between theconceptualisation and the implementation of CSR in the country. This study suggests thatthe CSR is not only determined by contextual/institutional factors (local and international)but also by the objectives of actors involved.

Submitted by José Joaquim de Araújo Filho (jjfilho2@yahoo.com) on 2017-05-29T12:47:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Africa Seja Aqui ARAÚJO FILHO.pdf: 77372209 bytes, checksum: 63b14679c8bda43841b3f2fa837e473e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Hozana Azevedo (hazevedo@ufba.br) on 2017-08-17T13:36:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Africa Seja Aqui ARAÚJO FILHO.pdf: 77372209 bytes, checksum: 63b14679c8bda43841b3f2fa837e473e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-17T13:36:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Africa Seja Aqui ARAÚJO FILHO.pdf: 77372209 bytes, checksum: 63b14679c8bda43841b3f2fa837e473e (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico- CNPq / A presente pesquisa de Mestrado em Museologia investiga as três Casas de Culturas Africanas constituídas no centro histórico da cidade do Salvador, sendo uma pública – Casa do Benin (1988), gerida pela Fundação Municipal Gregório de Mattos – e duas privadas – Casa de Angola (1999) e Casa da Nigéria (2008), mantidas pelos seus respectivos governos. A criação dessas casas esteve atrelada à vontade política de seus gestores públicos, mas, também, à crescente valorização das raízes africanas que se deu a partir da década de 1970 e, sobretudo, ao processo de “reafricanização” da cidade, impulsionado pelas incipientes indústrias cultural, de entretenimento e de turismo. Procura, ainda, compreender como a África Negra está representada nesses espaços expográficos a partir das análises descritivas e analíticas de suas exposições etnográficas de longa duração. Dessa forma, a pesquisa dialoga com o histórico da formação dessas Casas de Culturas, incluindo seu caráter político, e com a Museologia, no que tange à comunicação museológica de artefatos etnográficos destituídos de suas funções originais. A Semiótica e a Antropologia também fornecem subsídios na compreensão do processo representacional desses artefatos musealizados. Busca-se, então, compreender como a África Negra está representada nesses espaços museais e quais as conexões e diálogos que essas exposições podem estabelecer com a cidade “negra”. As análises apontaram que estas instituições tendem a representar as culturas africanas de formas estereotipadas. / The present research investigates the three African Cultural Houses constituted in the historical center of the city of Salvador, one being public – Benin Cultural House (1988), managed by the Gregorio de Mattos City Hall Cultural Foundation - and two private ones - Angola Cultural House (1999) and Nigeria Cultural House (2008), maintained by their respective governments. The creation of these houses was linked to the political will of their state agents, but also to the growing recognition of the African cultural heritage that began in the 1970s and, above all, to the process of "reafricanization" of the city, driven by the cultural, entertainment and tourism incipient industries. It also seeks to understand how Black Africa is represented in these spaces through descriptive and analytical analyzes of their long-term ethnographic exhibitions. Thus, the research dialogues with the history of the formation of these Cultural Houses, including their political issues, and with the Museology, regarding the museological communication of ethnographic artifacts devoid of their original functions. Semiotics and Anthropology also provide insights into the representational process of these museum artifacts. It seeks to understand how Black Africa is represented in these museums' spaces and what connections and dialogues these exhibitions can establish with the "black" city. The analyzes pointed out that these institutions tend to represent African cultures in a stereotyped way.

Este artigo tem por objetivo utilizar uma abordagem descritiva histórica para analisar as relações comerciais entre a Nigéria e o Brasil, de 1960 a 2010, com o propósito de formar um quadro desse intercâmbio, assim como a constituição dele. Também objetiva analisar seus acordos. A finalidade disso é descobrir se o quadro das relações comerciais entre o Brasil e a Nigéria (um país emergente e um país em desenvolvimento) é uma reprodução de o das relações comerciais entre um país avançado e um país em desenvolvimento, assim como saber se o foco dos seus acordos está nas relações comerciais ou na cooperação técnica Sul-Sul já que o discurso político coloca muita ênfase no uso da cooperação técnica para alcançar um perfil industrial e reduzir a assimetria entre os eixos socioeconômicos do Norte-Norte e do Sul-Sul. Vale ressaltar que o quadro das relações Norte-Sul retrata as relações de dependência econômica dos países em desenvolvimento, com o mundo desenvolvido, uma vez que os últimos são, principalmente, exportadores de matérias-primas e importadores de produtos manufaturados. Segundo a nossa análise do intercâmbio Brasil-Nigéria, a Nigéria tem um saldo de superávit, porém, esse quadro já apresenta uma reprodução do quadro das relações comerciais entre um país do Norte e um país do Sul já que o principal produto das importações brasileiras é um produto básico, o óleo bruto, enquanto os principais produtos das suas exportações são os manufaturados. Isto por causa da sua crescente capacidade industrial. Ademais, a análise dos seus acordos demonstra maior concentração nas relações comerciais. Isto demonstra a importância de desdobramentos políticos em relação ao discurso político sobre a cooperação técnica Sul-Sul, e maior esforço por parte do governo nigeriano nas suas políticas domésticas e econômicas para alcançar desenvolvimento industrial. / This article aims at using a descriptive approach to analyze historical trade relations between Nigeria and Brazil, from 1960 to 2010, with the purpose of having a clear picture of its components and its pattern. It also aims to analyze their bilateral agreements. The purpose of this is to find out whether Brazil and Nigeria trade relations (trade relations between an emerging country and a developing country) is a reproduction of that between an advanced country and a developing country, as well as to know if the focus of their bilateral accords is on their trade relations, or on South-South technical cooperation. The political discourse places a lot of emphasis on the use of this kind of cooperation to gain industrial ability, as well as to reduce the asymmetry of the socioeconomic divide between the North-South and South-South. It is worth noting that the framework of North-South relations portrays the economic dependence of developing countries on the developed world, since these first are mainly exporters of raw materials and importers of manufactured goods. According to our analysis of the Brazil-Nigeria trade relations, Nigeria has a surplus balance, however, this situation already shows a reproduction of the trade relations pattern between a developed country and a developing country, since Brazilian main import is a basic commodity, crude oil, while the its main exports are manufactured goods. This is as a result of its growing industrial strength. Furthermore, the analysis of their bilateral agreements demonstrates greater focus on their trade. This shows that more efforts and actions have to be put behind the political discourse about South-South technical cooperation in order to effectively realize it, and even greater efforts made by the Nigerian government through its domestic policies to achieve economic and industrial development.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-10-11T11:42:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 priscilladecarvalhomaiaventura.pdf: 1183551 bytes, checksum: 4ead0853680bdd66398d3eb51033bed9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-10-16T13:52:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 priscilladecarvalhomaiaventura.pdf: 1183551 bytes, checksum: 4ead0853680bdd66398d3eb51033bed9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-16T13:52:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 priscilladecarvalhomaiaventura.pdf: 1183551 bytes, checksum: 4ead0853680bdd66398d3eb51033bed9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-13 / A presente dissertação propõe o estudo das consequências da dominação colonial britânica sobre a República Federal da Nigéria no que concerne à religião, educação, língua, raça e gênero, tendo como objetos de análise Things Fall Apart (1958) de Chinua Achebe e Purple Hibiscus (2003) de Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. A maneira de ler e produzir literatura vem se metamorfoseando ao longo dos séculos XX e XXI, abrindo espaço para que despontem as literaturas pós-coloniais, isto é, obras que possuem como atributo comum o fato de emergirem da experiência da colonização. Impulsionada por este contexto, a produção literária africana vem conquistando espaço e notoriedade no cenário mundial. Este trabalho busca relacionar literatura e situação sócio-política, trazendo para o debate vozes historicamente silenciadas e abrindo possibilidades de resistência às perspectivas impostas pelo olhar do colonizador, através da investigação da literatura nigeriana. Embora o período de dominação britânica sobre a Nigéria tenha chegado ao fim, as consequências de tal política ainda se fazem presentes no cotidiano daquele povo, seja na religião tradicional brutalmente substituída pelo cristianismo, nos idiomas autóctones que perdem lugar para a língua inglesa, no sistema de aprendizado estrangeiro que toma o lugar do ensino familiar ou na valorização da pele branca e do sistema patriarcal de poder. Tendo destacado papel no estabelecimento da estrutura colonial, busca-se aqui converter a literatura em instrumento de libertação. / The present thesis proposes the study of the consequences of British colonialism over the Federal Republic of Nigeria concerning religion, education, language, race and gender, having as objects of analyses Things Fall Apart (1958) by Chinua Achebe and Purple Hibiscus (2003) by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. The way in which literature is written and read has been changing throughout the 20th and 21st centuries, opening space to the postcolonial literatures, that is, literatures that have as a common background the fact that they come from the experience of colonialism. Propelled by this context, African literary production has been achieving space and renown in the global scenery. This work aims to relate literature and social-political situation, bringing to the debate historically silenced voices, opening possibilities to resist the colonial gaze while investigating the Nigerian literature. Even though the british colonial rule has come to an end, the consequences of this politics are still present in the daily lives of that people, in the fact that traditional religion was brutally substituted by Christianism, in the ancient languages replaced by English, in the educational system that took over home schooling, in the valorization of white skin and the patriarchal power system. Literature has a central role in establishing colonial structures and this work tries to convert literature into a liberation tool.

Cette thèse cherche à mieux comprendre le rôle de la dimension visuelle dans les conflits contemporains en produisant des données empiriques sur les images, leur production, leur circulation et leurs réceptions dans deux cas d’études. Ces deux cas sont les confit urbain autour du trafic de drogue et du Primeiro Comando da Capital à Sao Paulo, et celui de l’insurrection de Boko Haram au Nigéria, Tchad et Cameroun. Cette approche montre que les conflits sont l’objet de controverses sur leurs définitions. Les acteurs de ces conflits tentent tous d’imposer des cadrages (framing) et interprétations de la situation en se servant des images. Quand les acteurs ne produisent pas d’images, ils sont forcés de proposer des interprétations de ces images. Pour montrer le rôle des images dans les controverses des deux conflits étudiés, deux concepts ont été élaborés. Le premier est celui de régime d’images qui correspond à des modes de fonctionnement de ces images permettant d'expliquer leur pouvoir sur les controverses. Ce concept est appliqué aux deux cas pour montrer les dynamiques visuelles propres à chaque conflit. Dans le cas de Boko Haram, nous identifions deux régimes, dont l’un a internationalisé le conflit. A Sao Paulo, les régimes d’images identifiés construisent les positions au sein de la controverse sur la violence. La thèse fait aussi l’hypothèse d’un capital esthétique des groupes armés qui pourrait être converti en capital militaire. Nous validons cette hypothèse en montrant le rôle de ce capital pour Boko Haram et le PCC. Les deux groupes s’efforcent de reprendre les codes visuels de l’Etat islamique pour manifester leur antagonisme politique. / This thesis aims at understanding the visual dimension of contemporary armed conflicts. To do so it presents empirical datas on the pictures, their production, circulation and reception during two armed conflicts. The first case is the urban conflict around drug trafficking and the Primeiro Comando da Capital in Sao Paulo. The second one is the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon. This approach shows that contemporary conflicts are entangled in controversies about their meaning and definition. The actors of theses conflicts try to impose their own framing and their interpretation of the conflict using pictures. When the actors do not produce images, they are forced to advance some interpretations of the pictures. To identify the role of images in controversies relating to armed conflicts the thesis develops two concepts. The first one is the « regime d’images ». It underlines the modes of functionment of these images and makes it possible to explain their power over the controversies. This concept is used to show the different dynamics in the two cases. Regarding the Boko Haram insurgency, one of the « regime d’image » contributed to the internationalization of the conflict. In Sao Paulo the regimes of images reinforce the different positions of the actors in the controversy. The thesis also develops the idea of aesthetic capital of armed groups. This aesthetic capital can be transformed into military capital. We validate this hypothesis showing how this capital worked for the PCC and Boko Haram. The two groups are forced to adopt the visual codes and the aesthetic of the Islamic State to manifest their political antagonism.

L’influence montante de la Chine en Afrique est souvent analysée comme la simple exprsssion d’unevolonté étatique chinoise. Le rôle des migrants et diasporas contribue pourtant de manière primordialeau dynamisme des échanges. C’est notamment le cas des Chinois au Nigér ia. Entre la Chine et leNigéria, les relations inter-étatiques sont peu significatives, contrairement aux échanges initiés par laprésence de migrants et entrepreneurs chinois. Implantées solidement dans les tissus économiques duNigéria, les communautés chinoises créent une dynamique forte qui associe affaires et politique. Lathèse met en lumière et analyse à partir d’observations participantes et d’entretiens (formels etinformels) , le rôle d’impulsion joué par une « diaspora économique » largement autonome par rapportaux relations officielles. Elle décrypte les stratégies du quotidien et l'importance de ces individusordinaires et leurs actions, entretenus essentiellement par les réseaux de toute nature, dans l’animationdes relations sino-nigérianes. / The rising influence of China in Africa is often considered as the mere expression of the will theChinese state. The role of migrants and Diasporas contributes decisively to the dynamism of theseinteractions. This is notably the case of the Chinese in Nigeria. Between China and Nigeria, inter-staterelations carry little significance, unlike the interactions associated with the presence of Chinesemigrants and entrepreneurs. The Chinese communities are solidly anchored in the Nigerian economicissue, and they create a momentum that combines business with politics. The thesis highlights anddiscusses, through observer-participant observations and interviews (both formally and informallyconducted) the impulse given by an 'economic Diaspora' that remains largely autonomous vis a visofficial relations. We analyze daily strategies and contrast these with official relations. In doing so, thethesis decrypts the daily strategies and the importance of ordinary individuals and their networks in thedevelopment of a diversity of networks that contribute, in their own way, to deepen Sino-Nigerianinteractions.