本文以第二意象（second image）的「國內結構觀點」為途徑，首先探討菲律賓政治結構的形成與因素，包括殖民與歷史遺緒、政治發展過程、軍文關係、政治文化與其他非制度性因素等，作為內部結構觀點的研究基礎；接著回顧菲律賓的內外安全環境以及近年安全政策的推動與實踐，然後進一步檢視艾若育與艾奎諾三世兩任政府的安全政策作為、走向，影響兩任總統安全政策的內外部因素，比對兩任政府的安全政策；然後透過安全體制革新（SSR）理論概念的梳理，形塑出整合性的SSR研究架構，並整理將安全體制革新應用在東南亞脈絡之下的研究與實務；最後探討並評估艾奎諾三世政府推動的相關改革政策過程，其實踐的狀況與原因，並勾勒出菲律賓安全體制革新的發展、挑戰與前景。

Cette recherche porte sur la dimension interprétative de l'intégration européenne et sur son rôle dans la démocratisation au sein des pays postcommunistes. Je focalise mon attention sur la signification pour les gens desdits pays que revêtent la participation politique, la compétence politique, et l’action collective. Cette signification prend forme selon des circonstances spécifiques, agencées par les relations de pouvoir asymétriques avec l’Union européenne (UE). J’examine la littérature sur le rôle de l'intégration européenne dans la démocratisation des pays postcommunistes et je distingue deux paradigmes théoriques principaux : un premier qui met l'accent sur le processus institutionnel, l’autre sur le processus instrumental stratégique. Au sein de ces deux approches, je présente différents auteurs qui voient l'UE soit comme un facteur pro-démocratique, soit comme un facteur antidémocratique dans le contexte postcommuniste de transition politique. Cette recherche ne suit pas théoriquement et méthodologiquement les études contenues dans la revue de la littérature. Plutôt, elle s’appuie sur un modèle théorique inspiré des recherches de McFalls sur la réunification culturelle allemande après 1989. Ce modèle, sans négliger les approches institutionnelles et stratégiques, met l’accent sur d'autres écoles théoriques, interprétatives et constructivistes. Mes conclusions se basent sur les résultats de séjours d'étude dans deux pays postcommunistes : la Bulgarie, membre de l'UE depuis 2007, et la Macédoine, pays-candidat. J’ai recours à des méthodes qualitatives et à des techniques ethnographiques qui triangulent des résultats puisés à des sources multiples et variées pour exposer des trajectoires dynamiques de changement culturel influencées par l'intégration européenne. Les conclusions montrent sous quelles conditions les idéaux-types de changement politique conventionnels, soit institutionnel ou stratégique, représentent des modèles utiles. Je présente aussi leurs limitations. Ma conclusion principale est que l'intégration européenne représente un phénomène complexe dans le monde des significations. C’est un facteur qui est simultanément un amplificateur et un inhibiteur de la culture politique démocratique. Les gens créent des sous-cultures différentes où des interprétations multiples du processus d'intégration européenne mènent à des effets dissemblables sur la participation politique, la compétence et l’action collective. La conversation discursive entre les gens qui composent de telles sous-cultures distinctes peut produire des effets divergents au niveau national. Cette recherche n’est pas une analyse de l’UE comme mécanisme institutionnel ; elle ne pose ainsi pas l’UE comme une institution qui détermine directement le processus de démocratisation postcommuniste. Plutôt, elle s’intéresse au processus d’intégration européenne en tant qu’interaction qui affecte la culture politique au sein des pays postcommunistes, et à la manière dont cette dernière peut agir sur le processus de démocratisation. Mon point d’intérêt central n’est donc pas l’européanisation ou le processus de devenir « comme l’Europe », à moins que l’européanisation ne devienne une composante de la culture politique avec des conséquences sur le comportement politique des acteurs. / This research focuses on the interpretative dimension of EU integration and on its role in post-communist democratization. It offers an understanding of the significance of taking part in political life, becoming politically competent and taking part in collective actions. This significance takes shape under specific circumstances, which are part of the asymmetrical power relation with the European Union (EU). I discuss the existing literature on the role of EU integration in post-communist democratization and discern two main theoretical paradigms, which put emphasis either on institutionalist learning or on the strategic instrumental process. Within these two approaches I present authors who see the EU either as a pro-democratic or anti-democratic factor in the context of post-communist political transition. This research does not follow exactly, theoretically or methodologically, in the footsteps of the studies presented in the literature review. It starts from a theoretical model, inspired by McFalls’ research on German cultural reunification after 1989. This model, without neglecting institutional and strategic approaches, emphasizes the importance of other theoretical schools, interpretative and constructivist. My findings are based on field trips in two post-communist countries that are situated at different stages of the EU integration process: Bulgaria, which became a EU member in 2007, and Macedonia, which is a candidate country. Methodologically, I use qualitative methods and ethnographic techniques that triangulate findings from different sources into converging dynamic trajectories of cultural change under the influence of EU integration. These findings show the specific conditions under which the conventional ideal-types of political change, institutionalist and strategic, represent useful theoretical models. I also display their limitations that call for an alternative approach. I conclude that EU integration, as a complex phenomenon within the world of meaning, acts simultaneously as a booster and an inhibitor of democratic political culture. People create different subcultures where different interpretations of the EU integration process lead to dissimilar effects on their political participation, competence and collective action. Discursive conversations between people representing these different subcultures may also produce dissimilar effects on the national level. This research is not an analysis of the EU as an institutional mechanism and therefore, it is not research that takes the EU as an institution affecting post-communist democratization. This research focuses on the way the process of EU integration as an interaction affects political culture in post-communist societies, and via this influence, how it affects the process of democratization. It is not about Europeanization, understood as becoming more European-like, unless this Europeanization becomes part of political culture, which affects political behavior.

This thesis examines the rise of image culture in the 1920’s and its impact on American national identity. I demonstrate that, perhaps surprisingly, the central figure in these debates was not a past or present prominent American but instead an indeterminate Other which is read in ambivalent ways and for varied purposes. It is the central claim of this project that in order to trace the modern American subject that emerges from the 1920s national rift, one must attend to the ways in which a felt need to view and position oneself in relation to “the Other” was essential to defining the nature and future of the nation. More specifically, I argue that the film Grass: A Nation’s Battle for Life (1925) offers a solution to this national divide by providing viewers a popular culture form of “evidence” of the Westerner’s capacity to exhibit both premodern and modern qualities. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2014. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Cette thèse étudie la réception de la Question d'Orient au Royaume-Uni entre la crise orientale de1875-6 et celle de 1894-8, ainsi que son incidence sur la culture politique britannique. Preuves à l'appui, nous remettrons en cause les deux positions historiographiques prépondérantes selon lesquelles la Question d'Orient était, à l'époque pour le Royaume-Uni, une simple question diplomatique et que son incidence sur la culture politique britannique se limitait à l'affrontement entre Gladstone et Disraeli entre 1876 et 1880. Nous argumenterons, au contraire, que les influences de la Question d'Orient sur le Royaume-Uni vont bien au-delà de 1880 et sont, dans le dernier quart du dix-neuvième siècle, multiples et extrêmement complexes. Sans remettre en cause son aspect diplomatique et géopolitique, il nous faudra également considérer son incidence rhétorique,culturelle et idéologique sur la politique britannique. / This dissertation explores the reception of the Eastern Question in Britain between the 1875-6 Eastern crisis (marked by the 'Bulgarian atrocities') and that of 1894-8 (which corresponds to the episode of the 'Armenian massacres' and to its consequences), as well as the impact it had on British political culture. l will rely on contemporary evidence to question the two main historiographical positions that the Eastern Question was, at the time, just a diplomatic issue and that ~ts only impact on British political culture was the contest that opposed Disraeli and Gladstone between 1876 and 1880. Instead, it will be argued here that the impact of the Eastern Question in Britain goes well beyond 1880 and is both multi-faceted and extremely complex. Without down playing its diplomatic and geopolitical relevance, l will seek to assess its rhetorical, cultural and ideological influences on British politics.

1990 wurden linksradikale Akteure aus West- und Ostdeutschland Teil des gleichen Staates und somit gleichsam Teil eines selben Ganzen: der deutschen radikalen Linken. Die große Vielfalt der ideologischen Strömungen in einer höchst heterogenen Szene wie der radikalen Linken machte die Entstehung einer gemeinsamen kollektiven Identität ohnehin schwierig. Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht herauszufinden, wie Akteure aus Ost und West, die sich selbst als „linksradikal“ bezeichneten, im Laufe der 1990er Jahre versucht haben, sich in der neuen, de facto gemeinsamen politischen Szene selbst und gegenseitig zu verorten. Wie wurden die neuen Verhältnisse nach dem Zusammenbruch des Realsozialismus und somit dem Wegfall vieler Bezugsrahmen und Paradigmen des Kalten Krieges neu definiert? Wie sah die deutsche radikale Linke ihre Rolle in diesem neuen Kontext? Gab es spezifische ost- bzw. westdeutsche Antworten auf die neue Situation? Nicht zuletzt wird gefragt, ob ost- und westdeutsche Akteure gemeinsame Kampfinhalte entwickeln konnten. Die Nationsfrage wird in der vorliegenden Studie unter zwei Aspekten verhandelt: Erstens als Erfahrungsgeschichte einer sich neu zu bildenden „deutsch-deutschen Linken“ in Ost und West nach 1990. Zweitens ist es eine Geschichte der expliziten Auseinandersetzung mit den neuen Themen „deutsche Nation“ und „deutsche Geschichte“, wie sie vor allem von Seiten der antideutschen bzw. antinationalen Linken diskutiert wurden. Diese Auseinandersetzung hatte sowohl Auswirkungen auf das linksradikale Selbstverständnis der berücksichtigten Szene als auch auf den Verlauf der Neuvereinigung der ost- und westdeutschen Komponenten dieser Szene. / In 1990, East and West German actors who viewed themselves as members of the “radical left” suddenly became part of the same collective: the German radical left. Yet the contexts in which these actors had been politicized and socialized had been quite distinct prior to the fall of the Wall. The purpose of this study is to examine the modalities by which these actors – East and West – were unified in the course of the 1990’s. On what bases did they – in an environment which remained highly heterogeneous – define the shared reality which is a precondition of any rapprochement? What was the influence of the legacy of the East German leftist opposition’s political experience in the GDR? The position known as antideutsch or antinational particularly attracted our attention. It developed among the West German left in the wake of reunification. It also contributed considerably to redefining the structure of the scene in the East and the West in the second half of the 1990’s. The dissertation throws light on German political culture following reunification, on the one hand, and on the disorientation of the German left after the collapse of Real socialism, on the other. Furthermore, it introduces the East German dimension, which is often neglected by research, in the history of the Western European left.

A presente tese trata da relação entre cultura política da juventude e o desenvolvimento econômico. A partir da teoria revisitada da modernização de Ronald Inglehart e colaboradores, que preconiza mudanças de prioridades valorativas individuais associadas a valores e crenças alinhadas ao bem-estar comum e ao aprimoramento da democracia a partir do desenvolvimento econômico, a tese discute em que medida essa teoria pode ser verificada entre os jovens de dois municípios das duas metades do estado do Rio Grande do Sul, tradicionalmente reconhecido por desenvolvimento regional díspar. Para tanto, foram realizadas 1069 entrevistas entre jovens de escolas estaduais de ensino médio de duas cidades do RS, Garibaldi (metade norte) e São José do Norte (metade sul), entre final de 2017 e início de 2018. Foram replicadas nos questionários dimensões selecionadas do projeto World Values Survey (WVS) a fim de dimensionar o índice de materialismo e pós-materialismos dos jovens gaúchos e verificar se esse comportamento está relacionado com as diferenças de desenvolvimento econômico entre as duas cidades, que possuem índices de desenvolvimento humano díspares. A partir do índice de materialismo e pós-materialismo proposto por Inglehart e colaboradores, buscou-se promover uma discussão sobre a cultura política dos jovens despida de um comportamento natural, mas produto do meio onde foi socializado. Ainda que os resultados da pesquisa não sejam suficientes para afirmar uma distinção definitiva a partir do marco teórico, há evidências que apontam para a transição de valores materiais para pós-materiais na medida em que aumenta o desenvolvimento econômico. / This thesis deals with the relationship between youth political culture and economic development. From the revisited theory of modernization of Ronald Inglehart et al., Which advocates changes in individual values priorities associated with values and beliefs aligned with common well-being and improvement of democracy from economic development, the thesis discusses to what extent this theory can be among young people from two municipalities in the two halves of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, traditionally recognized by disparate regional development. To that end, 1069 interviews were conducted among youngsters from RS high schools: Garibaldi (northern half) and São José do Norte (southern half) between late 2017 and early 2018. Selected dimensions of the World project Values Survey (WVS) in order to assess the index of materialism and post-materialism of the young gauchos and verify if this behavior is related to the differences of economic development between the two cities that have disparate human development indices. From the index of materialism and post-materialism proposed by Inglehart and collaborators, the aim was to promote a discussion about the political culture of young people, stripped of natural behavior, but a product of the environment in which they were socialized. Although the results of the research are not enough to affirm a definitive distinction from the theoretical framework, there is evidence that points to a transition from material values to post-material as economic development increases.

Mon travail de thèse analyse les discours journalistiques et syndicalistes durant le processus transitionnel sur l'assembléisme ouvrier. L'objectif est de comprendre comment les mobilisations ouvrières assembléistes ont été domestiquées et subordonnées aux organisations politiques et syndicales de l'opposition démocratique. L'assembléisme ouvrier ne constitue pas un événement anecdotique et la marginalisation des pratiques assembléistes est en partie la conséquence de discours publics qui les discréditent et qui, se faisant, construisent une culture politique démocratique spécifique où le radicalisme ouvrier n'a plus d'espace et dans laquelle les grévistes sont invités à rejeter leurs structures assembléistes pour accepter le monopole de la représentation du social par les syndicats. / My work analyses trade union and journalistic discourses on the role played bay worker's assemblies during the spanish transitional process with the aim of understanding how their mobilisation was subjugatd and subordinated by political organisations and trade unions who were in the opposition to demicratisation. The worker's assemblies were not anecdotal events, and the marginalisation on their meetings was party the consequences of public discourses that deligitimated them. Moreover, the discourses contributed to the construction of a specific political culture wich rejetcs worker radicalism. Thus, worker's were asked to rejetc own democratic structures and accept the monopoly of social representation by the trade unions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Assistencia Social Pos LOAS em Natal.pdf: 2695618 bytes, checksum: 425522492f34bc5aa635efd17b96da10 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-10-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / That work aims to analyze the social assistance policy in Natal city during the period between 1995-2004, trying to apprehend, on the basis of the guide lines of the Law of the Social Assistance - LOAS, how the social assistance was applied as a citizen right, and if the conservative practices, so usual in the history of that policy, have been broken. It is frequent in the studies about the social assistance, the reference to the political conservative practices. However, the analysis of such practices from the comprehension that they conform and reproduce a certain political culture, has not been common. That research has been done trying to apprehend the object of study theoretically and historically in its totality. The collection of data occurred during the period between Mars until June 2003 and May until December 2004. The information of qualitative nature was privileged through the documentary research and the half-structuralized interview with 49 people who were directly involved with the city policy of the social assistance in Natal.: users, managers, experts, program coordinators and delegates of the civil society in the City council of Social Assistance. With a set of questions that guided the analysis, the research was developed having as reference some hypotheses: the first one affirms that there is the legal fulfillment of the guide lines of LOAS in the City government; the second one affirms that the LOAS, as legal instrument of the social assistance policy has guide lines and objectives that, if accomplished can contribute in the construction of a culture of social and citizen rights; the third one comes from the observation that in Natal, we can find a legal formulation of the Social Assistance Policy as a civil right, incorporates the guide lines of the LOAS, but, in its practice the rights are replaced by the old practices of the favor, paternalism and assistencialism. When that happens, it becomes a second class right, because of the strong selectivity and the low quality of the offered services. Going out from the analysis of the central theoretical categories of the study object, social assistance, political culture and civil rights, from the trajectory of the social assistance in Natal historically, from the analysis of political forces who occupied the city government in the analyzed period, the apprehension of the practices and concepts of the involved citizens with the policy, the study allows to conclude that the marks of a culture of delay persist and are the instruments for the hegemony of the ruling classes. Confirming the previously raised hypothesis, the implementation of the social assistance in Natal discloses that it is mainly a policy enrolled still in the field of the possibilities / O trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a política de assistência social em Natal, no período 1995-2004, procurando apreender, com base nos princípios e diretrizes da Lei Orgânica da Assistência Social - LOAS, em que medida tem se efetivado a assistência social como direito e se as práticas conservadoras, que marcam a história desta política, vêm sendo rompidas. É freqüente, nos estudos sobre a assistência social, a referência a práticas políticas conservadoras. Contudo, a análise de tais práticas a partir da compreensão de que estas conformam e reproduzem uma certa cultura política, não tem sido comum. A pesquisa foi realizada buscando apreender o objeto de estudo em sua totalidade, em nível teórico e histórico. A coleta de dados ocorreu nos períodos de março a junho de 2003; e maio a dezembro de 2004. Privilegiou a busca de informações de natureza qualitativa por meio da pesquisa documental e da entrevista semi-estruturada com 49 sujeitos diretamente envolvidos com a política municipal de assistência social em Natal: usuários, gestores, técnicos, coordenadores de programa e conselheiros da sociedade civil no Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social. A partir de um conjunto de questões que guiaram a análise, a pesquisa foi desenvolvida tendo como referência algumas hipóteses: a primeira afirma o cumprimento legal dos princípios e diretrizes da LOAS pelo poder público municipal; a segunda ressalta que a LOAS, enquanto instrumento legal norteador da política de assistência social possui princípios, diretrizes e objetivos que, se efetivados podem contribuir na construção de uma cultura de direitos; a terceira consiste na observação de que em Natal, a Política de Assistência Social é formulada legalmente como direito e incorpora os princípios e diretrizes da LOAS, mas, em sua operacionalização o direito é substituído pelas velhas práticas do favor, do paternalismo e do assistencialismo. Quando este se efetiva é um direito de segunda classe, pela forte seletividade, focalização e baixa qualidade dos serviços oferecidos. A partir da análise das categorias teóricas centrais do objeto de estudo assistência social, cultura política e direitos da trajetória da assistência social em Natal historicamente, da análise das forças políticas que ocuparam o governo municipal no período analisado, da apreensão das práticas e das concepções dos sujeitos envolvidos com a política, o estudo permite concluir que as marcas de uma cultura do atraso persistem e são instrumentos para a hegemonia das classes dominantes. Confirmando as hipóteses levantadas anteriormente, a implementação da assistência social em Natal revela que ela ainda é predominantemente uma política inscrita no campo das possibilidades

In order to explore the changing spatial politics and the changing ideas of "right to the city", I look in particular at how different ideologies have been used in different historical periods in planning the city, as well as the practices that led to spatial change. Using Henri Lefebvre's theory of the "right to the city", I suggest three dimensions in observing the right to the city, namely, the right to settle, the right to be different from the "modem city", and the right to keep the structure of meaning with regards to daily life and local space. By examining historical materials and using field work data, I show how "the right to the city" was ignored by the central and local governments during the planning process. I point out that the state always acts as the main factor that shapes the space of the city. The urban planning process was affected by the change of spatial politics, the politics of heritage, and the production of space from the state. Despite this, residents' daily lives help to shape the structure of meaning between their lives and their local space. Thus, the local residents have been able to find their own space in the city. / Quanzhou is a medium-size ancient city in Fujian, and as with other old cities in China today, its urban space became the arena of negotiation between different local and global social forces and the state. There is also great deal of politics and ambiguity around the concepts of "cultural heritage", and "modernization". / This research studies the changing spatial politics from the traditional to the modem state, and the factors that affect the form of space in Quanzhou's different historical stages. The central questions are: how have spatial politics led to the changes of local culture; in what ways have the local residents had their own right to the city and how have they reacted to the state's spatial politics? / 罗攀. / Adviser: Joseph Prosco. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 216-225). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Luo Pan.

[pt] A tese trabalha sobre o progressivo consentimento - na década de 1880 na cidade do Rio de Janeiro - a uma cultura democrática e científica, na qual inscrito estava o regime republicano. Na rua positivamente ressignificada, operouse uma disposição afetiva e mental a novos sinais, visíveis e auditivos, a linguagens, discursos e significações que permitiram a percepção da crise e decadência da monarquia por uma camada estendida da população. Sugere-se com isso a possível complementaridade de outras interpretações que, conjugadas, melhor dêem conta da variedade histórica na explicação da instalação da República no Brasil. / [en] This thesis works on the progressive consent - in the 1880 s in the Rio de Janeiro city - of a democratic and scientific culture in which was included the republican regime. In a positively re-signified street an affective and mental disposition towards new visibles and auditives signals, languages, speechs and meanings became effective what made possible to an extensive layer of the population the perception of the crisis and decadence of the monarchy. With that on suggest the possibility of a complementary interpretation that taken togheter with others ones can give a better picture of the historical variety in the stablishment of the Republic in Brazil.