<p>All languages have words that are considered taboo – words that are not supposed to be said or used. Taboo words, or swearwords, can be used in many different ways and they can have different meanings depending on what context they appear in. Another aspect of taboo words is the euphemisms that are used in order to avoid obscene speech. This paper will focus on x-words, words like the f-word or the c-word, which replace the words fuck or cunt, but as the study will show they also have other meanings and usages.</p><p>The purpose of this paper is also to investigate the significance of taboo words and their usage in English, as well as research on how they are used, or not used, in media. The aim is to examine how x-words are used in the British newspapers the Guardian and the Observer by using corpus searches.</p><p>The results show that there are several ways of using x-words, and that using them in order to show that a word either is taboo, or has become taboo in a certain context, is the most common way. It is also clear that x-words can represent many different words, and not only words that are generally considered taboo.</p>

Thesis (M.M.S.)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2003. / Cover title. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.

During its first few decades, the People¡¦s Liberation Army Air Force strategy was primarily formulated to support the ground forces¡¦ needs. Serious changes in the way the PLAAF thought about its future really began as a result of Deng Xiaoping¡¦s 1985 ¡§strategic decision¡¨ that directed the armed forces to change from preparation for an ¡§early, major, and nuclear war¡¨ to preparation for ¡§local war.¡¨ These changes included writing new teaching materials, conducting research on combination of offensive and defensive capabilities, and doing research on campaign and strategic theory. Wang Hai initiated the concept of combination of offensive and defensive operations in 1987, but it did not receive much publicity. Since the Gulf war, the PLAAF has been grappling with the demands of a radically changed its strategy that underscored the technological obsolescence of their armaments and so fundamentally affected the missions of the air forces that its traditional training principles and objective were largely inapplicable to. In late 1999, the PLAAF¡¦s commander, Liu Shunyao, began to emphasize the need to fight offensive battles and declare PLAAF¡¦s strategy of combination of offensive and defensive operations to build a People¡¦s Liberation Army capable of waging ¡§local war under high-tech conditions.¡¨ In a future high-tech local war, the PLAAF will be called up as the first one to encounter the enemy and fight until the last minute. It is gradually transitioning from a support service into an independent one and from a national territory air defense type of air force into one that conducts combination of offensive and defensive operations. The PLAAF is working on its way to reform its military conformation, adjust its military training guidelines and renew its old equipment. By establishing an all-weather and attack-defense air force to battle in a modern high-tech environment, it is expected to acquire the full ability to perform ¡§local war under high-tech conditions.¡¨ The purposes of the thesis are as follows: 1. Illustrate the tendency and contents of current air power theories and wars. 2. Illustrate the stages of PLAAF¡¦s development and the roles and performances it takes on in the wars. 3. Clarify the theoretic contents of PLAAF¡¦s air power in each stage. 4. Conclude the present and future contents and actions of the PLAAF¡¦s air power on the theoretic and practical aspects. 5. Analyze the future developments and challenges of PLAAF¡¦s air power. Expected to focus on the discussion on the theoretic and practical aspects, the thesis was organized as a modal for explaining the PLAAF¡¦s air power and to be used as the referential basis to illustrate the developments of the past, present and future PLAAF¡¦s air power.

Lokal politik har en viktig roll i samhället och dess faktakonstruktion kan ha en påverkan på individen. Lokalpolitikern konstruerar i sina anföranden beskrivningar av verkligheten som görs trovärdiga genom retoriskt arbete. Arbetet använder en diskurspsykologisk metod för att undersöka kommunpolitikers anförande i debatten rörande kommunens styrdokument, Inriktning, verksamhet och ekonomi (förkortat IVE) för åren 2015 till 2018. Studien kommer fram till att problem och lösningar görs till fakta genom användandet av offensiv och defensiv retorik. I konstruerandet av problemet finns också ett konstruerande av en politisk motståndare som föranlett problemet. Producerandet görs trovärdigt genom retoriska resurser som främst är av offensiv karaktär. I konstruerandet av lösningar positionerar kommunpolitiker sig nära lösningen och som kapabla och ansvarsfulla aktörer. I producerandet nyttjas retoriska resurser som främst är av defensiv karaktär. / Local government has an important role in society and their facts construction can have an impact on the individual citizen. In their speeches, local politicians construct descriptions of reality that are made credible by their rhetorical work. This study utilizes a discourse psychological method to investigate municipal politicians’ speech in the debate on the municipal policy regarding Orientation, Services and Economics (abbreviated IVE) for the years of 2015 throughout 2018. The study concludes that problems and solutions become facts through utilization of offensive and defensive rhetorical techniques. In the construction of the problem there is also a construction of the political opponent that has prompted the problem. The production is made credible through rhetorical resources of primarily offensive characteristics. In constructing the solution the municipal politicians position themselves close to the solution and as capable and responsible actors. In the production they use rhetorical resources that are mainly in defensive form.

No study has so far documented the characteristics of a military strategy based on offensive operations and whether they influence the security situation in the areas in which they are launched. Yet, it seems extremely important to study because there is a growing trend in Peacekeeping Operations of becoming more robust in the use of force by applying this kind of military strategy. This study aims to develop a new theory to explain the short and long term effects of applying a military strategy based on offensive operations which are politically restrained in the use of force and asks to what extent it affects it. Deriving from war and peace research, this study argues that when a strategy based on restrained offensive operations is applied, it is likely that stability improves in the short term but deteriorates in the long term presenting a ‘V’ shape effect. This is because the political restriction on the use of force does not allow achieving a decisive victory. Using the method of structured focused comparison, most similar case, the suggested hypothesis is tested on two UN sectors belonging to the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The results show some support for the theorized relationship, although the ‘V’ shape was less pronounced than expected. Hence, further research is needed to refine the causal mechanism suggested. This study does not provide empirical evidence, neither should be interpreted that in order to make Peacekeeping Operations more effective it is necessary to conduct full-fledge offensive operations.

This paper realizes a systematization of the main arguments discussed by Mészáros in Chapter XVIII of his book Beyond Capital, on the failure of social democracy and the communist movement in the twentieth century and the nature of political power constituted under the command of capital. This chapter, the author examines both the failure of the proposed gradual reform of social democracy, as the reasons for the victory of reformist strategy at work, move from objective determinations of the capital system. For Mészáros, it was the dynamic expansion of capital, which had already been developing in the late nineteenth century, and was completed after the first seven decades of the twentieth century which enabled the victory of reformist strategy in the labor movement, allowing both the structuring of the State of Welfare. This assertion Mészáros, that the defensive achievements of work are associated with stages of progress of capital accumulation, became apparent in the 1970s with the emergence of the structural crisis of capital. The blocking of the dynamic expansion of capital caused the collapse of the State of Social Welfare, revealing the exhaustion phase of the achievements of the defensive work. The structural crisis of capital, and make viable the defensive struggles of labor, since it does not allow further expansion of political and social rights, endangers the very existence of the order sociometabólica capital. The structural crisis, according to Mészáros, generates the objective possibilities of the socialist offensive, namely the construction of an alternative material that challenges the power and political capital. However, says the author, for this, movement of work needs to overcome the disjuncture between economics and politics, the peculiar order of capital, and completely restructure both ways, as their instruments of struggle. These, then, the main problems of new phase of history / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este texto realiza uma sistematização das principais teses discutidas por Mészáros, no capítulo XVIII do seu livro Para Além do Capital, sobre o fracasso da socialdemocracia e do movimento comunista no século XX e sobre a natureza do poder político constituído sob o comando do capital. Neste capítulo, o autor analisa tanto o fracasso da proposta de reforma gradual da socialdemocracia, quanto as razões da vitória da estratégia reformista no movimento do trabalho, a partir das determinações objetivas do sistema do capital. Para Mészáros, foi a expansão dinâmica do capital, a qual vinha se desenvolvendo no final do século XIX e foi concluída após as primeiras sete décadas do século XX, que permitiu a vitória da estratégia reformista no movimento do trabalho, possibilitando a estruturação do Estado de Bem-Estar Social. Essa afirmação do autor, de que as conquistas defensivas do trabalho estão associadas às fases de progresso da acumulação do capital, tornou-se evidente na década de 1970 com o aparecimento da crise estrutural do capital: o bloqueio da expansão dinâmica do capital provocou o colapso do Estado de Bem-Estar Social, trazendo à tona o esgotamento da fase das conquistas defensivas do trabalho. A crise estrutural do capital, além de tornar inviáveis as lutas defensivas do trabalho, visto que não permite mais a expansão das políticas e direitos sociais, coloca em risco a própria existência da ordem sociometabólica do capital. Além disso, a crise estrutural, segundo Mészáros, gera as possibilidades objetivas da ofensiva socialista, ou seja, da construção de uma alternativa que desafie o poder material e político do capital. No entanto, ressalta o autor, para isso, o movimento do trabalho precisa superar a disjunção entre economia e política, peculiar à ordem do capital, e reestruturar por completo tanto as formas, quanto os seus instrumentos de luta. São esses, portanto, os principais problemas dessa nova fase histórica

Title: Analysis of percentage representation and success of various kinds of offensive hits in beach volleyball The aim of the work: The aim of the thesis is to find out the percentage success and representation of various offensive hits in the FIVB Beach volleyball World Tour series of men and women teams. Method: The research method was the observation of 24 videos during which I wrote down the necessary data in to a specially prepared chart. By observation and wrote down in to the chart has been gained necessary data for evaluation. Results: The results present the success and representaiton of various offensive hits in the men and women categories. They are summarized in text and charts. In addition, the results informed about the proportions of beach volleyball spike hits and beach volleyball technicals hits, or about representation of blocked offensive hits. The results also including comparison of individual performance levels in FIVB World Tour. Keywords: Beach volleyball, FIVB World Tour, offensive hit, hits analysis, gender comparsion

There are words and topics of conversation that are considered taboo and offensive in the English language. Offensive words can be divided into different categories, based on the way they are used and in what situation. Topics of conversation that are considered taboo are for example sexual activity and death. Men and women are said to use language differently, in a number of areas. One of these areas concerns offensive language. It is considered masculine to swear and women are prone to use euphemisms more than men, i.e. the mildest form possible of an offensive word. Studies have shown that men and women feel more comfortable using taboo language with members of the same sex than with members of the opposite sex. This paper aims to study the differences in language use between men and women and apply the findings on eight episodes of the American television series Sex and the City, with focus on offensive language. The purpose is to study whether or not the female characters of the show use a typically male language and if they do, if it could be a reason for them being perceived as strong women.

Detta är en kvalitativ studie av sex fritidslärares arbete med hantering av kränkande behandlingar i fritidshemmet och klassrummet. Syftet med studien är att belysa hur fritidslärare resonerar kring oönskade beteenden i fritidshemmet och i klassrummet ur ett socialkonstruktivistiskt synsätt. Vidare är syftet att få en djupgående förståelse kring hur dessa beteenden kan arbetas och förebyggas enligt fritidslärarna själva. För att syfte och frågeställning ska uppnås har vi genomfört intervjuer kring fritidslärares erfarenheter om oönskade beteenden, detta genom semisstrukturerade intervjuer. Vidare bygger studien på fritidslärarens egna perspektiv och erfarenheter till orsaker som speglar ett oönskat beteende och det kollegiala arbetet för att förebygga detta. I den tidigare forskningen framkommer det att hanteringen av kränkande behandlingar sker på olika vis (Johansson, Lunneblad och Odenbring, 2016). Studiens resultat visar att de bakomliggande orsakerna till elevernas oönskade beteenden, enligt fritidslärarna, grundar sig i hemförhållanden, relationer, skolmiljön och elevernas ålder. fritidslärarna i studien beskriver arbetet med värdegrundsfrågor som något viktigt, detta för att förebygga uppkomsten av oönskat beteende. Enligt fritidslärarna är det viktigt att ha med värdegrunden i verksamheten för att minska kränkningar och diskrimineringar samt arbetet med allas lika värde. Därav anser fritidslärarna att arbetet mot oönskade beteenden ska stärkas genom en gemenskap som bland annat består av ett elevhälsoteam. Genom att få befinna sig i en miljö som känns trygg och som är kränkringsfri är något som fritidslärarna slutligen belyste.

History of international relations suggests that rising power brings challenges and creates unstable environment in the international system. This thesis deals with the rise of China and its implications to the East Asia region. China has experienced massive economic growth over the last few decades which is likely to influence the dynamics not only of the region, but also of the international system as a whole. There is an ongoing discussion in the academic literature regarding the rise of China. In this thesis, the offensive neorealism theory of John J, Mearsheimer is employed. This paper focuses on the region of East Asia, namely to Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. Since the region is heavily penetrated by the US power, its position is also discussed. The question is how China will behave when it gets more powerful and what strategies the neighbouring countries choose in order to deal with China's rising power. The theory assumes that rising great power strive to dominate its region in order to establish regional hegemony. The main aim of this thesis is to examine whether or not the aforementioned states act according to the prism of offensive neorealism.