Edvard Griegs 100-årsjubileum i juni 1943 var en spänningsfylld händelse i det tyskockuperade norska musiklivet, som i Oslo markerades med tillställningar av bland annat Filharmonisk Selskap, revyscenen Chat Noir och den nazistiska regimen. Genom att diskutera Griegjubiléets politiska signifikans för nazister och anti-nazister (s.k. jøssinger), samt analysera tonsättarens symboliska värde för respektive läger, förklarar uppsatsen varför båda lägren ville fira jubiléet och ha Grieg på sin sida. Huvudsyftet med detta är att öka kunskapen om de musikaliska och kulturella aspekterna av ockupationstiden i Norge. De källor som används är samtida tidningar, arkivmaterial från Kultur- og Folkeopplysningsdepartementet, samt Hans Jørgen Hurums samtidsskildring Musikken under okkupasjonen. Eftersom uppsatsen bygger på tolkning av historiskt material, tillämpas hermeneutisk metod.   Uppsatsen visar att nazisterna använde Griegjubiléet som kulturell propaganda, för att ge sken av ett lugnt och harmoniskt musikliv, vilket i sin tur skulle påvisa nationens välmående. Griegjubiléet var viktigt för nazisterna, eftersom Grieg var en viktig symbol för deras radikala kulturnationalism och framtidsvisioner. För jøssingene innebar Griegjubiléet en möjlighet att känna samhörighet med varandra och uttrycka en stilla protest mot regimen i form av bojkotter mot statligt arrangerade Griegkonserter. För dem hade Griegs musik ett trösterikt värde, samtidigt som den i likhet med 1800-talets kulturnationalism fick symbolisera frihet, självständighet och demokrati. Griegjubiléet i Oslo 1943 blev ett avgörande slag mellan radikal kulturnationalism och patriotism om framtidens musikliv, vilket slutade med total bojkott och slutligen död för det offentliga konsertlivet under resten av ockupationen.

Purpose: The purpose of the study is to in a comparative and causal way explore whether there is a relationship between risk and return and also how it is perceived on the Nordic financial markets. Theory: The theoretical frame of reference applied in the thesis is considered relevant inthe perspective of the study’s purpose and research questions. We have among other theories used The Capital Asset Pricing Model, The Efficient Market Hypothesis and various Behavioural finance theories. Method: The study has its starting point in a quantitative approach with a quantitative data analysis supported by secondary data extracted from Thomson Reuters. Empirics: The empirics contains regression analyses made from calculated secondary data of 240 randomly chosen companies from Nasdaq OMX Stockholm, NasdaqOMX Copenhagen, Nasdaq OMX Helsinki and Oslo Bors. Conclusion: The study conclusions show that there are both a negative and positive relationship between volatility and actual return on the investigated markets. Considering this prior statement we can conclude that the Capital Asset Pricing Model can’t correctly describe the actual relationship between the parameters investigated on the current sample. The Capital Asset Pricing Model’s unclear compatibility regarding the relationship makes it impossible to make conclusions about the Efficient Market Hypothesis on any other ground than the observed abnormal return. / Syfte: Syftet med arbetet är att på ett komparativt och kausalt sätt ta reda på om ett samband mellan risk och avkastning existerar samt hur det i sådana fall urskiljs på de nordiska marknaderna. Teorier: Den teoretiska referensramen som appliceras i uppsatsen finner vi vara relevantför studiens syfte och frågeställningar. Vi har bland annat använt oss av teorier som Capital Asset Pricing Model, den Effektiva marknadshypotesen samt olika Behavioural finance teorier. Metod: Studien har sin utgångspunkt i en kvantitativ ansats med en kvantitativ dataanalys stödd av sekundärdata från Thomson Reuters. Empiri: Empirin innefattar regressionsanalyser med kalkylerad sekundärdata från 240 slumpmässigt valda bolag från Nasdaq OMX Stockholm, Nasdaq OMX Köpenhamn, Nasdaq OMX Helsingfors samt Oslo Börs. Slutsatser: Studiens slutsatser visar på både ett negativt och positivt samband mellan volatilitet och faktisk avkastning på de undersökta marknaderna. Med detta som grund dras slutsatsen att Capital Asset Pricing Model inte förmår korrekt beskriva det samband som råder på urvalet. Capital Asset Pricing Model:s otydliga kompatibilitet gör det omöjligt att dra slutsatser kring den Effektiva marknadshypotesens giltighet på andra grunder än observerade tillgångars överavkastning.

This thesis is primarily based on a case study on how the Internet affects the advertising industry in Oslo, Norway, and on how the digitization of advertising adds to our understanding of the geography of innovation and urban and regional development. The study argues that the Internet fundamentally changes and challenges the advertising industry, and that advertising merges into market communication and even user experience and product development. The interactive nature of the Internet and its parallel social and commercial worlds contribute to transcend the role of a traditional medium and to coalescence between production and consumption. Despite the fact that those involved in online and traditional advertising are located close to each other in Oslo, the extent of collective learning, knowledge externalities and innovation has been scarce. The study shows that the creative destruction of this industrial sector is ignited by actors outside the traditional advertising industry. Due to path dependency along one-way mass communication media incumbents within the advertising industry have left room for new actors, such as web agencies and technology consultants, to explore and take market share in online market communication services. The reconfiguration of market communication is regarded as the result of an industry mutation across advertising and ICT, and creates a need for bridging skills and competencies across creative, strategic and interactive domains. The implications of such an industry mutation across diverse sectors are used to discuss the evolutionary potential of the related variety perspective. The study argues that localized industrial change may be conceptualised in terms of a cyclical relationship between externalities from localisation economies and urbanisation economies respectively. The implications of the findings from the case study are in this way used to discuss more general drivers of urban and regional development. / Creativity and Innovation in the Cultural Industries

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Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1993. / Abstract. Includes questionnaires in Norwegian. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 212-213).

This thesis is an ethnographic and gender-sensitive account of the identities urban Palestinian youth perform through their self-defined ‘alternative’ scene-based musical practices in the post-Oslo era. Departing from the problematic that Palestinian folkloric identity and/or the classical Palestinian national resistance paradigm dominate studies of popular and expressive musics in the Palestinian context, I ask instead how scene affiliates’ musical practices do, or do not do, political work, and in what way – if even at all – these relate to the nation, resistance, and Palestinianness. My approach is ‘bottom-up’ and qualitative, drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork in the interdependent cities of Ramallah (1967/West Bank), Haifa (1948/modern-day Israel), and Amman (Jordan). I carried out sixty-four in-depth interviews and fifteen focus groups with young musicians, bands, audience members, fans, DJs, beat-makers, emcees, producers, party planners, bar and club owners, and other related persons in the scene; as well as over eighty participant observations at concerts, parties, gigs, raves, and bars scenesters frequent. I conclude that their musics perform political work contingently, shifting according to the narratives and practices research lenses focus on, as well as the institutional and geopolitical backdrops hosting them. I argue that in a local Palestinian context, musics perform political, anti-colonial work beyond, and sometimes even against, the classical national resistance paradigm. Given Oslo’s failed ‘peace’ process, scene-affiliates critique the Palestinian Authority (PA), its institutionalisation of the national movement, and territorially-based two-state solution, re-drawing their community instead on the regional lines of bilad al-sham. However, while politicised content is foreground, it is not the only issue youth are concerned with. Many are reluctant to narrow their aesthetic positionalities to political frames, instead pushing musics’ social role as a site of conviviality where new (gendered and other) identities are imagined and enacted. Since Palestine’s globalising ‘turn’ in part enabled these emerging identities and social contexts, leisure and consumption play central roles in their embodiment. Hybrid and translocal in formation, scenesters use localised tropes of Palestinianness (dabke dancing, wedding musics), and globalised ‘hip’ fashions (tattoos, androgynous dress), musics (psy-trance, electro, reggae, hip-hop), and social practices (clubbing, raving, bar-hopping) to perform their imaginaries of alterity. Such translocalisms uncouple Palestinianness from Palestinian national identity, upholding Palestinian particularity while making room for internal differences. However, shifting research focus to a transnational context, I contend that when musicians are branded to London, their self-representations, or the representations their international hosts make of them, often foreground the national resistance, and/or folklorising identity paradigms disavowed locally. Reducing their complex subjectivities to narrow national-territorial frames, in this global circuit of consumption, Palestinian cultural practices perform British multicultural tolerance to ‘ethnic’ otherness on international stages. This, I argue, highlights that Palestinian musics’ reiteration of the nation, resistance, and/or Palestinianness often stems from the operation of geopolitical power, more than the musical content itself. My core argument in the thesis thus is twofold. Firstly, I make the case that scencesters’ musical practices express and enable neither merely resistance, nor solely submisson to the intwertwined status quos of settler-colonial occupation and neoliberal hegemony. Their musics are instead important sites of modest meaning-making. Moving beyond the revolution/co-optation binary reveals scenesters’ everyday and situated negotiations with various political and social powers. Secondly, I argue that since the transnational political economy of images often shapes how Palestinian musics travel in international spaces, we need not ask what Palestinian musics convey, but rather, why we are invited to take up a particular rendering of Palestinian art and culture, and – importantly – what can this tell us about the operation of geopolitical power translocally? Adopting transnational and translocal lenses to analyse how power shapes and normalises conceptualisations of Palestinian musics, my thesis thus calls for the need to see Palestinian cultural production beyond narrow national frames, and position it instead in the global contexts that inform, and are informed by, such aesthetic practices.

No description available.

This thesis examines the political trajectory of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) during the period from the 1982 eviction of the Palestinian factions from their headquarters in Beirut, to the 2006-07 division between Hamas and Fatah in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). During this period, the PFLP experienced a process of decline that resulted in its marginalisation within the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the wider Palestinian national movement. This study addresses the issue of the PFLP’s decline by focusing on its own political agency to determine the role of policy and decision making, ideology and political narrative in the marginalisation process. This work therefore, on the one hand, aims at putting the PFLP’s decline into historical perspective, identifying it as a process rather than simply the effect of outstanding events as it is often argued. On the other, its goal is to ascribe to ‘subjective factors’, namely aspects directly linked to the PFLP’s agency, the adequate weight in determining its decline. This appears particularly significant as the weakening of the Palestinian left has been frequently explained as a by-product of global and local external or ‘objective’ developments such as the downfall of the Soviet Union or the emergence of political Islam. By providing a comprehensive and processual analysis of the PFLP’s decline, this study not only aims at complementing the literature on the Palestinian national movement, which still lacks a focused approach on the main Palestinian leftist force. It also aims at shedding light on a major cause, and its historical origins, of the current Palestinian political impasse, namely the absence of an alternative between Hamas and the PNA’s governing entities, both crippled by a legitimacy crisis and unable to progress Palestinian interests. By virtue of its close survey of the PFLP’s conduct, a further goal of this thesis is to address the historical role of the PLO and its de-facto heir, the PNA. What is evidenced is the double, and contradictory, role of the essential but also constraining framework that the PLO and later the PNA represented for the PFLP’s policies. The focus on the PFLP’s political agency allows the identification of a pattern in its policy which affected negatively its standing within the Palestinian national movement. Throughout the period addressed, policy fluctuation marked the PFLP’s action, undermining the effectiveness of its political line and jeopardising its political weight. The present study highlights how such a policy fluctuation pattern originated from major dilemmas and contradictions that the PFLP had to consider while producing its policies. The main dilemma, informing all other sources of tensions affecting the PFLP, has been defined as an ‘opposition-integration’ dilemma. In other words, the PFLP, while opposing the PLO leadership’s policies, first and foremost its quest for a diplomatic settlement with Israel under US patronage, needed to maintain its integration within the PLO regime, which represented an essential economic and political framework. This produced inconsistent, ‘fluctuant’ policies that prevented the PFLP from maintaining its political weight and stopping its marginalisation process. This opposition-integration dilemma was combined with other sources of tensions marking the PFLP such as: relations with other PLO opposition factions, relations with Arab partners, its contacts with Palestinian Islamists, the confrontation with the PNA after the 1993 Oslo accords or the internal divide between the exiled leadership and the cadres located in the OPT. The PFLP’s official publications, mainly retrieved from its mouthpiece, Al-Hadaf magazine, embodied the main source upon which this study relies. Beside this corpus of documents, other primary sources, such as documents issued by relevant actors, have been scrutinised, while all information has been read against the background of the wider academic literature currently available on the Palestinian national movement. This research also drew information from interviews with former and current PFLP members as well as with experts of the Palestinian national movement.

Ce travail tente d’une part, d’étudier les origines de la thématique du retour d’exil et ses différentes formes dans la littérature arabe : la forme de retour chez les écrivains arabes contemporains et celle des poètes du Mahğar. Puis, la forme du retour dans la poésie classique, notamment chez les poètes qui sont rentrés chez eux après une longue absence. Enfin, la forme de retour chez les poètes préislamiques, telle qu’elle se manifeste dans « al-Muqaddimaẗ al-ṭalaliyyaẗ » (l’introduction des ruines). D’autre part, notre étude tente d’explorer la thématique de retour dans la littérature palestinienne contemporaine et de montrer la particularité de ce phénomène chez les auteurs palestiniens revenus en Palestine après les Accords d’Oslo en 1993. En effet, plusieurs d’entre eux abordent la thématique du retour dans des œuvres littéraires variées. Ils y expriment souvent l’échec et la déception face à la réalité retrouvée. En outre, cette étude s’intéresse à la complexité du retour dans la littérature palestinienne. En effet, deux problématiques principales émergent : la première est liée au phénomène du retour d’exil et la deuxième est liée au contexte socio-politique particulier de la Palestine. Ces deux problématiques font du cas du retour palestinien un phénomène à part dans la littérature arabe contemporaine. / This research attempts on one hand, to study the origins of the theme of return and its various forms in Arabic literature : as perceived by contemporary arab writers versus by poets of Mahğar. Then, the shape of the return in classical poetry, especially among poets who have returned back home after a long absence. Eventually, the shape it adopted among pre-Islamic poets, as illustrated in « al-muqaddimaẗ ṭalaliyyaẗ » (the introduction of the ruins). On the other hand, our study intents to explore the theme of return in contemporary Palestinian literature and to demonstrate the peculiarity of this phenomenon among Palestinian returnee authors after Oslo agreements in 1993. Indeed, many of them oftently expressed the failure and disappointment facing the newfound reality. Furthermore, this research addresses the return’s complexity in Palestinian literature. Indeed, two main issues were raised : the first one is related to the phenomenon of return from exile and the second one, to the specific political context of Palestine. These two issues render unique the Palestinian return, a phenomenon in contemporary Arabic literature.

La communauté internationale et le droit international sont confrontés à un défi majeur : trouver une solution mettant un terme au conflit israélo-palestinien. L’étude du conflit israélo-palestinien à la lumière du droit international montre les nombreuses difficultés relatives à l’émergence d’un Etat palestinien. En effet, ce dernier est une source de violation du droit international du fait notamment des manquements aux droits fondamentaux qui ne cessent de sévir sur ce territoire. Les violations commises à l’encontre du droit international remontent à l’époque du mandat britannique et sont finalement caractérisées par l’impunité des entités qui les ont commises. Cela permet donc de mettre en évidence les lacunes où même les faiblesses du droit international, plus précisément celles de l’ONU qui se trouve en difficultés face à un manquement constant à ces principes et à ces décisions. On a cherché à pallier à cette situation infernale par l’usage de techniques qu’offre le droit international dont l’objectif est de mettre un terme à un conflit. Il existe une technique qui paraît être la plus appropriée pour le conflit israélo-palestinien, il s’agit de la fameuse technique de la négociation. Cependant le processus de paix ayant débuté en 1990 se trouve aujourd’hui presque oublié.Malgré tout cela, la création d’un Etat palestinien se trouve être la base de la solution du conflit israélo-palestinien. Cette présente étude cherche à démontrer, sur la base de la définition de l’Etat selon le droit international, que la Palestine dispose d’une part, d’éléments avérés, mais imparfaits, permettant à cette dernière de constituer un Etat selon le droit international, et d’autre part que cette dernière ne peut accéder au rang d’Etat dans la mesure où certains éléments nécessaires à la constitution d’un État demeurent contestables. Ce qui manque à la Palestine pour se constituer en Etat c’est l’effectivité. / The international community and the international law are facing a great challenge: find the solution to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The study of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in light of international law shows many difficulties related to the emergence of a Palestinian state. Indeed, this conflict is a source of violation of international law specifically a violation of human rights that continues to strike in this area. Violations against international law go back to the time of the British mandate and are finally characterized by the impunity towards the entities that have committed them. Therefore, this allows us to highlight the weaknesses of international law, more specifically those of the United Nations that is confronted with the constant breach of its principles and decisions. We have tried to overcome this infernal situation by using the techniques offered by the international law that aims to put an end to a conflict. There is a technique that seems to be the most appropriate for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict known as the negotiation. However, the peace process that began in 1990 is now almost forgotten.Despite all this, the creation of a Palestinian state is the base to the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This present study aims to demonstrate, based on the definition of the State under international law, that Palestine has, on one hand, confirmed elements/components that are imperfect, allowing the latter to constitute a State under international law, and on the other, that it can’t achieve statehood to the extent that certain elements necessary for statehood remain questionable. What Palestine is missing is effectiveness.