The impact of the law on the lives of homeless people in Queensland has, to date, remained largely unexplored by legal academics and researchers. This is despite the fact that homeless people experience a number of legal difficulties that seriously affect their lives. This thesis by published papers aims to make a significant and original contribution to filling this gap in the research evidence by presenting the results of analyses of the legal, theoretical and practical issues that arise in the context of homeless persons' interactions with the legal system in Queensland. Most notably, it is comprised of three pieces of empirical research which identify those areas of law that impact most on homeless people in Queensland and explore the consequences of the operation of these laws on their lives. In sum, this thesis examines the extent of the law's influence on the lives of homeless people in Queensland, and finds that the consequences of the law's operation on homeless people in Queensland are serious. The thesis first examines the effect on Queensland's homeless people of laws which regulate behaviour conducted in public space. The criminal offences of vagrancy, begging and public nuisance are analysed; their historical origins, the reasons for their retention on modern statute books, and arguments in favour of their repeal are discussed. The impact of 'public space law' on homeless people in Queensland is also explored through a survey of 30 homeless people residing in inner-city Brisbane. This part of the thesis concludes that public space law in Queensland results in breaches of homeless persons' human rights, as well as the contravention of rule of law principles. The thesis then explores the impact of the law on homeless persons' experiences of citizenship. Empirical research and theoretical analysis demonstrate that the application of various laws, particularly public space laws, social security laws and electoral laws, encroaches on homeless persons' citizenship rights. The thesis then reports on the results of a unique survey of Queensland's homelessness service providers. This survey is the most extensive piece of empirical research ever conducted on the extent to which various laws impact on homeless people. Respondents were asked to indicate which areas of law impact most adversely on their homeless clients. Based on the research findings outlined above, the hypothesis was that criminal law issues, particularly public space offences, would be proven to impact particularly adversely on homeless people in Queensland. Somewhat unexpectedly, the findings of the survey indicated that fines law, debt law and family law difficulties are those legal difficulties most often encountered by homeless people in Queensland. Difficulties produced by criminal laws, social security laws and electoral laws, while still generally relevant, rated less highly. However, the survey did demonstrate that experiences differ between sub-groups within the homeless population, for example Indigenous homeless people were reported to be most affected by criminal law issues, while young homeless people were reported to be most affected by social security law issues. Together, the five papers which comprise this thesis make an original and substantial contribution to knowledge by identifying empirically for the first time the various laws that have a significant impact on the lives of homeless people in Queensland, and analysing the consequences of this in terms of their effect on homeless persons' citizenship rights, human rights and rule of law entitlements.

當全世界風起雲湧將目光投注中共自2004年開始建置之「孔子學院」佈局全球，甚至引發新一波中國「文化威脅論」之際，中共另一「軟實力」（Soft Power）卻正悄悄崛起，其受中共國家領導人重視程度較「孔子學院」有過之而無不及，定位與位階也遠遠高於「孔子學院」之上，那是直屬中國文化部之海外「中國文化中心」。 　　中共於海外設立「中國文化中心」是其整體文化「走出去」戰略實踐方案之一，具有因應國際背景與現實需求、提高國家文化地位、擴大對外影響力與軟實力、以及加深中西文明對話與認同的目的；而在海外設立文化中心是二戰之後全球主要強權國家普遍採用的文化「走出去」戰略，是其推廣本國文化、傳播思想價值、樹立國家形象的重要方式，也是提升國家軟實力重要平臺。 　　在中共30年傲人的經濟發展下，自江澤民於1988年在非洲模里西斯及貝寧設立海外「中國文化中心」開始，目前已在全球建成30個海外「中國文化中心」，預定在2020年達成建設50家的目標，確定從「經濟走出去」到「文化走出去」之戰略布局。近年來，隨著中國國際地位和影響力的迅速提升，海外「中國文化中心」的發展來到前所未有的機遇；惟全球設立家數與主要強權如法國、英國、德國等，仍有相當差距且分布不均，未來中共如何運用中國綜合國力及落實提高國家軟實力，明確制定宏觀總體戰略布局以展現全球文化「魅力攻勢」有其迫切性與挑戰性。 / When the world pays more attention to the Confucius Institute, which has been built by the Chinese Communist Party since 2004, even sparked a new wave of culture threat theory, the other soft power of the Chinese Communist Party is quietly rising. That is the Overseas China Cultural Center, which is affiliated with the Ministry of Culture of the People's Republic of China. It is not only highly valued by the leaders of the CCP than the Confucius Institute, but also has a much higher position and rank than the Confucius Institute. 　　The Overseas China Cultural Center is one of the practices of its comprehensive culture going out strategy by the Chinese Communist Party. It has the purpose of improving the national cultural status, expanding its influence and soft power in response to the international affairs and realistic needs, and deepening the dialogue and identity between Chinese and Western civilizations. The establishment of the Cultural Center abroad is a major policy of culture going out strategy between great powers around the world after World War II. It is an important approach to promote national culture, disseminate ideological value and establish a national image. It is also an important platform to enhance national soft power. 　　In the 30 years of economic development of the Chinese Communist Party, President Jiang Zemin has set up the first overseas China Cultural Center in the Republic of Mauritius and the Republic of Benin in 1988. So far, it has been built 30 Cultural Centers in the world. China Cultural Center is also scheduled to reach 50 targets by 2020. The layout of going out strategy was transitioned from economy to culture. In recent years, with the rapid advancement of China's international status and influence, the development of overseas China cultural center has come to unprecedented opportunities. However, there is still a considerable gap in the number of centers with great powers, such as France, the United Kingdom, and Germany, etc. How can the Chinese Communist Party employ its comprehensive national strength and implement the national soft power in the future, and it is urgent and challenging to formulate the overall strategic layout to demonstrate the global cultural charm offensive.

Ce mémoire analyse la stratégie d’affirmation de puissance mise en oeuvre par la Chine dans le contexte post-Guerre froide, caractérisé par la seule superpuissance des États-Unis, en utilisant le cadre théorique du réalisme offensif. Challenger désigné des États-Unis, la Chine a basculé dans le 21ème siècle avec un défi important à relever. La prépondérance américaine continue d’être une donnée essentielle dans le système politique mondial. Les États-Unis produisent plus du quart du total de l’économie mondiale et comptent pour près de la moitié des dépenses militaires. La Chine, de son côté, avec ses 1.3 milliards d’habitants, une croissance économique quasiexponentielle, dotée d’un arsenal nucléaire conventionnel, est la principale puissance émergente, avec le potentiel de rivaliser avec les États-Unis dans les affaires mondiales. Mais, vu l’énorme écart qui les sépare, pour la Chine la question de l’hégémonie américaine se pose sous la forme d’une équation dont la seule variable connue est le potentiel de l’adversaire à affronter. Le principal problème auquel la Chine est confrontée est dès lors sa capacité de penser une stratégie sans toutefois courir le risque de provoquer la seule superpuissance du globe. Par conséquent, cette étude analyse les politiques et actions stratégiques développées par la Chine à la lumière des contraintes que lui impose un environnement international peu favorable. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la manière dont Beijing a su exploiter avec maestria une des armes les plus redoutables de l’ère post-Guerre froide, sa puissance économique, afin de consolider son ascension au rang de grande puissance. Elle soutient que, tenant compte d’un retard considérable à combler, la Chine a entrepris de balancer la superpuissance américaine d’une manière pragmatique. A cet effet, elle a conçu une stratégie qui comprend deux grands piliers : sur le plan interne, des réformes économiques et militaires ; sur le plan externe, une diplomatie agressive et efficace en adéquation avec ses ambitions de puissance. Nous concluons qu’une telle stratégie vise à éviter à la Chine pour le moment tout risque de confrontation directe qui aurait pour principal effet de nuire à son ascension. Cependant, à mesure que sa puissance s’accroît, elle pourrait afficher une posture plus agressive, quitte à engager également, avec la seule superpuissance du monde, des compétitions de nature sécuritaire en Asie et au-delà de cette région. / This research analyzes the power strategy implemented by China in the post-cold war context characterized by an only superpower, the United States, by using offensive realism as a theoretical framework. Designated challenger of the United States, China tilted into the 21st century with an important challenge to confront. The American ascendancy continues to be an essential fact in the world political system. The United States produces more than one fourth of the total of the world economy and counts for nearly half of the military expenditures. China, for its part, with 1.3 billion inhabitants, a quasi-exponential economic growth, endowed with a conventional nuclear arsenal, is the main emerging power, with the potential to compete with the United States in world affairs. But, considering the enormous gap separating them, for China the question of the American hegemony arises under the shape of an equation, the only known variable of which is the potential of its adversary. The main problem China then faces is its ability to think of a strategy without however running a risk of provoking the only superpower of the globe. Consequently, this work analyzes the policies and the strategic actions developed by China in light of the constraints imposed by a less favorable international environment. Its main focus is how Beijing exploited with great panache one of the most redoubtable weapons of the post-cold war era, its economic power, to strengthen its ascent to the rank of major power. It contends that, taking into account a considerable delay to catch up, China began to balance the American superpower in a pragmatic way. To that purpose, it conceived a strategy which includes two main pillars: internally, economic and military reforms; externally, an aggressive and effective diplomacy in adequacy with its power ambitions. This analysis concludes that the aim of china’s strategy is to avoid for the moment every risk of direct confrontation which would have for main effect to damage its rise. However, as its power increases, it might tend to show a more aggressive posture, even if it means also engaging, with the only superpower of the world, in competitions of a security nature in Asia and beyond this region.

Le 18 juin 1815, Napoléon fut renversé à Waterloo, mais son art de la guerre survécut. Il s'agit de cet art militaire qu'il avait révolutionné et dont d'autres firent de nombreuses applications longtemps après sa disparition. S'inspirant des méthodes des théoriciens du XVIIIe siècle, il avait privilégié la stratégie d'anéantissement dans la conduite d'opérations militaires et se classait ainsi dans la catégorie des stratèges recherchant avant tout la bataille décisive en vue de détruire les forces ennemies. À la lumière des tactiques et stratégies que Bonaparte utilisa dans ses plus célèbres campagnes, cette thèse tentera de dégager les méthodes napoléoniennes qui furent le plus souvent utilisées au cours de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. Les conflits étudiés durant cette période seront la guerre de Crimée (1853-1856), la campagne d'Italie (1859), la guerre de Sécession américaine (1861-1865), la guerre austro-prussienne (1866) et la guerre franco-prussienne (1870-1871). Cette recherche tiendra compte non seulement de l'influence des progrès de l'armement et des moyens de transport et de communication sur l'art de la guerre en général, mais aussi du contexte économique, financier, politique et militaire des États bélligérants de cette époque. Parmi les nombreux exégètes de Bonaparte du XIXe siècle, deux théoriciens militaires en particulier, Clausewitz et Jomini, se distinguèrent dans l'interprétation savante de la guerre napoléonienne. Tout en analysant l'impact des méthodes de l'Empereur dans les guerres selectionnées, nous allons déterminer dans quelle mesure la vision jominienne des campagnes de Bonaparte divergeait de celle de Clausewitz en ce qui concerne les conflits traités. Nous aborderons ensuite l'influence napoléonienne sur l'administration, l'organisation et les marches des armées impliquées dans les guerres en question et nous porterons une attention particulière à l'impact du système militaire de Bonaparte sur certains aspects du déroulement même des combats. Nous terminerons cette étude par un bref aperçu sur les enseignements que les militaires au XIXe siècle purent dégager des campagnes napoléoniennes pour la conduite des guerres de l'avenir. / On June 18, 1815, Napoleon was defeated at the battle of Waterloo, but his revolutionary warfare survived long after he was gone, and it was put into application in many instances. Inspired by some of the most famous theoreticians of the XVIIIth century, he had favored the strategy of annihilation in the conduct of his military operations, and thus ranked among those strategists who were seeking decisive battles in order to destroy all enemy forces. Based on the strategy and tactics that the Emperor used in his most famous campaigns, this thesis will attempt to highlight the extent to which they were applied during the second half of the XIXth century. The conflicts analysed during this period of time will be the Crimean War (1853-1856), the Italian Campaign (1859), the american Civil War (1861-1865), the Austro-prussian War (1866) and the Franco-prussian War (1870-1871). This study will consider the impact of the advances of technology in the fields of weaponry, and means of transportation and communication, as well as the economic, financial, political and military contexts of the warring nations at that time. In the XIXth century, two military thinkers, Clausewitz and Jomini, emerged as the most notorious interpreters of napoleonic warfare. In the course of our analysis of Napoleon's methods in the above-mentionned conflicts, we will also try to determine the extent to which Jomini's vision of Bonaparte's campaigns differed from that of Clausewitz. We will then analyse Napoleon's infleunce in the administration, organisation and marches of the armies involved in the selected wars, and will pay particular attention to the impact of his warfare on specific aspects of the battles themselves. The final analysis will outline the lessons that the military in the long run drew from Napoleon's campaigns.

Title: The game analysis of the performance of the creative players in professional football. Objectives: The aim of the work is to analyse the success of creative players in professional football. The study of the literature to find out the requirements for the exercise of creative players and we will analyze the success by the facts on the basis of indirect observations of gaming performance in the selected master games. Findings will evaluate the application and subsequently we will formulate specific recommendations for the practice. Methods: We carry out analysis method of indirect observations with the help of videos of selected events and subsequent analysis. Results: Analysis of selected game actions in the attack phase of the game in the middle of the center ofensive player, and their success. Keywords: Football, the offensive phase of the game, individual game performance, creativity in football, the disposition of the players on the field, diagnostics in football.

Ce mémoire analyse la stratégie d’affirmation de puissance mise en oeuvre par la Chine dans le contexte post-Guerre froide, caractérisé par la seule superpuissance des États-Unis, en utilisant le cadre théorique du réalisme offensif. Challenger désigné des États-Unis, la Chine a basculé dans le 21ème siècle avec un défi important à relever. La prépondérance américaine continue d’être une donnée essentielle dans le système politique mondial. Les États-Unis produisent plus du quart du total de l’économie mondiale et comptent pour près de la moitié des dépenses militaires. La Chine, de son côté, avec ses 1.3 milliards d’habitants, une croissance économique quasiexponentielle, dotée d’un arsenal nucléaire conventionnel, est la principale puissance émergente, avec le potentiel de rivaliser avec les États-Unis dans les affaires mondiales. Mais, vu l’énorme écart qui les sépare, pour la Chine la question de l’hégémonie américaine se pose sous la forme d’une équation dont la seule variable connue est le potentiel de l’adversaire à affronter. Le principal problème auquel la Chine est confrontée est dès lors sa capacité de penser une stratégie sans toutefois courir le risque de provoquer la seule superpuissance du globe. Par conséquent, cette étude analyse les politiques et actions stratégiques développées par la Chine à la lumière des contraintes que lui impose un environnement international peu favorable. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la manière dont Beijing a su exploiter avec maestria une des armes les plus redoutables de l’ère post-Guerre froide, sa puissance économique, afin de consolider son ascension au rang de grande puissance. Elle soutient que, tenant compte d’un retard considérable à combler, la Chine a entrepris de balancer la superpuissance américaine d’une manière pragmatique. A cet effet, elle a conçu une stratégie qui comprend deux grands piliers : sur le plan interne, des réformes économiques et militaires ; sur le plan externe, une diplomatie agressive et efficace en adéquation avec ses ambitions de puissance. Nous concluons qu’une telle stratégie vise à éviter à la Chine pour le moment tout risque de confrontation directe qui aurait pour principal effet de nuire à son ascension. Cependant, à mesure que sa puissance s’accroît, elle pourrait afficher une posture plus agressive, quitte à engager également, avec la seule superpuissance du monde, des compétitions de nature sécuritaire en Asie et au-delà de cette région. / This research analyzes the power strategy implemented by China in the post-cold war context characterized by an only superpower, the United States, by using offensive realism as a theoretical framework. Designated challenger of the United States, China tilted into the 21st century with an important challenge to confront. The American ascendancy continues to be an essential fact in the world political system. The United States produces more than one fourth of the total of the world economy and counts for nearly half of the military expenditures. China, for its part, with 1.3 billion inhabitants, a quasi-exponential economic growth, endowed with a conventional nuclear arsenal, is the main emerging power, with the potential to compete with the United States in world affairs. But, considering the enormous gap separating them, for China the question of the American hegemony arises under the shape of an equation, the only known variable of which is the potential of its adversary. The main problem China then faces is its ability to think of a strategy without however running a risk of provoking the only superpower of the globe. Consequently, this work analyzes the policies and the strategic actions developed by China in light of the constraints imposed by a less favorable international environment. Its main focus is how Beijing exploited with great panache one of the most redoubtable weapons of the post-cold war era, its economic power, to strengthen its ascent to the rank of major power. It contends that, taking into account a considerable delay to catch up, China began to balance the American superpower in a pragmatic way. To that purpose, it conceived a strategy which includes two main pillars: internally, economic and military reforms; externally, an aggressive and effective diplomacy in adequacy with its power ambitions. This analysis concludes that the aim of china’s strategy is to avoid for the moment every risk of direct confrontation which would have for main effect to damage its rise. However, as its power increases, it might tend to show a more aggressive posture, even if it means also engaging, with the only superpower of the world, in competitions of a security nature in Asia and beyond this region.

南海爭端近幾年區域緊張情勢不斷升高。中國已將南海列為「核心利益」，而美國則將南海視為「國家利益」。基此，這顯現中美兩國在南海議題的積極作為，雙方在其處理南海議題的戰略架構下，兩國主要舉措均在外交與軍事層面上針鋒相對。外交上中國以「睦鄰外交」，穩定周邊局勢，美國則運用「前沿部署外交」拉攏東亞各國；兩國對於東協國家的態度將更為重視，亦是雙方外交戰略的重點所在，渠等均希望藉由東協國家的支持在南海議題上更有話語權。而軍事上中國以「反介入/區域拒止」的軍事作為防止域外國家介入其主權議題，而美國研擬「空海一體戰」除運用其強大的軍事科技實力外，欲結合各盟邦的力量，與其一同牽制中國的軍事行動。 綜上，在中美兩國相互的競逐作為下，佐以米爾斯海默之攻勢現實主義觀點，檢視中美兩國在南海之未來互動關係。潛在霸權國中國擁有眾多的人口與快速成長的經濟，並在南海整軍經武，試圖強化與東協甚或是東亞諸國的經貿互賴程度，且於處理亞洲事務中將美國排除在外，以取代美國擔任亞洲關鍵角色，尤其在南海的不妥協性，顯現出中國在此區域的主導性。另外，既存霸權國美國面對中國綜合國力崛起，則扮演「離岸平衡者」，融合「推諉卸責」、「均勢」之概念，拉攏東協及日本、印度等相關國家，共同制衡南海區域的權力失衡狀態，鞏固霸權地位。中美雙方皆將南海問題的層級提高，並且均欲爭取南海區域之領導地位，因此兩國在此區域未來將趨於競爭關係。 / The tension caused by the South China Sea dispute has been rising in recent years. China has listed the South China Sea as her “core interest”, while the U.S. considers the South China Sea as “national interest”. This, shows that both China and the U.S. have been acting aggressively on the South China Sea issue. Both sides, under their own strategic frames in dealing with the issues, square off over each other’s diplomatic and military acts. Diplomatically, China practices “Good Neighboring Diplomacy” to stabilize the relations with her surrounding neighbors, while the U.S. applies “Forward-Deployed Diplomacy” to bring together each country in East Asia to fight against China. The two countries value the attitude of the ASEAN members more than ever, and this is also the main focus of their diplomatic strategies; both desire to have more say on the South China Sea issue by gaining support from members of the ASEAN. In terms of military operation, China practices “Anti-Access/Area-Denial” to prevent other countries from intervening her sovereignty issues, while the U.S. crafts “Air-Sea Battle”, in which the U.S. applies her devastating military and technology power, and combines the force of each ally to rein China’s military operation. All in all, with the China-U.S. competition as the backdrop, and by referring to John Mearsheimer’s offensive realism, this study examines the future Sino-American relations in the South China Sea. China, as a potential hegemon, possesses a large population and a fast-growing economy; the state also conducts military operations in the South China Sea, with a view to consolidating the mutual economic and trade dependence of China and the ASEAN, even countries in East Asia. Moreover, China excludes the U.S. from dealing with tasks in Asia for the purpose of replacing the U.S. as the Asia’s key player. China’s intransigency in the South China Sea particularly reveals her dominance in the region. Besides, in facing China’s rise in all aspects, the U.S., as the current hegemon, plays the role of “The Off-shore Balancer”. By mixing "Buck-Passing" with "Balancing", the U.S. brings together countries involved in the issue such as the members of ASEAN, Japan, and India to collectively rein the power imbalance in the South China Sea, so as to consolidate her dominance. Both China and the U.S. have raised the level of the South China Sea issue, and have scrambled to gain the dominance in the South China Sea. Therefore, in the future, the two countries will become more of two competitors in this region.

Le 18 juin 1815, Napoléon fut renversé à Waterloo, mais son art de la guerre survécut. Il s'agit de cet art militaire qu'il avait révolutionné et dont d'autres firent de nombreuses applications longtemps après sa disparition. S'inspirant des méthodes des théoriciens du XVIIIe siècle, il avait privilégié la stratégie d'anéantissement dans la conduite d'opérations militaires et se classait ainsi dans la catégorie des stratèges recherchant avant tout la bataille décisive en vue de détruire les forces ennemies. À la lumière des tactiques et stratégies que Bonaparte utilisa dans ses plus célèbres campagnes, cette thèse tentera de dégager les méthodes napoléoniennes qui furent le plus souvent utilisées au cours de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. Les conflits étudiés durant cette période seront la guerre de Crimée (1853-1856), la campagne d'Italie (1859), la guerre de Sécession américaine (1861-1865), la guerre austro-prussienne (1866) et la guerre franco-prussienne (1870-1871). Cette recherche tiendra compte non seulement de l'influence des progrès de l'armement et des moyens de transport et de communication sur l'art de la guerre en général, mais aussi du contexte économique, financier, politique et militaire des États bélligérants de cette époque. Parmi les nombreux exégètes de Bonaparte du XIXe siècle, deux théoriciens militaires en particulier, Clausewitz et Jomini, se distinguèrent dans l'interprétation savante de la guerre napoléonienne. Tout en analysant l'impact des méthodes de l'Empereur dans les guerres selectionnées, nous allons déterminer dans quelle mesure la vision jominienne des campagnes de Bonaparte divergeait de celle de Clausewitz en ce qui concerne les conflits traités. Nous aborderons ensuite l'influence napoléonienne sur l'administration, l'organisation et les marches des armées impliquées dans les guerres en question et nous porterons une attention particulière à l'impact du système militaire de Bonaparte sur certains aspects du déroulement même des combats. Nous terminerons cette étude par un bref aperçu sur les enseignements que les militaires au XIXe siècle purent dégager des campagnes napoléoniennes pour la conduite des guerres de l'avenir. / On June 18, 1815, Napoleon was defeated at the battle of Waterloo, but his revolutionary warfare survived long after he was gone, and it was put into application in many instances. Inspired by some of the most famous theoreticians of the XVIIIth century, he had favored the strategy of annihilation in the conduct of his military operations, and thus ranked among those strategists who were seeking decisive battles in order to destroy all enemy forces. Based on the strategy and tactics that the Emperor used in his most famous campaigns, this thesis will attempt to highlight the extent to which they were applied during the second half of the XIXth century. The conflicts analysed during this period of time will be the Crimean War (1853-1856), the Italian Campaign (1859), the american Civil War (1861-1865), the Austro-prussian War (1866) and the Franco-prussian War (1870-1871). This study will consider the impact of the advances of technology in the fields of weaponry, and means of transportation and communication, as well as the economic, financial, political and military contexts of the warring nations at that time. In the XIXth century, two military thinkers, Clausewitz and Jomini, emerged as the most notorious interpreters of napoleonic warfare. In the course of our analysis of Napoleon's methods in the above-mentionned conflicts, we will also try to determine the extent to which Jomini's vision of Bonaparte's campaigns differed from that of Clausewitz. We will then analyse Napoleon's infleunce in the administration, organisation and marches of the armies involved in the selected wars, and will pay particular attention to the impact of his warfare on specific aspects of the battles themselves. The final analysis will outline the lessons that the military in the long run drew from Napoleon's campaigns.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-11T14:03:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruan Josemberg Silva Belem.pdf: 270710 bytes, checksum: 6becb4184530c335870aefc5042c2116 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-12 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / The World Wide Web is a huge source of diverse information, including offensive material such as pornography related content. This poses the problem of automatcally detecting offensive content as a way to avoid unauthorised access, for instance, by children or by employees during working hours. Although this sort of information is published in many forms, including text, sound and video, images are the most common form of publication of offensive content on the Web. Detecting offensive images can be considered as a classification problem. Given that images are part of Web pages, textual information can be used as important evidence along with the content extracted from images, such as colour, texture and shapes. This dissertation proposes two distinct approaches for automatic detection of offensive images on the Web. The first is based on image content, specifically colour. The second approach is based on textual terms extracted from the Web page that present the images. After evidence extraction the classification is performed using the SVM technique, based on a collection of 1000 offensive images and 1000 non-offensive images for training. Experiments carried out have shown that both approaches are effective, although they rely on simple algorithms for extracting evidences related to the images. / A World Wide Web (Web) é uma fonte de informação com grande quantidade e diversidade de conteúdo, incluindo material de caráter ofensivo relacionado á pornografia. Diante deste cenário, existe a necessidade de detectar tal conteúdo ofensivo de maneira a evitar que o mesmo seja indevidamente acessado por crianças ou por funcionários de empresas, onde o acesso a este tipo de conteúdo geralmente não é permitido. Embora este tipo de informação possa estar presente na Web em forma de texto, vídeo ou sons, grande parte deste conteúdo está disponibilizado na forma de imagens. O problema de identificação de imagens ofensivas pode ser visto como um problema de classificação. Como as imagens em questão estão inseridas em páginas web, além das informações que podem ser extraídas da própria imagem, também têm-se as informações textuais encontradas nas páginas que possuem as imagens. Aptos a extração de evidências a classificação é realizada usando-se um classificador baseado em SVM treinado com uma coleção de 1000 imagens ofensivas e 1000 imagens não-ofensivas. Este trabalho apresenta duas abordagens diferentes para detecção de imagens ofensivas na Web: a primeira, baseada no conteúdo da imagem e a segunda, baseada em evidências textuais extraídas das páginas web onde se encontram as imagens. Ambas as abordagens se mostraram efiazes na detecção de imagens ofensivas, apesar de utilizarem algoritmos simples para a extração de informações relacionadas às imagens.

Le discours haineux est un problème sérieux sur les média sociaux. Dans ce mémoire, nous étudions le problème de détection automatique du langage haineux sur réseaux sociaux. Nous traitons ce problème comme un problème de classification de textes. La classification de textes a fait un grand progrès ces dernières années grâce aux techniques d’apprentissage profond. En particulier, les modèles utilisant un mécanisme d’attention tel que BERT se sont révélés capables de capturer les informations contextuelles contenues dans une phrase ou un texte. Cependant, leur capacité à saisir l’information globale sur le vocabulaire d’une langue dans une application spécifique est plus limitée. Récemment, un nouveau type de réseau de neurones, appelé Graph Convolutional Network (GCN), émerge. Il intègre les informations des voisins en manipulant un graphique global pour prendre en compte les informations globales, et il a obtenu de bons résultats dans de nombreuses tâches, y compris la classification de textes. Par conséquent, notre motivation dans ce mémoire est de concevoir une méthode qui peut combiner à la fois les avantages du modèle BERT, qui excelle en capturant des informations locales, et le modèle GCN, qui fournit les informations globale du langage. Néanmoins, le GCN traditionnel est un modèle d'apprentissage transductif, qui effectue une opération convolutionnelle sur un graphe composé d'éléments à traiter dans les tâches (c'est-à-dire un graphe de documents) et ne peut pas être appliqué à un nouveau document qui ne fait pas partie du graphe pendant l'entraînement. Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons d'abord un nouveau modèle GCN de vocabulaire (VGCN), qui transforme la convolution au niveau du document du modèle GCN traditionnel en convolution au niveau du mot en utilisant les co-occurrences de mots. En ce faisant, nous transformons le mode d'apprentissage transductif en mode inductif, qui peut être appliqué à un nouveau document. Ensuite, nous proposons le modèle Interactive-VGCN-BERT qui combine notre modèle VGCN avec BERT. Dans ce modèle, les informations locales captées par BERT sont combinées avec les informations globales captées par VGCN. De plus, les informations locales et les informations globales interagissent à travers différentes couches de BERT, ce qui leur permet d'influencer mutuellement et de construire ensemble une représentation finale pour la classification. Via ces interactions, les informations de langue globales peuvent aider à distinguer des mots ambigus ou à comprendre des expressions peu claires, améliorant ainsi les performances des tâches de classification de textes. Pour évaluer l'efficacité de notre modèle Interactive-VGCN-BERT, nous menons des expériences sur plusieurs ensembles de données de différents types -- non seulement sur le langage haineux, mais aussi sur la détection de grammaticalité et les commentaires sur les films. Les résultats expérimentaux montrent que le modèle Interactive-VGCN-BERT surpasse tous les autres modèles tels que Vanilla-VGCN-BERT, BERT, Bi-LSTM, MLP, GCN et ainsi de suite. En particulier, nous observons que VGCN peut effectivement fournir des informations utiles pour aider à comprendre un texte haiteux implicit quand il est intégré avec BERT, ce qui vérifie notre intuition au début de cette étude. / Hate speech is a serious problem on social media. In this thesis, we investigate the problem of automatic detection of hate speech on social media. We cast it as a text classification problem. With the development of deep learning, text classification has made great progress in recent years. In particular, models using attention mechanism such as BERT have shown great capability of capturing the local contextual information within a sentence or document. Although local connections between words in the sentence can be captured, their ability of capturing certain application-dependent global information and long-range semantic dependency is limited. Recently, a new type of neural network, called the Graph Convolutional Network (GCN), has attracted much attention. It provides an effective mechanism to take into account the global information via the convolutional operation on a global graph and has achieved good results in many tasks including text classification. In this thesis, we propose a method that can combine both advantages of BERT model, which is excellent at exploiting the local information from a text, and the GCN model, which provides the application-dependent global language information. However, the traditional GCN is a transductive learning model, which performs a convolutional operation on a graph composed of task entities (i.e. documents graph) and cannot be applied directly to a new document. In this thesis, we first propose a novel Vocabulary GCN model (VGCN), which transforms the document-level convolution of the traditional GCN model to word-level convolution using a word graph created from word co-occurrences. In this way, we change the training method of GCN, from the transductive learning mode to the inductive learning mode, that can be applied to new documents. Secondly, we propose an Interactive-VGCN-BERT model that combines our VGCN model with BERT. In this model, local information including dependencies between words in a sentence, can be captured by BERT, while the global information reflecting the relations between words in a language (e.g. related words) can be captured by VGCN. In addition, local information and global information can interact through different layers of BERT, allowing them to influence mutually and to build together a final representation for classification. In so doing, the global language information can help distinguish ambiguous words or understand unclear expressions, thereby improving the performance of text classification tasks. To evaluate the effectiveness of our Interactive-VGCN-BERT model, we conduct experiments on several datasets of different types -- hate language detection, as well as movie review and grammaticality, and compare them with several state-of-the-art baseline models. Experimental results show that our Interactive-VGCN-BERT outperforms all other models such as Vanilla-VGCN-BERT, BERT, Bi-LSTM, MLP, GCN, and so on. In particular, we have found that VGCN can indeed help understand a text when it is integrated with BERT, confirming our intuition to combine the two mechanisms.