Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-08-10T12:17:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_JAMES_WILLIAM_SANTOS_COMPLETO.pdf: 972443 bytes, checksum: 119c8ddd4eb46adb6158559a88495fc4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T12:17:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_JAMES_WILLIAM_SANTOS_COMPLETO.pdf: 972443 bytes, checksum: 119c8ddd4eb46adb6158559a88495fc4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-31 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This research seeks to understand the rationales that underlie the production of correctional legislative discourse and illustrate the ambiguities of the discourses that inform these laws. Therefore, it seeks to analyze the projects that originated these legislative productions prison since the democratization, dialoguing with Brazilian prison past and contemporary influences. Since the eighteenth century can be perceived distortions in the normative desires about prison and punishment. The public indifference, the inhumanity which was relegated to prisons and the character of sub-citizens convicted held, however, the discourse sought is the perfect enclosure model. In recent decades, emerged criticism of the penal system theoretical constructs that have been fundamental to understanding this time of global convergence in the western prison policy. In Brazil, in 1984, the recent Law of Criminal Execution carries the discourse of the belief that the novel legislation can somehow ensure the change of prison status quo. For these reasons, we intend to analyze the bill that gave the Law of Criminal Execution and all other legislations of the same character. The investigation seeks to unite the analysis of the bills in an analytical and dynamic way without losing sight of the criticism of the discourse contained in the laws, combining empirical data to social, cultural and political Brazilian context. The legislative process is the subject of research, featuring in it the rise of these ambiguous discourse about the prison. Thus, the main objective of this work is to know how the criminal execution laws are produced on a national experience and, from them, recognize trends or prison policy standards. / A presente pesquisa procura compreender as racionalidades que permeiam a produ??o do discurso legislativo carcer?rio e ilustrar as ambiguidades dos discursos que informam estas legisla??es. Para tanto, busca a an?lise dos projetos que deram a origem produ??es legislativas carcer?rias desde a redemocratiza??o, dialogando com o passado carcer?rio brasileiro e as influ?ncias contempor?neas. Desde o s?culo XVIII pode-se perceber as distor??es nos desejos normativos sobre o c?rcere e a puni??o. O descaso p?blico, a subumanidade que foi relegada ?s pris?es e o car?ter de sub-cidad?os que os condenados detinham, por?m, no discurso, buscava-se o modelo de enclausuramento perfeito. Nas ?ltimas d?cadas, emergiram constru??es te?ricas cr?ticas do sistema penal que t?m sido fundamentais para a compreens?o deste momento de converg?ncia global na pol?tica carcer?ria ocidental. No Brasil, em 1984, a recente Lei de Execu??o Penal carrega no seu discurso a cren?a de que a novel legisla??o pode de certo modo garantir a mudan?a do status quo penitenci?rio. Por tais motivos, pretende-se analisar o projeto de lei que deu origem a Lei de Execu??es Penais e de todas as demais legisla??es de mesmo car?ter. A investiga??o busca unir a an?lise dos projetos de lei de uma forma anal?tica e din?mica sem perder de vista a cr?tica ao discurso contido nas leis, aliando dados emp?ricos aos processos sociais, culturais e pol?ticos do contexto brasileiro. O processo legislativo ? o protagonista da pesquisa, caracterizando dentro dele a ascens?o destes discursos amb?guos sobre o c?rcere. Assim, o objetivo principal do presente trabalho ? conhecer como s?o produzidas as leis de execu??o penal na experi?ncia nacional e, se a partir delas, poder reconhecer tend?ncias ou padr?es de pol?tica carcer?ria.

Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-08-15T19:53:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_FABIANE_DA_ROSA_CAVALCANTI_PARCIAL.pdf: 193888 bytes, checksum: 94c6fea77c93f7d4106e0966ea265312 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-15T19:53:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_FABIANE_DA_ROSA_CAVALCANTI_PARCIAL.pdf: 193888 bytes, checksum: 94c6fea77c93f7d4106e0966ea265312 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-29 / In this dissertation, we study the de minimis non curat praetor principle through the review of the doctrine, focused on the multidisciplinary study, supported by the jurisprudential research and analysis of six precedents of the Superior Court of Justice and the Federal Supreme Court. After the introduction, in the first chapter, the criminal policy movements, the tensions between criminal minimalism and maximalism, the growing expansion of the criminal law and the limits of the expansionism in the contemporaneity will be addressed. The first chapter will also address the principles of fragmentarity, subsidiarity and offensiveness as legitimating elements of the de minimis postulate, thus strengthening the implementation of this principle for the criminal law dogmatics. The second chapter deals with the importance of the legal right and its interdependence with the de minimis principle. The insignificance will be studied in its essence as a supralegal cause of atypicity, in order to assess the proportionality of the sanction to the felony. Finally, the study will bring the vectors listed by the Federal Supreme Court in the paradigmatic Habeas Corpus n. 84.412 from 2004, and the analysis to verify if the precedent has been consolidated by the courts and if the de minimis non curat praetor principle became feasible in the manner established by the Federal Supreme Court. In this sense, the third chapter is intended to prove, from the analysis of six precedents dealing with theft and embezzlement offenses in the Superior Court of Justice and in the Federal Supreme Court, the flaw in the model created by the jurisprudence, finding a pathology in the system of application of the vectors from the referred decision. Finally, the Bill no. 236 of the Senate will be studied, exclusively in reference to the principles that it wants to consolidate, especially analyzing the de minimis postulate in order to demonstrate that the form of consolidating this principle in the General Part of the Penal Code is flawed and will represent no significant changes to the Brazilian criminal justice system. / Na presente disserta??o, estuda-se o princ?pio da insignific?ncia por meio de uma revis?o doutrin?ria, voltada ao estudo multidisciplinar, aliada ? pesquisa jurisprudencial e ? an?lise de seis precedentes do Superior Tribunal de Justi?a e do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Ap?s a introdu??o, ser?o abordados, no primeiro cap?tulo, os movimentos de pol?tica criminal, as tens?es entre o minimalismo e o maximalismo penal, a crescente expans?o do direito penal e os limites do expansionismo na contemporaneidade. O primeiro cap?tulo ainda abordar? os princ?pios da fragmentariedade, da subsidiariedade e da ofensividade como elementos legitimadores do princ?pio bagatelar, refor?ando a aplica??o do princ?pio da insignific?ncia para a dogm?tica jur?dico-penal. O segundo cap?tulo versa sobre a import?ncia do bem jur?dico e a sua interdepend?ncia com o princ?pio bagatelar. Ser? estudada a insignific?ncia em sua ess?ncia como causa supralegal de atipicidade, com o objetivo de avaliar a proporcionalidade da san??o ao tipo incriminador. O final do estudo trar? os vetores elencados pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, no Habeas Corpus paradigm?tico n. 84.412 de 2004, e a an?lise realizada para verificar se a jurisprud?ncia foi consolidada pelos Tribunais e se a aplica??o do princ?pio da insignific?ncia tornou-se vi?vel nos moldes criados pelo STF. Nesse sentido, o terceiro cap?tulo tem a finalidade de comprovar, a partir da an?lise de seis precedentes que tratam de delitos de furto e de descaminho no Superior Tribunal de Justi?a e do Supremo Tribunal Federal, a falha no modelo criado pela jurisprud?ncia, constatando uma patologia do sistema de aplica??o dos vetores do referido ac?rd?o. Por fim, ser? estudado o Projeto de Lei n. 236 do Senado Federal, exclusivamente o ponto que trata dos princ?pios que o Projeto quer positivar, especialmente analisando-se o princ?pio bagatelar com o intuito de demonstrar que a forma de tipifica??o do princ?pio da insignific?ncia na Parte Geral do C?digo Penal ? equivocada e n?o representar? nenhuma mudan?a significativa ao sistema jur?dico penal brasileiro.

Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-08-17T12:19:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_CRISTINE_RAMOS_DE_MELLO_COMPLETO.pdf: 1026632 bytes, checksum: 7bbf6c5719fa782b4d01b6fd04d56a07 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T12:19:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_CRISTINE_RAMOS_DE_MELLO_COMPLETO.pdf: 1026632 bytes, checksum: 7bbf6c5719fa782b4d01b6fd04d56a07 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-29 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / The agricultural policy grounded in subsidized financing suffers challenges for disparate reasons over time. Research on credit differ on the results, suggesting that the impact will occur as a result of market development and its concentration. This problem is also seen when exploring the Rural Credit across Brazil. The main references have divergent results, which confirm, in general, the present controversy in the Brazilian literature on the relevance and effectiveness of the Rural Credit. This research has as main aim to understand how rural credit lines impacting productivity in Brazilian agriculture. Construction of the survey data were collected with the Central Bank and the Brazilian Statistical Bureau, the volumes and contract numbers for municipalities and area harvested and planted, in addition to the financial outcome in the different municipalities. Thus, it was possible to establish the financial productivity by municipality over Brazil. They were tested, following 12 models, four for productivity temporary crops, four for permanent crops and four for overall productivity. The independent variables were the credit volumes and the number of contracts in its three modes: cost, investment and marketing. They were also tested these same variables in their quadratic terms and lagged in one to two years, since the sample was annual, thus forming a data panel for ten years in the period 2003-2012, to 5,460 municipalities. The volume contracted for cost and investment were relevant to the explanation of financial productivity in various measures: temporary crops, permanent crops and total crops in all models. Other variables shows to be important as the models varied. The results also confirm the credit dynamic spreading over time for the variables financial volume of cost and financial volume of investment in the period of one year. The number of contracts for cost also has significant effects for the following crop. In particular, the number of funding agreements was significant for up to two years to total and permanent crops of agriculture. / A pol?tica agr?cola embasada no financiamento subsidiado sofre contesta??es por motivos d?spares ao longo do tempo. Pesquisas realizadas sobre cr?dito divergem quanto a resultados, sugerindo que o impacto ocorre em decorr?ncia do perfil de desenvolvimento do mercado e de seus agentes. Esta problem?tica tamb?m ? observada quando se analisa Cr?dito Rural e cujas principais refer?ncias tamb?m possuem resultados antag?nicos, corroborando ? controv?rsia presente na literatura brasileira sobre a relev?ncia e efic?cia da linha. Esta pesquisa possui como objetivo geral entender como as linhas de cr?dito rural impactam a produtividade. Para a elabora??o da pesquisa foram coletados dados junto ao Bacen e ao IBGE, como n?meros de contratos e volume de recursos para todos os munic?pios brasileiros, bem como informa??es de ?rea colhida e plantada, al?m da produ??o, em termos financeiros, nos diversos locais. Desse modo, foi poss?vel estabelecer a produtividade, em termos financeiros, por munic?pio ao longo do territ?rio brasileiro. Foram testados, na sequ?ncia, 12 modelos sendo quatro para produtividade de lavouras tempor?rias, quatro para lavouras permanentes e quatro para produtividade total. As vari?veis independentes foram os volumes de cr?dito e o n?mero de contratos em suas tr?s modalidades: custeio, investimento e comercializa??o. Tamb?m foram testadas essas mesmas vari?veis em seus termos quadr?ticos e defasados em um e dois anos. Em virtude de a amostra ser anual, formando assim um painel de dados para dez anos no per?odo 2003-2012, para 5.460 munic?pios. O volume financeiro de cr?dito de custeio e de investimento mostrou-se relevante para a explica??o da produtividade em termos financeiros, em suas diferentes medidas: culturas tempor?rias, permanentes e total, em todos os modelos. Outras vari?veis demonstraram-se importantes conforme os modelos variavam. Os resultados tamb?m confirmam a din?mica do cr?dito espalhando-se ao longo do tempo para as vari?veis volume financeiro de custeio e volume financeiro de investimento, no per?odo de um ano. Ou seja, a contrata??o do volume de cr?dito tamb?m tem efeitos significativos para a safra seguinte. Em especial, o n?mero de contratos de custeio mostrou-se significativo para at? dois anos, para lavouras permanente e total da agricultura.

Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-08-30T14:15:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_TIAGO_PIRES_FIDELIS_DA_LUZ_COMPLETO.pdf: 3980477 bytes, checksum: 8dcfcb7b9a4644a83bfce687c2b41026 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-30T14:15:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_TIAGO_PIRES_FIDELIS_DA_LUZ_COMPLETO.pdf: 3980477 bytes, checksum: 8dcfcb7b9a4644a83bfce687c2b41026 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-12 / The main objective of this work is to understand which were the conditions of possi-bility for two protests occurred in Porto Alegre, organized by Bloco de Luta pelo Transporte P?blico, opposed to the World Cup, on June 12th and 18th 2014. On the protest of June 12th, there were many acts of damage to public and private property, without the police forces that monitored the protest taking any measure to stop such violent acts. The protest of June 18th was prevented from happening by the police, which surrounded the protesters and, using less lethal weapons, prevented them from walking. This work is the result of a research with ethnographic shades, in which participant observation was conducted as a member of Bloco de Luta pelo Trans-porte P?blico during the period between July 2013 and June 2014, acting as a pro-tester in many demonstrations promoted by the organization during the field re-search. It is concluded that what happened in both protests highlights the criminal subjection (Michel Misse) of certain political groups depending on practices they em-ploy, which gives discursive sustenance to the practice of conferring or not rights to persons depending on the social group to which they belong (Roberto DaMatta). This occurs also as a form of strengthening of a government rationale (Michel Foucault) of the exercise of citizenship, according to which the participation of individuals in poli-tics must take certain forms, through the participation in certain processes. From the knowledge acquired during the research on Bloco de Luta pelo Transporte P?blico?s and the forms through which this organization relates to political actors both external, such as political parties and the police, and internal, such as autonomous individuals and organizations that are part of it, as well as through which forms violence perme-ates these relations, a possible insight regarding new social movements in Brazil, based on the case of Porto Alegre and Bloco de Luta pelo Transporte P?blico, is presented. / O objetivo principal deste trabalho ? compreender quais foram as condi??es de pos-sibilidade para que duas manifesta??es realizadas em Porto Alegre, organizadas pelo Bloco de Luta pelo Transporte P?blico, contr?rias ? Copa do Mundo, nos dias 12 e 18 de junho de 2014, tenham transcorrido da forma como se deram. Na mani-festa??o do dia 12 de junho, ocorreram diversos atos de depreda??o a patrim?nio p?blico e privado, sem que a pol?cia, que acompanhava a manifesta??o, tomasse qualquer atitude no sentido de coibir esses atos de viol?ncia. A manifesta??o do dia 18 de junho foi impedida de ocorrer pela pol?cia, que cercou os manifestantes e, com o uso de armamento menos letal, impediu que caminhassem. Este trabalho ? resul-tado de uma pesquisa com matizes etnogr?ficos, na qual foi realizada observa??o participante como integrante do Bloco de Luta pelo Transporte P?blico durante o pe-r?odo compreendido entre julho de 2013 e junho de 2014, com a atua??o como ma-nifestante em diversas manifesta??es promovidas pelo coletivo durante a pesquisa de campo. Conclui-se que o ocorrido nas duas manifesta??es analisadas evidencia a sujei??o criminal (Michel Misse) de determinados grupos pol?ticos em fun??o de pr?ticas que adotam, o que, no caso analisado, d? sustenta??o discursiva ? pr?tica de confer?ncia ou n?o de direitos ?s pessoas de acordo com o grupo social a que pertencem (Roberto DaMatta). Isso ocorre tamb?m como fortalecimento de uma ra-cionalidade de governo (Michel Foucault) do exerc?cio da cidadania segundo a qual a participa??o de indiv?duos na pol?tica deve se dar de determinadas formas, pela participa??o em determinados processos. A partir dos conhecimentos adquiridos durante a pesquisa acerca do funcionamento do Bloco de Luta pelo Transporte P?-blico e das formas com que esse coletivo se relaciona com atores pol?ticos externos, como partidos pol?ticos e pol?cia, e internos, como indiv?duos aut?nomos e organiza-??es que o comp?em, bem como de que formas a viol?ncia permeia essas rela??es, ? apresentada uma poss?vel leitura acerca dos novos movimentos sociais no Brasil embasada no caso de Porto Alegre e do Bloco de Luta pelo Transporte P?blico.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:38:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PabloSS.pdf: 961006 bytes, checksum: 9e9649edfefd6bf398309fa8aa1f98d1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico / Since the first years of the regulation of Psychology as a profession in Brazil, it has been carried out studies on the academic graduation, practice, workplace and the social commitment of the category. Despite the diversity of goals and propositions, these studies show that psychologists have been significantly inserted into the social policies field, implying changes in the profession. Since the 1980s, researches in Rio Grande do Norte corroborate the results of national studies. The aim of this paper is to study the insertion and professional career of psychologists in the social policies field in Rio Grande do Norte. In order to accomplish the final results of this paper, it was developed an exploratory research, with the use of a questionnaire, comprised of four parts: general data, academic graduation, complementary graduation and professional experience. The results show three groups of information: characterization, insertion and professional performance. It has been verified expressive insertion of psychologists into the social policies field (41%). The socio-demographic and graduation characteristics are not different from those shown by literature: women, young, from families with an average of 7 to 15 minimum wages. Most of them graduated from public institutions and with post-graduation studies in clinical area. The professionals studied seem to be in worse working conditions compared to the rest of the category, which are also in unfavorable conditions, especially the psychologists who work in social assistance institutions, which present greater problems in its structure. The activities developed do not show anything new, reserving conservative practices instead of effective innovations, emphasizing the discussion on the profession for not considering demands presented to the psychologists in the social policies field. With unique scenario, the eproduction of liberal values corroborates classic performance standards; an unpolitical and uncritical practice is diffused. It is then reconsidered the importance of critical studies that organize goals to the category, with the aim of political transformation concerning the current scenario. / Desde os primeiros anos da regulamenta??o da profiss?o de psic?logo no Brasil, t?m-se realizado estudos que versam sobre forma??o, pr?tica, locais de atua??o e compromisso social da categoria. Apesar da diversidade de objetivos e propostas, esses estudos constatam que psic?logos t?m se inserido significativamente no campo das pol?ticas sociais, implicando mudan?as na profiss?o. Desde a d?cada de 1980, pesquisas no Rio Grande do Norte corroboram resultados de estudos nacionais. O objetivo deste trabalho ? estudar a inser??o e a atua??o profissional do psic?logo no campo das pol?ticas sociais no Rio Grande do Norte. Para consecu??o deste, desenvolveu-se pesquisa explorat?ria, com uso de question?rio, composto por quatro partes: dados gerais, forma??o acad?mica, forma??o complementar e exerc?cio profissional. Os resultados apontam tr?s grupos de informa??es: caracteriza??o, inser??o e atua??o profissionais. Constatou-se inser??o significativa do psic?logo no campo das pol?ticas sociais (41%). Suas caracter?sticas s?cio-demogr?ficas e de forma??o n?o diferem das apresentadas pela literatura: mulheres, jovens, advindas de fam?lia entre 7 e 15 Sal?rios-M?nimos. Maior parte ? graduada em institui??o p?blica e faz especializa??o na ?rea cl?nica. Os profissionais estudados aparentam estar em piores condi??es de trabalho, se comparado ao resto da categoria, que j? apresenta condi??es desfavor?veis, com destaque para os psic?logos que atuam em institui??es de Assist?ncia Social, com maior precariza??o. As atividades desenvolvidas n?o apresentam novidade, com consolida??o de pr?ticas conservadoras, ao inv?s de inova??es efetivas, enfatizando o questionamento ? profiss?o, por n?o contemplar demandas apresentadas ao profissional de Psicologia no campo das pol?ticas sociais. Com este cen?rio ?nico, de reprodu??o de valores liberais, corroboram-se padr?es cl?ssicos de atua??o, propaga-se e difunde-se uma pr?tica apol?tica e acr?tica. Reitera-se a import?ncia de estudos cr?ticos, que organize metas para a categoria, com intuito de transforma??es pol?ticas que contemplem o cen?rio atual

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-11T16:45:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Karulliny Silverol Siqueira.pdf: 1976642 bytes, checksum: 28d9d53079c14a568c4a43d7b2f8eb79 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-11T16:45:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Karulliny Silverol Siqueira.pdf: 1976642 bytes, checksum: 28d9d53079c14a568c4a43d7b2f8eb79 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-21 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This work has as main object the political dynamics of the province of Esp?rito Santo from the transformations that emerge after 1860, a period in which occurred a transformation of the personal political groups for the real ideological political parties. The analysis explores the context of creation of local parties ? liberals and conservatives ? through three ways: the press, the Provincial Assembly and the local political elite. Thus, this study relies on the analysis of various political journals of the period, which were reached the main ideas, projects and policy languages of each party. From the information obtained was developing the profile of the local intellectual elite: the writers. We also observed in this work the analysis of discourses and conflicts that emerge in the Provincial Assembly from 1860 to 1880, addressing the political vocabulary of deputies, and exposure of their proposals facing the political unrest in the Court. Finally, in order to get as much information as possible, an analysis was made of the profile of provincial deputies, focusing on aspects such as education level, academic training, employment and place of birth. The study demonstrated that the province of the Esp?rito Santo has a different demeanor from other provinces when compared to the date of creation of the two major parties in the rest of the Empire. In addition, the province shows after 1860, new political practices and a political vocabulary permeated by new ideas that coming to the province from the new composition of the political and intellectual elite. / Este trabalho tem como objeto principal a din?mica pol?tica da prov?ncia do Esp?rito Santo a partir das transforma??es que emergem ap?s 1860, per?odo em que ocorre uma transforma??o dos grupos pol?ticos pessoais para os verdadeiros partidos pol?ticos de cunho ideol?gico. A an?lise aborda o contexto de cria??o dos partidos locais ? liberais e conservadores- por meio de tr?s formas: a imprensa, a Assembleia Provincial e a elite pol?tica local. Desta forma, este estudo conta com a an?lise de diversos jornais pol?ticos do per?odo, pelos quais foram levantadas as principais ideias, projetos e linguagens pol?ticas de cada partido. A partir dos dados obtidos foi elaborando o perfil da elite intelectual local, ou seja, os redatores. Tamb?m se verifica nesta disserta??o a an?lise dos discursos e conflitos que emergem na Assembleia Provincial entre 1860 e 1880, abordando o vocabul?rio pol?tico dos deputados e a exposi??o de suas propostas diante das agita??es pol?ticas que eram vislumbradas na Corte. Por fim, com a finalidade de levantar o maior n?mero poss?vel de informa??es, foi feita uma an?lise do perfil dos deputados provinciais, concentrando-se em dados como escolaridade, forma??o, ocupa??o e local de nascimento. O estudo demonstrou que a prov?ncia do Esp?rito Santo apresenta um comportamento diferente das demais prov?ncias quando se compara com a data de cria??o dos dois grandes partidos no restante do Imp?rio. Al?m disso, a prov?ncia apresentou, ap?s 1860, novas pr?ticas pol?ticas e um vocabul?rio pol?tico permeado por novas ideias que chegam ? prov?ncia a partir da nova composi??o da elite pol?tica e intelectual

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-18T13:28:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Karulliny Silverol Siqueira.pdf: 1976635 bytes, checksum: e6b6c0a74858034ff1e4566a4a0a2bff (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T13:28:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Karulliny Silverol Siqueira.pdf: 1976635 bytes, checksum: e6b6c0a74858034ff1e4566a4a0a2bff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-21 / Funda??o de Amparo ? Pesquisa do Esp?rito Santo - FAPES/ES / This work has as main object the political dynamics of the province of Esp?rito Santo from the transformations that emerge after 1860, a period in which occurred a transformation of the personal political groups for the real ideological political parties. The analysis explores the context of creation of local parties ? liberals and conservatives ? through three ways: the press, the Provincial Assembly and the local political elite. Thus, this study relies on the analysis of various political journals of the period, which were reached the main ideas, projects and policy languages of each party. From the information obtained was developing the profile of the local intellectual elite: the writers. We also observed in this work the analysis of discourses and conflicts that emerge in the Provincial Assembly from 1860 to 1880, addressing the political vocabulary of deputies, and exposure of their proposals facing the political unrest in the Court. Finally, in order to get as much information as possible, an analysis was made of the profile of provincial deputies, focusing on aspects such as education level, academic training, employment and place of birth. The study demonstrated that the province of the Esp?rito Santo has a different demeanor from other provinces when compared to the date of creation of the two major parties in the rest of the Empire. In addition, the province shows after 1860, new political practices and a political vocabulary permeated by new ideas that coming to the province from the new composition of the political and intellectual elite / Este trabalho tem como objeto principal a din?mica pol?tica da prov?ncia do Esp?rito Santo a partir das transforma??es que emergem ap?s 1860, per?odo em que ocorre uma transforma??o dos grupos pol?ticos pessoais para os verdadeiros partidos pol?ticos de cunho ideol?gico. A an?lise aborda o contexto de cria??o dos partidos locais ? liberais e conservadores- por meio de tr?s formas: a imprensa, a Assembleia Provincial e a elite pol?tica local. Desta forma, este estudo conta com a an?lise de diversos jornais pol?ticos do per?odo, pelos quais foram levantadas as principais ideias, projetos e linguagens pol?ticas de cada partido. A partir dos dados obtidos foi elaborando o perfil da elite intelectual local, ou seja, os redatores. Tamb?m se verifica nesta disserta??o a an?lise dos discursos e conflitos que emergem na Assembleia Provincial entre 1860 e 1880, abordando o vocabul?rio pol?tico dos deputados e a exposi??o de suas propostas diante das agita??es pol?ticas que eram vislumbradas na Corte. Por fim, com a finalidade de levantar o maior n?mero poss?vel de informa??es, foi feita uma an?lise do perfil dos deputados provinciais, concentrando-se em dados como escolaridade, forma??o, ocupa??o e local de nascimento. O estudo demonstrou que a prov?ncia do Esp?rito Santo apresenta um comportamento diferente das demais prov?ncias quando se compara com a data de cria??o dos dois grandes partidos no restante do Imp?rio. Al?m disso, a prov?ncia apresentou, ap?s 1860, novas pr?ticas pol?ticas e um vocabul?rio pol?tico permeado por novas ideias que chegam ? prov?ncia a partir da nova composi??o da elite pol?tica e intelectual

Submitted by Leticia Schettini (leticia@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-25T12:00:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Saionara Gomes Ladeira.pdf: 1474302 bytes, checksum: eba7267a8c601ef70853c02ae5d1b664 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-25T12:00:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Saionara Gomes Ladeira.pdf: 1474302 bytes, checksum: eba7267a8c601ef70853c02ae5d1b664 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-14 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior-CAPES / Since the process of Independence the Brazilian government sought to strengthen its international relations with the Republics Plates by his desire to impose national sovereignty. It is therefore of fundamental importance to realize, the negotiations held at the border. Thus, we will demonstrate the negotiations, the political games and international treaties that were signed in the 1850s, realizing the problems that ultimately led to war in Silver. Several historiographical studies have investigated the platinum borders and foreign policy of the Empire in the River Plate. In our paper we tried to understand the social history of this region as a living space and dialogue of those people who have settled there and pushed the policy of their states. We went beyond the official sources and even them we don?t investigate the diplomatic decisions, but the guidelines set forth and the interests involved. / Desde o processo de Independ?ncia o governo brasileiro procurou fortalecer suas rela??es internacionais com as Rep?blicas Platinas por seu desejo de imposi??o da soberania nacional. Assim, ? de fundamental import?ncia perceber, as negocia??es travadas na fronteira. Desta forma, demonstraremos as negocia??es, os jogos pol?ticos e os tratados internacionais, que foram assinados na d?cada de 1850, percebendo as problem?ticas que acabaram por conduzir a Guerra no Prata. V?rios trabalhos historiogr?ficos j? investigaram as fronteiras platinas e pol?tica externa do Imp?rio no Rio da Prata. Em nossa disserta??o procuramos compreender a hist?ria social dessa regi?o como um espa?o vivo e de di?logo daquelas popula??es que ali se estabeleceram e pressionaram a pol?tica de seus Estados. Fomos al?m das fontes oficiais e mesmo nelas investigamos n?o as decis?es diplom?ticas, mas as diretrizes tra?adas e os interesses envolvidos.

Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-09-28T14:12:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_VICTOR_BARTMANN_DE_FRANCESCHI_COMPLETO.pdf: 3895358 bytes, checksum: be32550afd83a0b06640675f0f974042 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-28T14:12:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_VICTOR_BARTMANN_DE_FRANCESCHI_COMPLETO.pdf: 3895358 bytes, checksum: be32550afd83a0b06640675f0f974042 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-30 / This paper analyzes topics on international political economy within the capitalist development project in South Korea. We agree that the Korean development process, between 1961 and 1991, was through an export-led industrialization strategy conducted by a strong State that planned and coordinated the course of development thanks to a certain institutional and political configuration that allowed it to fulfill special economic functions. This interpretation is known as Developmental State. We show that this development model was deeply influenced by both domestic factors as international factors. The state's ability to respond positively and to adapt to the geopolitical context, the regional pattern of economic development and the conditions of international trade for the period was crucial for the developmental success. This strategy has resulted in a pattern of trade and capital transfers with the core countries consistent with the economic situation and world politics of the period. / Este trabalho busca analisar t?picos de economia pol?tica internacional no contexto do projeto de desenvolvimento capitalista da Cor?ia do Sul. Admitimos que o processo de desenvolvimento coreano, entre 1961 e 1991, se deu atrav?s de uma estrat?gia econ?mica de industrializa??o via exporta??es conduzida por um Estado forte que planejou e coordenou os rumos do desenvolvimento gra?as a uma configura??o pol?tica e institucional pr?pria que lhe permitiu cumprir fun??es econ?micas especiais. Essa interpreta??o ? conhecida como Developmental State. Mostraremos que esse modelo de desenvolvimento foi profundamente influenciado tanto pelos fatores nacionais como por fatores internacionais. A capacidade do Estado em responder positivamente e se adaptar ao contexto geopol?tico, ao padr?o regional de desenvolvimento econ?mico e ?s condi??es do com?rcio internacional do per?odo foi crucial para o sucesso desenvolvimentista. Essa estrat?gia se traduziu num padr?o de com?rcio e de transfer?ncias de capitais com os pa?ses centrais coerente com a situa??o econ?mica e pol?tica mundial do per?odo.

Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-12-20T10:53:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_JANINE_BENDOROVICZ_TREVISAN_COMPLETO.pdf: 2824359 bytes, checksum: b48d5b4f8249ed32ce08ca2e8490de5b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-20T10:53:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_JANINE_BENDOROVICZ_TREVISAN_COMPLETO.pdf: 2824359 bytes, checksum: b48d5b4f8249ed32ce08ca2e8490de5b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-31 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / Modernity has taken the centrality of religion from social and political life. The establishment of the republic in 1889 legally separated the Roman Catholic Church from the Brazilian State. Still, churches and religious groups maintain a claim for his role in the definition of public laws and policies in the Brazilian State. With the end of military dictatorship in the 1980s and the increasing political participation of different social groups and also the population growth of Pentecostals, this group became part of party politics and elected parliamentarians. They also mobilize support for presidential candidates. The objective of this thesis was to map the performance of the Pentecostals in Brazilian party politics from 2003 to 2014. For that purpose, press materials, internet, as well as interviews recorded with parliamentarians and advisors within the National Congress were analyzed. The results suggest that Pentecostal parliamentarians seek to transport their religious doctrines to the Brazilian population as a whole by proposing changes in legislation regarding behavioral issues. The discourses about justification/defense or rejection of the relationship between religion and politics have, in their essence, a dispute over the claim for a traditional (heterosexual) model of Christian family. The struggle to reject the criminalization of homophobia revealed an important issue for the group during the period under investigation, especially considering the argument that approving this law could criminalize their biblical preaching and condemnation against homosexuality, thereby restricting their freedom of religion and expression. In this sense, the discourses found in the 1980s, a period of Pentecostal insertion in politics, is resignified assuming the LGBT movement as a constrainer for its freedom of expression. / A modernidade retirou a centralidade da religi?o da vida social e pol?tica e a instaura??o da rep?blica no Brasil em 1889 separou juridicamente a Igreja Cat?lica Romana do Estado Brasileiro. Ainda assim, igrejas e grupos religiosos mant?m a reivindica??o pela sua atua??o na defini??o de leis e pol?ticas p?blicas junto ao Estado Brasileiro. Com o fim da ditadura militar na d?cada de 1980, a crescente participa??o pol?tica de diferentes grupos sociais e a expans?o demogr?fica dos evang?licos pentecostais, esse grupo passa a participar da pol?tica partid?ria elegendo parlamentares e mobilizando apoio a candidaturas ao cargo maior da na??o. O objetivo dessa tese consistiu em mapear a atua??o dos pentecostais na pol?tica partid?ria brasileira no per?odo de 2003 a 2014. Para tanto foram analisados materiais de imprensa, internet, bem como entrevistas gravadas com parlamentares e assessores no interior do Congresso Nacional. Os resultados sugerem que os parlamentares pentecostais buscam transportar suas doutrinas religiosas para o conjunto da popula??o brasileira atrav?s da proposi??o de altera??o na legisla??o referente ?s quest?es comportamentais. Os discursos em torno da justifica??o/defesa ou da recusa da rela??o da religi?o com a pol?tica possuem, no seu fundo, uma disputa em torno da reivindica??o por um modelo de fam?lia crist? tradicional (heterossexual). A luta para impedir a criminaliza??o da homofobia revelou uma bandeira importante do grupo no per?odo investigado, especialmente com a argumenta??o de que a aprova??o dessa lei poderia criminalizar suas prega??es e condena??es b?blicas contra a homossexualidade, restringindo assim sua liberdade religiosa e de express?o. Nesse sentido, a discursividade encontrada na d?cada de 1980, per?odo de inser??o pentecostal na pol?tica, ? retomada e ressemantizada assumindo o movimento LGBT como poss?vel limitador de sua liberdade de express?o.