The dominant construction of democracy on a global scale is in the liberal tradition. It is evident in the criteria which constitute democratic barometers in organisations like Freedom House, the International Monetary Fund, the United Nations and the World Trade Organisation. This study seeks to provide a third-order analysis of liberal democratic consolidation theory in order to highlight that its theoretical discourse and underlying structure is not necessarily compatible with the cultural values of the non-Western world using a critical discourse analysis. Democratic consolidation in the non-Western world may not necessarily mirror the theoretical model of liberal democratic consolidation. Given the hegemonic position of liberal democracy‘s criteria and its dominant discourse and role as a barometer of democracy, this study focuses on democratic consolidation in this tradition. It is primarily due to the perceived inability of non-Western states to consolidate their democracies in the liberal democratic tradition and by default, construct thriving liberal democracies. Present theories of liberal democratic consolidation theory deal with governmental, political organisational and societal aspects of liberal democracy. The level of change these theories propagate is all encompassing, and consequently one cannot merely study one aspect of liberal democratic consolidation theory, but needs to analyse the paradigm as a whole in order to explore its metatheoretical structure. It is in this light that the study conducts an appraisal of liberal democratic consolidation theory. The critique developed in this study is aimed at addressing a disparity that currently exists within contemporary consolidation of liberal democracy theory, namely a failure of producers of liberal democratic discourse to understand the philosophical and ideological undertone of liberal democratic consolidation‘s understructure. The study does not seek to conceptualise alternative criteria of democratic consolidation in the non-Western context, but focuses on liberal democratic consolidation theory, to demonstrate that its criteria is not necessarily an appropriate barometer to measure democracy in the non-Western world. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

This dissertation examines the democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia. The degree to which Government institutions allow public participation, cooperation with other sectors within government, and cooperate with other stakeholders such as Non-Governmental Organisations, is examined. Data were collected using questionnaires and interviews and literature research. The analysis of data integrated both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Chapter One describes the background to the study, focusing on the history of democratic participation and land policies in Namibia. The literature review in Chapter Two gives a review of the relevant literature that exists on democracy, democratic participation and policymaking. Chapter Three provides a theoretical framework where the most important issues regarding policies relating to communal land were introduced. Chapter Four identified the tools and processes of conducting the study. Three regions in Namibia namely, Oshikoto, Hardap and Otjozondjupa were randomly selected to participate in this study. The findings of the study are discussed in Chapter Five and Chapter Six concludes the study. The study concluded that democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia is very low. The major challenges that remain are to encourage public and inter-sectoral debate and to improve the ability of the relevant stakeholders to support development in Namibia and to clarify Namibia’s vision for democratic public participation. / Public Administration and Management / M. Tech. (Public Administration and Management)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Saulo Baptista.pdf: 1783590 bytes, checksum: 67156bf5557cf321d24ccf05c147bd6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-08 / This thesis presents an analysis of the political practices of Pentecostal and Neopentecostal congressional representatives of the Assembly of God and the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in the Congress of the Republic of Brazil, from 1999 to 2006. It compares the practices of Pentecostals and Neopentecostals with the standards of behavior of Brazilian political culture and actions related to the National State as preserver of culture. The religious agents of the referred to Churches are studied based on the investment of their Churches in national politics, in relation to Constitutional Amendments of 1987-1988, but the time frame of the research refers to two legislative periods, from 1999 to 2006. The main focus of the analysis is the Evangelical Parliamentary Front founded in 2003. The involvement of Pentecostals and Neopentecostals in cases of corruption and the appropriation of public resources, known as mensalão and mafia dos sanguessugas , is given special attention in the last chapter of the research.(AU) / Esta tese apresenta uma análise das práticas políticas de parlamentares pentecostais e neopentecostais da Assembléia de Deus e Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus no Congresso da República do Brasil, de 1999 a 2006. Compara essas práticas pentecostais e neopentecostais com padrões de comportamento da cultura política brasileira e as ações correspondentes do Estado nacional como preservador dessa mesma cultura. São estudados os agentes religiosos citados desde a investida que suas igrejas fizeram na política nacional, a partir da Constituinte de 1987-1988, mas o corte temporal são as duas legislaturas, de 1999 até 2006. O foco principal da análise é a Frente Parlamentar Evangélica constituída em 2003. O envolvimento de pentecostais e neopentecostais em casos de corrupção e apropriação de recursos públicos, conhecidos como mensalão e máfia dos sanguessugas , é amplamente abordado no último capítulo deste trabalho.(AU)

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-08-19Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:21:58Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 romano_cc_dr_fran.pdf: 759824 bytes, checksum: 2f89c5c153c90c17751684e6d284632a (MD5) / Este trabalho investiga a cultura política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), do ABC ao Planalto. A chegada de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva à Presidência da República, em 2002, expôs o descompasso petista entre passado e presente. Em meio à crise enfrentada pelo partido – com dirigentes envolvidos em atos de corrupção –, proliferam interpretações que anunciam a morte do petismo, ao lado de defesas apaixonadas atestando sua vivacidade. Em ambos os casos, o ponto de chegada é o mesmo, qual seja, a conclusão de que o petismo atual não condiz com aquele de três décadas atrás, logo, em algum instante, os petistas romperam seus laços originais. Ao contrário, compreende-se aqui o petismo como uma cultura política sem cortes ou traumas. Admitindo que os historiadores pouco contribuíram até momento para clarear a questão, este estudo aplica o conceito de cultura política, valendo-se do marxismo gramsciano para concluir que o petismo não expressa propriamente uma tradição, mas um comportamento político específico, uma mudança políticocultural da sociedade “formada” durante o regime militar no Brasil. Controlada politicamente pelo arbítrio, transfigurada em sua face social tamanho o fluxo migratório aos grandes centros industriais e instigada em seu instinto egoístico pela nova dinâmica do capital, aquela sociedade passou a se organizar à margem do Estado, valendo-se, para tanto, de demandas econômicas e sociais em seus gestos de associação. O binômio crescimento-pobreza transbordou para além das estatísticas. Metalúrgicos de indústrias de ponta do capitalismo brasileiro passaram a expressar de modo visceral um comportamento social difuso e sistematizado de início pelo sindicalismo autêntico. Os movimentos grevistas de 1978-1980 foram assim expressões monográficas de uma nova... / This paper investigates the political culture of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores – PT), from the ABC region to the governmental headquarters, the Planalto. The arrival of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to the presidency in 2002 exposed the irregularities of his party between the past and the present. In the middle of the crisis faced by the party – with leaders being involved in corruption events – some interpretations that claimed the end of PT have risen, along with some passionate defense statements which attested its vivacity. In both cases, the final point is the same, that is, the conclusion that the current party policy doesn’t agree with the one in the past which shows that in some points the petistas (the politician from PT) had broken with its original bonds. However, the petismo (PT’s policies) is understood here as a political culture without cuts or traumas. Admitting that historians gave little contribution to clarify this issue so far, this study applies the gramscian marxism to conclude that petismo doesn’t express a tradition but a specific political behavior, a political and cultural change of the society “created” during the military regime in Brazil. Politically controlled by will, with transfigured social view due to the size of migratory flow towards the big industrial centers and instigated in its selfish instinct by new capital dynamics, that society began to be organized on the edge of the State, taking refuge with the economic and social demands in its acts of association. The binomial growth-poverty went beyond statistics. Metallurgists of Brazilian capitalistic industries began expressing a diffuse social behavior in a visceral way, systematized at first by authentic union acts. Striker movements from 1978 to 1980 were monographic expressions of a new political behavior experimented by Brazilians. PT has amplified the appropriation of ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Ese trabajo busca investigar la cultura política del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), del ABC al Planalto. La llegada de Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva a la Presidencia de la República el 2002 expresó el desajuste petista entre pasado y presente. En médio a la crisis que impactó el partido – en razón del involucramiento de sus dirigentes en actos de corrupción – incontables interpretaciones fueran produzidas en las cuales se anunciava la muerte del petismo y al revés de la misma manera apacionantes defensas con vistas a certificar su vitalidad. El los dos casos el punto de llegada es el mismo, o sea, se concluye que el petismo actual no confirma aquel que se afirmó hace tres décadas, lo que significa que en su momento los petistas han roto sus vínculos con sus concepciones originales. Aqui, por el contrario, se comprende el petismo como una cultura política sin descontinuidad o traumas. Mismo con el reconocimiento de que los historiadores hasta el momento poco hicieran en el sentido de aclarar la cuestión esa investigación se utiliza del concepto de cultura política, traduzido por el marxismo gramsciano, para llegar a la conclusión que el petismo no expresa verdaderamente una tradición; más bien expresa un comportamiento político específico, un cambio político-cultural que se produjo en la sociedade bajo el influjo del regimen militar brasileño. Atrapada politicamente por el autoritarismo, desfigurada socialmente por el flujo migratório a los grandes centros industriales y fomentada en sus instintos egoísticos en razón de la nueva dinâmica del capital, la sociedad brasileña se volvió a organizarse al borde del Estado utilizando para ese movimiento las demandas econômicas y sociales en su empeño asociativo. El binómio crescimiento-pobreza traspasó las estatísticas. Obreros metalúrgicos de las industrias más avanzadas del capitalismo brasileño volveran a ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletronico abajo)

This paper deals with an analysis of the discursive accounts of Eastern Cape white commercial farmers on the subject of Democracy. Drawing on the theoretical perspectives of Social Constructionism and Discourse Analysis – which view individuals’ accounts of their realities as produced and informed by their particular social and historical context – the paper seeks to provide an analysis of the content of, and rhetorical strategies within the participants’ accounts and explanations. Such accounts of the social, historical and political circumstances in which Eastern Cape commercial farmers find themselves are thought to provide valuable insights into the manner in which the process of democratisation has been received by members of the agricultural sector. Data collection was conducted via brief, audio taped, semi-structured interviews. The participants were all white men and women, living in a commercial farming region of the Eastern Cape Province. Responses to the interviews were subjected to the Discourse Analytical procedure advanced by Ian Parker. Analyses reveal that participants are critical of the notion of democracy; utilize specific rhetorical and argumentation strategies; make use of notions and techniques of ‘Othering’; and subscribe to a colonial / patriarchal ideology which attempts to idealize pre-democratic South Africa. These findings illustrate what is in many ways still an ongoing political and ideological struggle in the rural regions of the country.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AlineAMG.pdf: 269619 bytes, checksum: 320bd08aec4bf9b63b1c7c24ed004748 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-04-26 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel?s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It?s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject / O presente trabalho pretende refletir teoricamente a respeito do processo de reconstru??o da democracia que podemos observar no pa?s, a partir, inicialmente, do processo de abertura pol?tica que tem in?cio no governo Geisel em 1974, prolongando-se com o primeiro presidente civil em 1985, pela Constituinte de 1986 e pela promulga??o da Constitui??o de 1988. Interessa ao trabalho analisar que a Constitui??o de 1988 inaugura o momento em que a democracia come?a se reconstruir no pa?s, e esta reconstru??o se d? de modo inovador, ao prever a inser??o da sociedade civil na delibera??o das pol?ticas p?blicas, com a cria??o de espa?os de gest?o compartilhada entre os executivos federal, estadual e municipal, e ? sociedade civil, nos conselhos gestores federais, estaduais e municipais. Neste sentido, o trabalho tem como preocupa??o focalizar o processo de abertura ? participa??o da sociedade civil que ocorre com a cria??o dos conselhos gestores municipais de pol?ticas p?blicas. Trata-se de investigar o formato em que, na pr?tica, as rela??es estabelecidas nesses espa?os h?bridos possam ser consideradas, enquanto democr?ticas, inclusivas e promotoras de uma participa??o efetiva, analisando tend?ncias, dando ?nfase ?s regularidades e algumas das especificidades encontradas nos formatos de participa??o, que se tem observado nestes conselhos. A fim de realizar o exerc?cio de compreens?o a respeito da democracia que se coloca em constru??o no pa?s, toma-se como objeto de estudo, a an?lise das rela??es estabelecidas entre sociedade civil e executivo local, nos conselhos gestores municipais obrigat?rios, passando pelas tens?es que envolvem institui??es e pr?ticas pol?ticas, permeadas pela cultura pol?tica local. Parte-se de um breve balan?o de disserta??es produzidas a cerca do presente tema

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-04-20T17:02:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JEAN PAUL GOUVEIA MEIRA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGH 2014..pdf: 1058065 bytes, checksum: d4c3f6292c191b01ad0452edeca9f083 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-20T17:02:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JEAN PAUL GOUVEIA MEIRA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGH 2014..pdf: 1058065 bytes, checksum: d4c3f6292c191b01ad0452edeca9f083 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03 / Esta pesquisa procurou analisar as estratégias políticas elaboradas pelas lideranças indígenas Tupi, que valorizaram acordos ou negociações com as autoridades portuguesas, na tentativa da obtenção de mercês (favores políticos, títulos nobiliárquicos, insígnia de cavaleiro, sesmaria, etc.) pelos serviços prestados à coroa portuguesa. Ao longo deste estudo, constatou-se que as chefias Tupi souberam obter vantagens e direitos ao se apropriarem dos códigos portugueses, como a honra e o prestígio social adquirido quando ocuparam espaços de poder no Império Ultramarino Português. A apropriação dos novos valores possibilitou a mudança na dinâmica interna dos povos indígenas, ao mesmo tempo em que as famílias Tupi, Camarão e Arcoverde, se perpetuaram no comando das aldeias nas chamadas capitanias do Norte. Para a efetivação desta pesquisa, o diálogo com manuscritos coloniais disponíveis no Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino de Lisboa tornou-se fundamental. Tal arquivo possui grande número de requerimentos ou petições dos capitães indígenas, que buscaram, constantemente, recompensas bastante cobiçadas. / This research seeks to analyze policy strategies elaborated by the Tupi indigenous leaders, which valued agreements or negotiations with the portuguese authorities, in an attempt to obtain mercy (political favors, titles, insignia of knight, allotment, etc.) for his services to the portuguese crown. Throughout this study, it was found that the indigenous leaders were able to obtain advantages and rights to appropriating portuguese codes, such as honor and social prestige acquired when occupied spaces of power in the portuguese overseas empire. The appropriation of new values made possible the change in the internal dynamics of indigenous people, while the Tupi families, Camarão and Arcoverde, if perpetuated in command of villages in the so-called Northern captaincies. For the effectuation of this research, the dialogue if colonial manuscripts available in Overseas Historical Archive of Lisbon became very necessary. This file has a large number of requests or petitions of indian captains who sought, constantly, enough coveted.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:20:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thais D da R Thomazini.pdf: 1098313 bytes, checksum: ab01fd73780a64251d121297733d4b9b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-25 / This research aims to understand and analyze the Câmara Jovem program, created in 2007 by the legislative power of Cascavel city, located in the Paraná State in Brazil, in a partnership with the Regional Education Center. The program allows the participation of public and private schools, represented by students of elementary and high school levels. The students which are chosen by vote among the others students are called of Youth Councilors and have to represent their school and community in the Câmara Jovem during a year. In accordance with its resolution, the program aims to integrate the young people with the policy, to promote the integration between the legislative power and public and private schools in the city, to create opportunities to young people learn the legislative function of municipal government and to contribute to the formation of citizens able to participate in the political reality. In this context, this research aims to understand the implications that the socialization political process proposed by this program may have on the political culture of the young participants. Firstly, a literature about the concept of political socialization were studied and analyzed. The authors present their analyze about the possible contributions and limits of this process in the politcal formation of adolescents and youth people, and also for the democracy. From the theoretical study and the research problem presented, it was decided to realize a case study using qualitative methodological procedures. In this procedures we can detach document analysis, field research and participant observation of sessions of the program, and semi-structured interviews with young councilors that participate or have participated in the program. In order to corroborate with the qualitative study, primary quantitative data were collected and analyzed by means of objective questionnaire applied in high school students from public and private schools in the city. The use of quantitative data aimed to prepare a comparative analysis between students who participate as young councilors and students who do not participate in the program. This action searches to understand the elements that are envolved with the youth participation in the program, and the way that this influence may contribuite in the formation of political conceptions and attitudes of young participants. The socialization political process proposed by the program, is characterized by an emphasis on learning and integration of the young with the policy, and motivated us to reflect about which conception of politics is taught to young people, and the possible implications that this process may have on the political education of young participants. / A pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo, o programa Câmara Jovem, criado em 2007 por representantes do poder legislativo do município de Cascavel PR em parceria com o Núcleo Regional de Educação. Em exercício a partir da resolução municipal da Câmara de Vereadores 011/2007, o programa permite a participação de alunos do Ensino Fundamental II e Médio de escolas públicas e privadas do município, escolhidos mediante votação entre os estudantes da escola. De acordo com a resolução do programa, o projeto tem como objetivos integrar o jovem com a política, promover a integração da câmara municipal com colégios públicos e privados do município, oportunizar o aprendizado da função legislativa do poder público municipal e contribuir na formação de cidadãos capazes de participar do processo de tomada de decisões políticas. Nesse contexto, a pesquisa visa compreender as implicações que o processo de socialização política proposto no programa Câmara Jovem exerce na formação da cultura política dos jovens participantes. Parte-se inicialmente, de uma pesquisa bibliográfica acerca do conceito de socialização política, a partir de literatura específica, destacando autores que analisam as possíveis contribuições e limites desse processo para adolescentes e jovens e também para o regime político democrático. Mediante o estudo teórico e o problema de pesquisa apresentado, optou-se pela realização de um estudo de caso, com o uso de procedimentos metodológicos qualitativos. Foram utilizadas como técnicas de pesquisa: análise documental, pesquisa de campo e observação participante das sessões do programa durante o segundo semestre de 2010 e todo o ano letivo de 2011; e entrevistas semi estruturadas com vereadores jovens da gestão 2010 2011 e vereadores jovens egressos. No sentido de corroborar com o estudo qualitativo realizado, a pesquisa trabalhou com a coleta e análise de dados quantitativos primários, obtidos por meio de questionário objetivo aplicado em estudantes do ensino médio de escolas públicas e privadas do município. O uso de dados quantitativos visou realizar uma análise comparativa entre os estudantes que atuam como vereadores jovens na gestão 2011-2012 e estudantes do ensino médio que não participam do programa, buscando analisar em que medida a participação no programa pode influenciar concepções e atitudes políticas dos jovens participantes. O processo de socialização política proposto pelo programa, caracterizado pela ênfase na aprendizagem e integração do jovem com a política nos instiga uma reflexão acerca de qual concepção de política é ensinada aos jovens, e as possíveis implicações que esse processo pode ter na formação política dos adolescentes e jovens participantes.

Orientador: José Alves de Freitas Neto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:47:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SilvaJunior_JoseAntonioFerreirada_M.pdf: 1700054 bytes, checksum: 09c1830a8d95d190c305110e85ba4e6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Este trabalho procura levantar e mapear discussões e debates político-culturais da segunda metade do século XX em Cuba, nas primeiras décadas da Revolução Cubana. A difusão de periódicos e impressos contribuiu para uma circulação diferenciada de ideias e discursos, envolvendo sujeitos históricos em diferentes dinâmicas entre o político e o cultural. Os intelectuais encontraram nesse tipo de meio de comunicação um espaço de expressão e engajamento com o processo revolucionário. A revista cubana Casa de las Américas se constituiu como centro de uma rede intelectual, a partir da qual se construiu e se difundiu um discurso revolucionário. Nossa proposta é partir desta revista, como objeto e fonte histórica, para aproximarmo-nos das ideias e noções conformadas entre intelectuais relacionados com o imaginário esquerdista da América Latina nos anos 1960 e 1970. Um dos nossos temas principais é a conformação de discursos identitários na revista. Defendemos que as identidades construídas discursivamente por Casa fazem parte da concepção que a própria revista tinha sobre sua atuação no processo revolucionário. Também, a questão em torno do papel do letrado é aqui analisada por nós. A publicação deu suporte para a formação de um discurso que valorizou e favoreceu uma estética e uma concepção de intelectual específicas para cumprir o que era visto como revolucionário. Devido à importância e à vigência que Casa estabelece para José Martí (1853-1895), as formas de discussão e apropriação da vida e obra deste letrado cubano figuram também em nossa argumentação, destacando mecanismos discursivos e formas de apropriação da história de Cuba. Dessa forma, passando por alguns temas político-culturais da revista, pretendemos abordar a história da esquerda latino-americana e da conformação de seu imaginário / Abstract: This work discusses and analyses the political and cultural debates during the first decades of the Cuban Revolution in the second half of the 20th century. In this context the dissemination of printed journals had contributed for the exchange of ideas and discourses, allowing the historical subjects to be immersed in a variety of political and cultural dynamics. Intellectuals found a space for expression and engagement with the revolutionary process in this type of media. The Cuban cultural journal Casa de las Américas was the center of an intellectual network from which the revolutionary discourse was built and spread. With the analysis of this journal we intend to get closer to the ideas and concepts that were being created and used by the Latin American leftist intellectuals of the 1960s and 1970s. One of our main themes is the conformation of identity discourses in the journal Casa de las Américas. The importance of the figure of the intellectual is another focused subject. We argue that the identities constructed discursively by this cultural journal are part of the design that the magazine itself had on its performance in the revolutionary process. The publication gave support to the formation of a discourse that valued and promoted a specific aesthetic and conception of intellectual which would fulfill what was seen as revolutionary. The important role that was reserved for José Martí (1853-1895) in Casa justifies our analysis of how his life and works were discussed and presented in the journal, emphasizing the discursive mechanisms and the different forms of appropriation of Cuban history. Thus, with the analysis of some political and cultural themes from Casa we intend to study the history of Latin-American left and the conformation of its imaginary / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:45:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jennifer_Morais_Dissertacao.pdf: 908520 bytes, checksum: bcdba7ec423b9eef63f279bd40f108d1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-05 / The construction of a hydroelectric plant causes social impacts, because the affected citizens must be relocated hit choose between one kind of relocation presented by the entrepreneur. Aiming to discuss the process, this study examines the influence of the information control, politicalculture and social capital in the decision making of citizens affected by hydroelectric plants on the Uruguay river. The research analyzes quantitative data from the Research and Development Project "Evaluation of Proposition Results and Model Development Program of Resettlement of the Population Affected by Hydroelectric Projects (2010-2014)." The results of this dissertation demonstrate the influence of these variables in decision making citizen's hit, highlighting the importance of information andpointing out the relationship between social capital and the choice of modality Collective Rural Resettlement / A construção de uma usina hidrelétrica ocasiona impactos sociais, pois os cidadãos atingidos precisam ser realocados e escolher entre uma das modalidades de remanejamentos apresentadas pelo empreendedor. Com o objetivo de problematizar o processo, este estudo analisa a influência do controle da informação, da cultura política e do capital social na tomada de decisão dos cidadãos atingidos por usinas hidrelétricas na bacia do rio Uruguai. A pesquisa analisa dados quantitativos do Projeto de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Avaliação dos Resultados e Proposição de Modelo de Elaboração de Programas de Remanejamento da População Atingida por Empreendimentos Hidrelétricos (2010-2014) . Os resultados da dissertação demonstram a influência destas variáveis no processo decisório do cidadão atingido, destacando a importância da informação e apontando a relação entre capital social e a opção pela modalidade Reassentamento Rural Coletivo