本研究旨在探討「六四」以後中共高等學校的思想政治教育，藉此瞭解中 共四十餘年來意識型態教育失誤的原因、特徵及影響，並對未來中國前途 與大陸青年學生追求民主運動的展望作一預估。本論文約計二十八萬字， 共分六章:第一章，導論。說明本研究的動機與目的、方法與範圍、問題 與限制，而為從整體觀點(Holistic)透視中共思想政治教育的本質與概況 ，加列兩節，即「高等學校與政治社會化」和「意識型態與思想政治教育 」。第二章，理論背景的探討。說明中共高等學校思想政治教育的實施準 據，並從歷史沿革中探索思想政治教育的重要特徵，進而指出中共正面臨 「大氣候」與「小氣候」的種種衝擊，此乃留給「六四」後中共保守派整 頓高等學校思想政治教育的藉口。第三章，戰略方針的取向。透過對「四 項堅持」、「反資產階級自由化」、「社會主義精神文明」、「愛國主義 」和「反和平演變」等思想教育發展戰略的方針，發現此五項工作的方針 取向，仍延續中共傳統的意識型態教育為政治服務的手段。第四章，變革 措施的提出。說明中共為了降低一九八九年學生民主運動的衝擊，特從意 識型態防線的重建、高等教育政策的調整、領導管理體系的整頓、思想政 治理論的再學習、社會實踐活動的更落實，與校園文化環境的控制等六方 面，強化中國大陸高等學校的思想政治教育。第五章，實際成效的評估。 透過對中共實施高等學校思想政治教育的結果分析，以瞭解其教育理論、 政策與實踐的落差。換言之，中共在改革開放路線和思想箝制的矛盾環境 中，思想政治教育是經不起考驗的，且其癥結始終未解開，同時更對中國 大陸高等教育造成不良的影響。第六章，結論。首先從檢視中國大陸教育 何以落後四十餘年，其主因是中共指導思想的失誤，以致教育危機日趨嚴 重；其次，反思近四年來中共對高等教育政策所採行的變革措施，乃在箝 制高校師生的思想與行為，如此背道而馳的作為，只會加深大陸教育更多 的失誤；最後，探討中共高等教育與思想政治教育的出路，亦即跳出馬列 教條的框框，走民主中國的公民教育或政治教育道路。

Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo identificar, descrever e examinar alguns aspectos da educação política no Brasil, mais especificamente as estratégias de uso de elementos da cultura empregadas pelos consultores de marketing político no seio das campanhas eleitorais. Neste estudo, defendeu-se duas teses: a) o marketing como uma matriz de educação política e b) os consultores como intérpretes da cultura. Observou-se, portanto, que esses agentes da política, da educação e da cultura agem como administradores de uma informação acumulada, por meio de uma ação pedagógica e socializadora difusa da população. Identificou-se os interesses diversificados de agentes na adesão a um espaço social específico, descreveu-se a institucionalização do marketing político no interior do campo científico e interpelou-se a categoria nativa intérpretes na produção de crenças e entendimentos sobre a política. Com o objetivo de aprofundar a compreensão das duas teses, discutiu-se a memória e a fofoca como conteúdos e didáticas das campanhas eleitorais. Para cumprir o empreendimento intelectual proposto, foi realizada uma etnografia multissituada, de caráter exploratório, inovador e inédito na área de educação, analisando um conjunto de dados multilocalizados e oriundos de propagandas eleitorais; de contextos de produção de uma campanha específica, realizada na Amazônia brasileira; de livros produzidos por consultores; de entrevistas realizadas com eles e de outras referências encontradas no trabalho de campo e vividas pelo autor da pesquisa. Com a intenção de que o presente estudo venha contribuir para um entendimento mais amplo e eficiente a respeito da construção social da realidade nos dias atuais, propôs-se investigar as formas de sintetizar a cultura no que se refere à produção de possíveis tentativas de educação dos modos de concepção, classificação, julgamento e imaginação da população no âmbito político. Por fim, buscou-se contribuir para a ampliação do escopo investigativo da sociologia da educação no que tange aos processos educacionais difusos e de massa, e que influem substancialmente no futuro do país, que não estão restritos à escola, mas que podem chegar à ela. / This research aimed at identifying, describing and examining some aspects of political education in Brazil, more precisely the use of cultural elements by political marketing consultants in electoral campaigns. Two theses were defended by this study: a) Marketing as a source for political education and b) consultants as the interpreters of culture. It was observed, therefore, that these agents of politics, education and culture operate as managers of accumulated information, by means of pedagogic action and socializing practices of the population. Diversified interests of these agents were identified in support of a particular social area, the institutionalization of political marketing within the scientific field was also depicted, and the native status of interpreters in the creation of political views and beliefs was questioned. With the objective of deepening the understanding of the two theses, collective memory and rumors were discussed as content of and educational approaches to electoral campaigns. In order to accomplish the proposed intellectual enterprise, a multi-sited ethnographic study that was exploratory and innovative in character and unprecedented in the educational field, was created by analyzing a set of multi-locational data derived from electoral campaigns; in fact as a result of a particular campaign, which took place in the Brazilian Amazon; from books written by those consultants; interviews and other references that were found during fieldwork and experienced by the author of the research. With the purpose to provide a broader and more efficient understanding concerning the construction of our current social reality, the present case study aimed at exploring ways to synthesize culture regarding the production of possible attempts to educate the population in of methods of conception, classification, judgment and imagination in the realm of politics. Lastly, the intention was to widen the investigative scope of sociology of education related to widespread and mass educational procedures, which have a substantial influence on the future of the country, and which arent limited to the school system, but that can reach it.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SilvanaMC.pdf: 1007352 bytes, checksum: 07067f838d112b9fbc5e697ed5eac284 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-02-28 / In this work we have analyzed the political commitment of the social assistance sponsored by the Bradesco Foundation in Jo?o Pessoa. This Foundation is a private institution of public interest that provides social assistance to low income populations all over Brazil. This kind of work is one of the oldest management initiatives in what is actually referred to as managers` social responsibility. This thesis assumes that managers who are in fact socially responsible should guide their actions by the principles of social democracy, so that everyone can enjoy citizens` social freedom, and guarantee their rights as well as the political awareness of social actors. Analysis of documents and a qualitative approach have been applied to the pedagogical Project of the Foundation, as well as phenomenology to study the social profile of their students. The analysis of the pedagogical project as well as the students` standpoint towards life reveals that the Bradesco Foundation is indeed committed to the social efficacy of its students. The educational proposal of the organization includes those elements that are required for teenagers` education envisaging participative citizenship. The teenagers` speech reveals that they have developed the project identity, being therefore able to take part in the process of political transformation of our time. The results indicate that the Bradesco Foundation not only guarantees some of the basic social rights for the healthy development of those who attend their courses, but also sponsors a high level education providing both a technical and a political formation / Neste trabalho analisamos o compromisso pol?tico do servi?o social prestado pela Funda??o Bradesco na cidade de Jo?o Pessoa. A Funda??o ? uma institui??o privada de interesse p?blico que presta um servi?o social para popula??es de baixo poder aquisitivo em todo o Brasil. A Funda??o ? uma das mais antigas iniciativas empresariais no ramo do que hoje se denomina Responsabilidade Social Empresarial. Esta tese elege como marco te?rico o pensamento de autores que problematizam o compromisso pol?tico dos empres?rios que atualmente investem em a??es sociais. Parte do pressuposto de que os empres?rios socialmente respons?veis devem nortear seus investimentos pelos princ?pios da democracia social, para que todos desfrutem da liberdade social dos cidad?os, pela garantia dos direitos e a forma??o pol?tica dos atores sociais. Metodologicamente fizemos uso da an?lise documental, adotando uma abordagem qualitativa para analisar o Projeto Pedag?gico da Funda??o, e da fenomenologia para analisar o perfil social dos seus alunos. A an?lise do Projeto Pedag?gico, bem como da postura dos alunos frente ? vida, revela que a Funda??o Bradesco est? comprometida com a efic?cia social de seus educandos. A proposta educativa da organiza??o contempla os elementos necess?rios ? forma??o dos jovens para a cidadania participativa. Os depoimentos dos jovens revelam que eles desenvolveram a identidade de projeto, tornando-se capazes de participar do processo de transforma??o pol?tica de nosso tempo. Os resultados encontrados indicam que a Funda??o Bradesco garante alguns dos direitos sociais b?sicos para o desenvolvimento saud?vel das crian?as que l? estudam, e uma educa??o de qualidade em que s?o contempladas forma??o t?cnica e pol?tica

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo estudar a construção do direito à educação no município de Santo André, nas décadas de 50 a 70 do século XX, a partir da análise dos orçamentos municipais do período abordado. Por considerar fundamental a perspectiva histórica para a construção e implementação da política pública, a pesquisa resgata a organização da rede pública de ensino municipal e avalia os mecanismos que foram construídos pelo Poder Público a fim de garantir o direito à educação, principalmente no que diz respeito ao direito aos anos iniciais do ensino fundamental (antigo ensino primário). Com as referências sendo as legislações da época assim como o trabalho realizado por João Correa Mascaro (1958) relativo às análises dos orçamentos públicos dos municípios paulistas no período estudado, este estudo analisa os orçamentos do município de Santo André, compondo séries históricas de dados, obtidos por meio de um levantamento minucioso, com foco prioritariamente nas previsões orçamentárias das despesas públicas com educação. Uma das problematizações feitas nesse estudo refere-se ao regime de colaboração entre as esferas municipal e estadual, no cumprimento da escolaridade obrigatória, a partir da Constituição Federal de 1946. Constata-se que mesmo antes da Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação, de nº 5.692 de 11/08/1971, a qual previa a progressiva passagem da responsabilidade municipal com os encargos e serviços de educação, principalmente os referentes ao Ensino Fundamental, antigo 1º grau, o município já se comprometia com o atendimento escolar nos mais diversos níveis. Verifica-se, também, o total de recursos financeiros aplicados na manutenção e desenvolvimento do ensino, analisando as condições para a efetividade do direito à educação, nesse momento da história local, cujas transformações econômicas trouxeram um grande número de trabalhadores para a implantação da indústria multinacional na região. Assim, o estudo das leis orçamentárias, contextualizadas pela análise do conjunto de leis municipais e de outras fontes históricas, permitiu compreender, dentre outros aspectos, as concepções vigentes de educação pelo Poder Público local e sua progressiva organização burocrática como aparelho de Estado, tornando mais complexo no decorrer do período em questão. O presente texto aprofunda parte dos achados da Pesquisa \"O Direto à Educação Básica - estudo da demanda social e do atendimento público em uma micro região urbana\" a qual estudou os fenômenos que afetam a garantia efetiva do acesso e permanência das crianças, jovens e adultos em nove escolas da cidade de Santo André, uma vez que estas escolas foram instaladas no período considerado por este trabalho. / These search aims to study the construction of the right to education in the city of Santo André, in the decades from 50 to 70 of the twentieth century, from the analysis of the municipal budgets of the period approached. For a historical perspective consider essential for the construction and implementation of public policy, the search recover the organization of public education, municipal and assesses the mechanisms that were built by the Public Power to ensure the right to education, particularly as regards the right to the early years of elementary school (formerly primary education). With the references and the laws of the time as well as the work done by John Correa Mascaro (1958) on the analysis of public budgets of municipalities Sao Paulo in the period studied, this study examines the budgets of the municipality of Santo André, composing historical series of data, obtained through a thorough survey, focusing primarily on budgetary estimates of public expenditure on education. One of the problems made in this study refers to the system of cooperation between the municipal and state spheres, in the fulfilment of compulsory education from the Federal Constitution of 1946. It appears that even before the Law and Guidelines for Basic Education, No 5.692, 11/08/1971, which foresaw a gradual transition of responsibility with municipal charges and services of education, particularly those for elementary school, former 1 st degree, the council already was committed to the school attendance on the widest levels. There is also the total of financial resources applied in the maintenance and development of education, examining the conditions for the effectiveness of the right to education at that time local history, whose economic transformations brought a large number of workers for the deployment of industry multinational in the region. Thus, the study of budgetary laws, contextualized by analysis of the set of municipal laws and other historical sources, enabled understand, among other things, the existing conceptions of education through local Public Power and its progressive organization as bureaucratic apparatus of state, making it more complex during the period in question. This text deepens part of the findings of the Survey \"The Right to Basic Education - study of the demand social and public service in a micro urban area\" which studied the phenomena that affect the guarantee of effective access and permanence of children, young people and adults in nine schools in the city of Santo André, as these schools were installed in the period considered for these search.

O objetivo desta tese é compreender como se desenvolve historicamente a relação e articulação política entre o MST e a cidade, entre trabalhadores rurais e urbanos na luta pela hegemonia popular, a hegemonia da classe trabalhadora. E o que representa esta articulação para a formação, a força, a prática e luta política dos Sem Terra. O que implica compreender a capacidade dialógica do MST, a disposição e intencionalidade pedagógica e comunicativa para as alianças políticas e de classe com o trabalhador urbano e suas instâncias de organização. A pesquisa identificou quatro principais níveis de luta: hegemonia do/no espaço social, hegemonia da/na arte e cultura, hegemonia da/na comunicação e hegemonia da/na educação. O espaço de pesquisa dessa tese é o espaço entre o campo e a cidade, com foco no eixo metropolitano do MST, no Estado de São Paulo. O foco é o espaço da fronteira política, lugar da alteridade, de encontro, desencontro e contradição, onde há maior potencial para o desdobramento da comunicação política emancipatória, para a integração crítica e a luta contra-hegemônica, desde que reconhecido este espaço comum de comarginalidade. A situação de comargilalidade é concreta, mas exige mediação política dos trabalhadores do campo e da cidade para que se configurem as alianças. Por isso o trabalho estratégico das organizações e movimentos como o MST. A pesquisa utiliza o método dialético e são aplicadas técnicas qualitativas, entrevistas semiestruturadas, com os dirigentes e militantes, e também pesquisa antropológica em visitas à Escola Nacional Florestan Fernandes (ENFF). A ENFF, localizada no bairro de Parateí, município de Guararema, Estado de São Paulo, é o principal espaço de formação política dos movimentos sociais da América Latina. Constitui também espaço estratégico para a formação, comunicação e socialização política entre a classe trabalhadora do campo e da cidade. / This paper goal is to understand how the political relationship between the Movement of Landless Rural Workers -MST and the city and between rural and urban workers, in the struggle for popular hegemony, the hegemony of the working class, are historically developed. We also seek to show what this articulation represents to the constitution, strength and landless workers\" political struggle. This implies understanding the dialogic capacity of the MST, its disposal, educational and communicative intentionality to the working class and political alliances with the urban workers and their organizational bodies. Our research identified four main levels of struggle: the hegemony / social space, hegemony of / in art and culture, hegemony / communication and hegemony of / in education. The research\"s space is the one between the countryside and the city, focusing on metropolitan MST axis, in São Paulo. The focus is the space of political boundaries, place of otherness, disagreement and conflict, where there is greater potential for the deployment of emancipatory political communication, for critical integration and counter-hegemonic struggle, since recognized this common space of co-marginality. The co-marginality situation is real, but it requires political mediation of rural workers and the city so that they can build alliances. So the strategic work of the organizations and movements like the MST. This research uses the dialectical method and applied qualitative techniques, semi-structured interviews with leaders and activists, as well as anthropological research, visits to the National School Florestan Fernandes (ENFF). ENFF, located in Parateí neighborhood, city of Guararema, São Paulo state, is the main area of political formation of social movements in Latin America. It is also a strategic space for education, communication and political socialization among the rural and urban working class.

This work reviews the process of updating of citizenship education in the Czech Republic, France and Germany. The introductory part of the text outlines the current situation of citizenship and political education in the European context. The following part presents differences in citizenship education in the above mentioned European countries, with reference to the particular historical, political and philosophical development. The third part reviews the context of the actual challenges related to the concept of citizenship education, and the significance of its updated reformulation. The three selected aspects are: democratic values in society, lifelong learning, and the role of media (as informers and influencers). The fourth part of the text is devoted to the problem of hater on the network, as a topic which binds the political, multicultural and media education topics. The summary outlines differences and similarities within particular national systems of citizenship education. Keywords Citizenship Education, Political Education, Adult Education, Lifelong Learning, Democracy, Media, Europe, the Czech Republic, France, Germany

In der vorliegenden Forschungsarbeit nehme ich einen Aspekt der aktivistischen Bildung unter die Lupe, nämlich die Frage nach der Diversität und Inklusivität im Bildungsbereich der linken sozialen Bewegungen in Deutschland. Trotz der scheinbaren Selbstverständlichkeit, dass die linke Bildung weit zugänglich und egalitär sein sollte, scheinen die Ausschluss- und Hierarchisierungsmechanismen der öffentlichen und privaten Bildungssysteme sich im aktivistischen Bildungsbereich zu wiederholen und zu reproduzieren. Wegen der illusorischen Gleichheit und Einheit in den linken Einsichten und im Lebensstil bleiben diese internen Logiken der linken sozialen Bewegungen meistens unsichtbar und unreflektiert. Mit diesem thematischen Schwerpunkt oszilliert meine Forschungsarbeit an der Schnittstelle zwischen Bewegungsforschung, emanzipatorischer Pädagogikforschung und einer Untersuchung zu sozialen Diskriminierungen und zur Inklusion. Den theoretischen Kontext meiner Recherche bildet der Bereich der politischen Bildung und des informellen Lernens. Ich nehme dabei sowohl die Debatten zu den Beteiligungsstrukturen und sozialer Ungleichheit im Bildungsbereich in den Blick, als auch die Forschung zu sozialen Bewegungen in Bezug auf interne Machtverhältnisse und bewegungsinterne Debatten zu Hierarchien sowie der Umverteilung von Wissen und Ressourcen innerhalb von aktivistischen Kreisen. / In this dissertation, I take a closer look at one aspect of activist education, namely the question of diversity and inclusivity in the educational work of left social movements in Germany. Despite the apparent truism that left education should be widely accessible and egalitarian, the mechanisms of exclusion and hierarchization proper to the public and private education systems seem to be replicated and reproduced in the activist education sector. Because of the illusions of equality and unity associated with leftist insights and lifestyles, the internal logics of left social movements remain mostly invisible and unreflected. With this thematic focus, my research oscillates at the interface of movement research, emancipatory pedagogical research and an investigation of social discrimination and inclusion. The theoretical context of my research is the field of political education and informal learning. I focus on debates about participation structures and social inequality in education, as well as on research into social movements, their internal power relations and movement-internal debates on hierarchies and the redistribution of knowledge and resources within activist circles.

Im ersten Teil der Arbeit werden die theoretischen Grundlagen zum dualen Prüfsystem in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland mit dem Schwerpunkt auf den Prüfbereich Wirtschafts- und Sozialkunde und den schriftlichen Prüfverfahren erörtert. Der anschließende empirische Teil gliedert sich in eine quantitative Dokumentenanalyse im Kapitel 3 und die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse von Experten-interviews im Kapitel 4. Durch die quantitative Datenerhebung werden einerseits Prüfungsaufgabensätze des Bereichs Wirtschafts- und Sozialkunde und anderer-seits Curricula, die dem Unterricht im Prüfbereich Wirtschafts- und Sozialkunde übergeordnet sind, hinsichtlich ihres inhaltlichen Gehaltes überprüft. Im Anschluss daran werden die Gegebenheiten im Wirtschafts- und Sozialkundeunterricht an sächsischen berufsbildenden Schulen mithilfe der Experteninterviews dargelegt. Das Kapitel fünf verbindet die erzeugten Aussagen aus den einzelnen empirischen Teilen und soll abschließend den Bezug zur These vom heimlichen Lehrplan herstellen. Im letzten Kapitel werden Empfehlungen formuliert, die die Situation der politischen Bildung in der beruflichen Bildung vor allem im Hinblick auf die schriftliche Abschlussprüfung im Bereich Wirtschafts- und Sozialkunde verbessern könnten.:Inhaltsverzeichnis 1 Einleitung 1 2 Das duale Prüfsystem der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 3 2.1 Allgemeine Rechtsgrundlagen 4 2.2 Zuständige Stellen im Prüfprozess 6 2.2.1 Neuregelungen im Berufsbildungsgesetz und deren Konsequenzen 7 2.2.2 Aufgabenerstellungseinrichtungen 8 2.3 Regularien für den Prüfungsbereich Wirtschafts- und Sozialkunde 11 2.4 Schriftliche Prüfungsdurchführungsform und ihre Aufgabentypen 7 2.4.1 Gebundene Aufgabentypen 21 2.4.2 Nichtgebundene Aufgabentypen 25 2.4.3 Qualitätskriterien der schriftlichen Prüfung 29 2.5 Schnittmengen von politischer und beruflicher Bildung 31 3 Quantitative Datenerhebung 38 3.1 Analyse der Prüfungsaufgabensätze Wirtschafts- und Sozialkunde 38 3.1.1 Prüfungsaufgabensatz Bürokaufmann/-kauffrau (Winter 2011/12) 42 3.1.2 Prüfungsaufgabensatz Koch/Köchin (Winter 2011/2012) 44 3.1.3 Prüfungsaufgabensatz Mechatroniker/-in (Winter 2011/2012) 46 3.1.4 Zusammenfassung der Aufgabenanalyse 48 3.2 Lehrplananalyse 50 3.2.1 Baden-Württemberg .. 51 3.2.2 Bayern . 55 3.2.3 Berlin und Brandenburg 57 3.2.4 Bremen 60 3.2.5 Hamburg 64 3.2.6 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern 66 3.2.7 Niedersachsen 68 3.2.8 Nordrhein-Westfalen 71 3.2.9 Rheinland-Pfalz 73 3.2.10 Saarland 76 3.2.11 Sachsen 78 3.2.12 Schleswig-Holstein 82 3.2.13 Thüringen 86 3.2.14 Zusammenfassung der Lehrplananalyse 89 4 Qualitative Datenerhebung 91 4.1 Forschungsdesign 91 4.2 Methode der qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse 92 4.3 Ergebnisse der Inhaltsanalyse 93 4.3.1 Die Abschlussprüfung als Damoklesschwert für den Lehrenden 94 4.3.2 Nomen est omen 98 4.3.3 „Und alles andere hängt vom Lehrer ab, vom Geschick des Lehrers, seinen Unterricht zu gestalten und zu sagen, das ist wichtig.“ (3/343ff.) 101 4.3.4 Berufsbildender Unterricht und Prüfungswesen – Einheit oder Dualismus? 104 5 Konklusion 109 6 Empfehlungen 114 Literaturverzeichnis 116

Die vorliegende Arbeit greift zum einen in den aktuellen Diskurs über das Selbstverständnis und die systematische Verortung der Politischen Bildung ein und liefert zum anderen einen Beitrag zur Debatte über die Wirksamkeit von Politischer Bildung. Beschrieben wird das gesellschaftspolitische Phänomen der Entgrenzung und das damit verbundene individualistische Dilemma der Entfremdung als eine Herausforderung für eine aktuell verunsicherte institutionalisierte politische Bildungslandschaft. Grundlage für das methodische Design ist die These, dass die aktuellen gesellschaftlichen Entgrenzungsprozesse die beschriebenen Entfremdungen der Bürger vom Politischen zumindest mitverursachen. Die Institutionen der Politischen Bildung reagieren auf diese Prozesse mit Verunsicherung, welche sich durch das Festhalten am originär Eigenen oder durch Suchbewegungen bestimmt. Auch bei den potentiellen Teilnehmern spiegeln sich die gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungsprozesse zwischen Politikverdrossenheit und der Suche nach Aktivitätsalternativen. Um diese Ambivalenzen sowohl institutionell als auch personell aufzuschliessen, wurde die vorliegende empirische Untersuchung als eine Verbindung summativer und formativer Evaluation angelegt. Damit soll sowohl die Wirklichkeit der Politischen Bildung beschrieben als auch deren Entwicklungsperspektiven aufgezeigt werden.

Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit wertet eine Umfrage unter 710 studentischen Teilnehmer*innen aus ganz Deutschland aus, die zu ihren Erinnerungen an Politikunterricht befragt wurden. Jenseits der deutlichen Unterschiede hinsichtlich der Anzahl an Schuljahren mit einem Fach für politische Bildung zeigt sich, dass der Politikunterricht in vielen Bundesländern auch nach dem Paradigmenwechsel im Zuge des „PISA-Schocks“ 2001 noch immer eine starke Fokussierung auf Faktenvermittlung und Auswendiglernen aufweist. Trotz dass Internetseiten und Nachrichten-Apps mit Abstand als häufigste Quelle der politischen Informationsbeschaffung angegeben wurden, kam in knapp 80 Prozent des erlebten Politikunterrichts nie das Handy oder ein Computer zum Einsatz. Dies entspricht nicht den Anforderungen eines modernen, an der Lebenswelt der Schüler*innen orientierten Unterrichts und macht es nicht verwunderlich, dass nur jeder zweite Befragte dem eigenen Politikunterricht einen Einfluss auf die eigene Urteilsbildung zuspricht. Wie schon frühere Studien konstatierten, wünschen sich Viele einen früheren Beginn des Unterrichtsfaches bzw. eine Ausweitung der schulischen politischen Bildung. In diesem Zusammenhang haben die Untersuchungen deutliche Zusammenhänge zwischen der Zeit politischer Bildung im Schulalltag und qualitativen Kriterien guter politischer Bildung ergeben. So steigt bspw. mit der Fachstundenanzahl auch die methodische Abwechslung im Politikunterricht. Deshalb sollte sich die Politikdidaktik bundesweit weiterhin für eine Stärkung und Verankerung der politischen Bildung an allen Schularten stark machen, da ausreichend unterrichtliche Zeit ein Bedingungsfaktor für eine nachhaltige Kompetenzausbildung darstellt. Des Weiteren muss es zu den primären Aufgaben der Politikdidaktik gehören, eine multimediale Lehramtsausbildung zu forcieren und die notwendige Medienkompetenz auf Seiten der Politiklehrer*innen auszubilden. Außerdem sollte sie politischen Bildner*innen bei Fragen der eigenen Meinungsäußerung beiseite stehen und ihnen bewährte Handlungsstrategien an die Hand geben, um dem Ruf der Indoktrination zu entgehen und politische Ideologisierung zu vermeiden, ohne dabei gleichwohl kontroverse und aktuelle Themen gänzlich zu vermeiden. Denn die Positionierung von Lehrkräften in der Schule weist in den Umfragedaten ambivalente Wechselwirkungen auf.:Vorwort Einleitung Zum aktuellen Stand schulischer politischer Bildung in Sachsen und Deutschland Forschungsinteresse und Fragebogen Umfragerealisierung und Stichprobenzusammensetzung Methodisches Vorgehen Untersuchungsergebnisse: Erinnerungen an Politikunterricht Schlussfolgerungen für die Politikdidaktik Ausblick und Methodenkritik Quellen Anhang Selbstständigkeitserklärung