Darbo objektas – žemės ūkio viešosios gėrybės mažiau palankiose ūkininkauti vietovėse. Darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti žemės ūkio viešųjų gėrybių kūrimo mažiau palankiose ūkininkauti vietovėse poveikį žemdirbių pajamoms. Iškeltam tikslui pasiekti sprendžiami šie uždaviniai: 1. Išnagrinėti viešųjų gėrybių koncepcijos esmę ir pagrįsti reguliavimo būtinumą. 2. Identifikuoti ir išanalizuoti BŽŪP finansinius instrumentus, skatinančius viešųjų gėrybių kūrimą mažiau palankiose ūkininkauti vietovėse. 3. Išanalizuoti BŽŪP finansinių instrumentų, skatinančių viešųjų gėrybių kūrimą mažiau palankiose ūkininkauti vietovėse, poveikį ūkininkų pajamoms Lietuvoje. 4. Atskleisti 2007 – 2013 metų BŽŪP vaidmenį skatinant viešųjų gėrybių kūrimą mažiau palankiose ūkininkauti vietovėse. Tyrimo metodai – mokslinės literatūros bei Europos Sąjungos ir Lietuvos žemės ūkio ir kaimo plėtros dokumentų analizė ir sintezė, lyginamosios analizės, indukcijos, dedukcijos, monografinis, duomenų sisteminimo ir statistinės analizės, grafinio vaizdavimo, apibendrinimo ir kiti metodai. Remiantis viešųjų gėrybių ir žemės ūkio daugiafunkciškumo koncepcijomis bei Europos Sąjungos ir Lietuvos teisinių dokumentų, reglamentuojančių BŽŪP finansinius instrumentus analize, identifikuoti ir išanalizuoti BŽŪP finansiniai instrumentai, skatinantys žemės ūkio viešųjų gėrybių kūrimą mažiau palankiose ūkininkauti vietovėse. Kartu įvertintas Europos Sąjungos paramos poveikis ūkininkų, ūkininkaujančių mažiau palankiose vietovėse... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The object of research – agriculture public goods in less favoured areas. The aim of work – to analyze the impact of production of agriculture public goods in less favoured agricultural areas on the income of farmers in Lithuania. Seeking the aim, the tasks are: 1. To analyze the point of the public goods concept and substantiate the necessity of regulation. 2. To identify and analyze the financial instruments of CAP, which promote the production of public goods in less favoured areas. 3. To analyze the impact of CAP financial instruments, which promote the production of public goods in less favoured areas, on the income of farmers in Lithuania 4. To identify the role of CAP in 2007 – 2013 on the promotion to produce public goods in less favoured areas. Methods of research – the analysis and synthesis of scientific literature and the EU and Lithuanian agricultural and rural development documents, comparable analysis, induction, deduction, monographic, data systematization and statistical analysis, graphical depiction, summarizing and other methods. With a reference to the analysis of the concepts of public goods and multifunctional agriculture and EU regulations, CAP financial instruments, which have an impact on production of public goods in less favoured areas, have been analyzed. Also the impact of EU support on the income of the farmers in the less favoured areas has been evaluated.

The aim of work – evaluate the Effect of the CAP Reforms on the Development of Multifunctional Agriculture. Seeking the aim, the tasks are: 1) analyze the objective presumptions and essence of the formation of the concept of multifunctional agriculture; 2) analyze the reforms of the CAP and evaluate their effect on the development of multifunctional agriculture; 3) reveal the possibilities of the development of multifunctional agriculture in Tauragė region; 4) analyze the measures of the CAP support, stimulating multifunctional agriculture in Tauragė region and evaluate their practice; 5) evaluate the ways and perspectives of the development of multifunctional agriculture in Lithuania. Methods of research – the analysis and synthesis of scientific literature and the EU and Lithuanian agricultural and rural development documents, comparable analysis, induction, deduction, questionnaire survey, correlation, statistical analysis, graphical depiction methods. On the bases of positive and normative concept of multifunctional agriculture, the analysis of the EU regulations of the CAP and their reforms, analyzed the main stages of the CAP reforms, designated their effect on the development of multifunctional agriculture. Thereby, designated the main CAP measures stimulating multifunctional agriculture and evaluated their practice in Tauragė region and revealed the possibilities of the development of multifunctional agriculture in this region.

Ce mémoire est structuré en deux parties connexes : la première tente d’établir les fondements de la justice distributive dans le contexte des changements climatiques ; la seconde analyse six principes distributifs susceptibles d’éclairer l’élaboration des politiques internationales d’atténuation de l’effet de serre : les principes d’égalité, de priorité, de contraction & convergence, du « pollueur-payeur », de responsabilité historique, et de capacité. En ce qui concerne les fondements, les paradigmes de biens publics mondiaux et de droits humains fondamentaux semblent offrir de solides assises pour comprendre le caractère obligatoire de la justice climatique. Concernant l’adoption des principes distributifs, une perspective plurielle permet d’apporter un éclairage unique sur différents aspects de la distribution des quotas d’émissions et de rendre compte avec plus de force des raisons pour lesquelles les nations désignées comme étant responsables ont le devoir moral de passer à l’action. / This dissertation is organized into two related parts : the first attempts to establish the foundations of distributive justice in the context of climate change; the second analyses six distributive principles that can enlighten international mitigation policies : the principles of equality, priority, contraction & convergence, “polluter pays”, historical accountability and capacity. As regards the foundations of distributive justice, paradigms of global public goods and basic human rights seem to provide a solid basis for understanding the binding nature of climate justice. On the adoption of distributive principles, a plural perspective can provide unique insights into different aspects of the distribution of emissions quotas and reflect more strongly the reasons why nations designated as accountable for the greenhouse effect have a moral duty to take action.

The object of investigation – farmers’ economical activity diversification. The subject of investigation – farmers’ economical activity diversification politics development incentives. The aim of this work – to analyze farmers’ economical activity diversification political incentives and development possibilities. Tasks: 1. to study famers’ economical activity diversification theoretical aspects; 2. to find out influence of multifunctional agriculture model to famers’ economical activity diversification; 3. to analyze political trends determining famers’ economical activity diversification; 4. estimate famers necessity and possibilities to economical activity diversification in Lithuania. By studying science literature about theoretical diversification and empirical information in the work is analyzed agriculturalist’s needs of economical activity, revealed new possibilities to diversify economical activity according to multifunctionality of agriculture. Also are analyzed European Union political incentives of agriculturalist’s economical diversity. Way and means of investigation – analysis of science literature, logical analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, comparison analysis, logical and chart methods of model.

This research program aimed to identify the factors that influence the Voluntary Donation payment decision in a cohort of parents (N = 250) with a child (or children) at a New Zealand state school. A voluntary donation is a charitable contribution to the running of the school collected from the parents of the school’s students. A survey questionnaire was constructed to examine the attitudes parents hold towards the voluntary donation funding system, the current New Zealand Government and the school the respondent’s child attends. The parents were ‘naturally’ separated into two conditions based on their last voluntary donation payment decision – Paid versus Not Paid – to compare the differences in attitudes on the various statements from the survey and their demographic composition. The results revealed that payment decision was positively correlated with educational achievement, annual household income and age. Individual contributions exhibited strong positive relationships with beliefs about the contributions of others, which was consistent with previous public goods field experiments. The research extended the existing public goods research by examining the social norms of voluntary donation behaviour and assimilating the results with theories of altruism, conditional cooperation and reciprocity. The strongest overall contribution to the prediction of payment decision was parents’ attitudes towards the current Government and the voluntary donation funding system. The results identified that pressures existed in the voluntary donation environment, a result most prevalent in high decile schools. Additionally, a marginal level of comprehension of the voluntary donations characterised the majority of respondents. Overall, the research found that the best predictor of contribution was attitudes towards the voluntary donation funding system.

No description available.

This thesis explores the political economy aspects of the provision of local public goods by higher levels of government. Chapter 1 focuses on local public goods as instruments for special interest politics at the supra-local level, with an emphasis on public infrastructure. To capture the implications of long-run relationships between political parties and their loyal supporters, I set out a dynamic probabilistic voting model which predicts that the geographic pattern of spending depends on the way the government balances long-run `machine politics' considerations with the more immediate concern to win over swing voters. To assess the empirical relevance of both forces, I analyse rich data on road spending from a panel of electoral districts in Québec. Empirical results exploiting the province's linguistic fragmentation provide robust evidence that partisan loyalty is a key driver of the geographic allocation of spending. Chapter 2 proposes a theoretical framework to analyse the coexistence of multiple tiers of government in local public good provision. I study the effects of such partial decentralization on accountability using a two-period political agency model, in which two levels of government are involved in public good provision and voters are imperfectly informed about each government's contribution to the public good. The model predicts that the net effect of a departure from complete centralization (or decentralization) balances the benefits of vertical complementarity against the loss of accountability following from imperfect information and detrimental vertical interactions. Chapter 3 investigates the impact of partial decentralization on local electoral accountability in the context of California's school finance system. I exploit the peculiarities California's school finance system and the federal No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 to estimate the extent to which politicians are punished or rewarded for observed policy outcomes, and how this channel is affected by the degree of centralization. Results show that voters are responsive to differences in dropout rates and pupil-teacher ratios, and that incumbents are less likely to be reelected when a district's degree of centralization is high. Increased federal involvement after 2001 is associated with sharper local electoral accountability.

This thesis explores the political economy aspects of the provision of local public goods by higher levels of government. Chapter 1 focuses on local public goods as instruments for special interest politics at the supra-local level, with an emphasis on public infrastructure. To capture the implications of long-run relationships between political parties and their loyal supporters, I set out a dynamic probabilistic voting model which predicts that the geographic pattern of spending depends on the way the government balances long-run `machine politics' considerations with the more immediate concern to win over swing voters. To assess the empirical relevance of both forces, I analyse rich data on road spending from a panel of electoral districts in Québec. Empirical results exploiting the province's linguistic fragmentation provide robust evidence that partisan loyalty is a key driver of the geographic allocation of spending. Chapter 2 proposes a theoretical framework to analyse the coexistence of multiple tiers of government in local public good provision. I study the effects of such partial decentralization on accountability using a two-period political agency model, in which two levels of government are involved in public good provision and voters are imperfectly informed about each government's contribution to the public good. The model predicts that the net effect of a departure from complete centralization (or decentralization) balances the benefits of vertical complementarity against the loss of accountability following from imperfect information and detrimental vertical interactions. Chapter 3 investigates the impact of partial decentralization on local electoral accountability in the context of California's school finance system. I exploit the peculiarities California's school finance system and the federal No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 to estimate the extent to which politicians are punished or rewarded for observed policy outcomes, and how this channel is affected by the degree of centralization. Results show that voters are responsive to differences in dropout rates and pupil-teacher ratios, and that incumbents are less likely to be reelected when a district's degree of centralization is high. Increased federal involvement after 2001 is associated with sharper local electoral accountability.

本文採文獻歸納方式，針對全球暖化問題，以國際公共財理論作為議題緣起，分析京都彈性機制—清潔發展機制之運作。全球暖化為一純粹國際公共財問題。而京都議定書要求各國履行排放減量之標的，可作為提供公共財依據。並以排放減量份額作為供給數量之評估。而CDM即為促進各國均能參與溫室氣體減量活動之機制，達成經濟永續發展之目標。 當就不對稱關係以賽局討論國際公共財之供給，邊際成本較低國家，應從事較多公共財貢獻行動；邊際成本較高的國家則發生搭便車行為。但卻與CDM文獻結論有所不同。CDM計畫中的開發中國家因不受約束，反而有搭便車行為。多數的減量行動仍由已開發國家在境內進行。故國際公共財賽局可否用於研究CDM之運作，仍有待評估。 有關CDM在模型理論上可利用動態規劃之最適模型，研究投資國與被投資國之行為。當排放權證交易為不完全競爭市場時，可以Stackelberg模型進行。若不僅以經濟分析，尚可加入生態研究作成整合模型。在CDM執行成效方面，必須審慎評估CDM計畫型式，並考量是否合乎額外性準則。而CERs之境內分配政策，則可能會因利益交換，導致勾結行為相繼發生。此外，排放基線與CERs具有密切關聯，基線設定遂成為CDM之核心議題。有效建立CDM法則，強化合作的透明度，對於減少交易成本將佔有關鍵性地位。又CERs以選擇權出售；CDM與IIA的衝突及CDM資訊不對稱問題，都可再作研究。 儘管台灣非京都議定書締約國，無法作為CDM之地主國。僅能間接參與投資。不過國內學者多已提出產業因應措施作為諮詢。並以TAIGEM-E模型推算排放基線，建立從事溫室氣體減量行動之數據。受限於台灣國際地位，CDM計畫成效可能難以進行實證分析。不過中國和日本有許多CDM計畫，可針對較具爭議性之議題作延伸討論，並研讀相關文獻作為參考。本文即為發掘核心議題，提供文獻彙整，協助擬研究清潔發展機制者作為參議。

Paper 1: Give More Tomorrow Many charities ask donors to commit to monthly contribution schemes. Monthly contributors give a fixed sum every month, which is automatically deducted from their bank account. These donors are the most profitable ones for a charity. On average, they give more than donors who contribute sporadically. They also facilitate the long-run financial planning of the charity, and they reduce the administrative and fundraising costs. What will influence a donor's decision to commit to a monthly contribution scheme? If the costs and benefits associated with contributing to a charity occur at different points in time, the answer will depend on the donor's inter-temporal preferences. More specifically, it will be of importance whether donors are time consistent or whether they exhibit present-biased preferences.  This paper designs and tests a fundraising strategy that allows for present-biased preferences among donors. The strategy, Give More Tomorrow, was implemented as a randomized field experiment in collaboration with a large charity. 1134 donors that make monthly contributions were randomly assigned to one of two treatment groups. In the first group, monthly donors were asked to increase their donation starting immediately. In the second group, monthly donors were asked to increase their donations starting two months later. Mean donations were 32 percent higher in the latter group, a highly significant difference. Donations conditional on giving were also significantly higher in the latter group. The effect of the GMT strategy is economically large and highly profitable to the charity. Paper 2: Crowding Out or Crowding In? The crowding-out hypothesis says that private givers, who are also taxpayers, will use their tax-financed donations as a substitute for their voluntary donations, thus reducing the net effectiveness of grants (Warr, 1982, 1983; Roberts, 1984; Bernheim, 1986; and Andreoni, 1988). While theory predicts a one-to-one relationship between government grants and private donations, econometric and experimental studies have found evidence of partial or no crowding out (see, e.g., Khanna et al., 1995; Payne, 1998; Khanna and Sandler, 2000; and Okten and Weisbrod, 2000). A recent contribution to this literature argues that government grants reduce the organizations' fundraising efforts, which may indirectly cause a decrease in private contributions (Andreoni and Payne, 2003). This paper employs a previously unexplored panel dataset to test whether government grants crowd out private donations to charitable organizations, controlling for changes in the organizations' fundraising behavior. The data covers all registered charitable organizations in Sweden between 1989 and 2003. We have a total of 361 organizations where the largest group is health related. The panel data allows us to control for unobserved organizational heterogeneity and time fixed effects. Furthermore, we use a 2SLS specification to control for possible endogeneity in government grants and fundraising expenditures. Complete crowding out can be strongly rejected. In the 2SLS regression, the estimated crowd-out is small and highly significant in the full sample, on average 5.0%. In the disaggregated sample, we cannot reject zero crowding out for any type of organization in the 2SLS regressions. Furthermore, we find strong evidence that organizations are net revenue maximizing, indicating that fundraising activities are efficient. Paper 3: Is Foreign Aid Paternalistic? (with Ola Granstrom and Felix Masiye) In this paper, we experimentally investigate whether donors are paternalistically altruistic when contributing to foreign aid. A paternalist may be defined as someone who advances other people's interests, such as life, health, or safety, at the expense of their liberty or autonomy. In economic theory, a donor is said to be paternalistically altruistic if he cares about a recipient's wellbeing, but does not fully respect the recipient's preferences (Pollak, 1988; Jones-Lee, 1991, 1992; Jacobsson et al., 2005). In a double-blind experiment, a subject chooses whether to make a monetary or a tied transfer (mosquito nets) to an anonymous household in Zambia. Recipients have revealed preferences for money, as their willingness to pay for mosquito nets is positive but below the market price. A monetary transfer will therefore preserve the household's preferences while a tied transfer is paternalistic. The mean donation of mosquito nets differs significantly from zero, thereby implying paternalistic preferences among donors. Paternalistic donors constitute 65 percent of the total sample, whereas purely altruistic donors constitute 15 percent. We conclude that health-focused paternalistic rather than purely altruistic preferences dominate the foreign-aid giving of individuals. Paper 4: Altruism without Borders? (with Ola Granstrom) Why do individuals contribute to foreign aid? Does the willingness to give increase the more we know about the recipients? Although there is some literature on the strategic interests of countries in providing foreign aid, (see, e.g., Alesina and Dollar, 2000) very little is yet known about which preferences guide the foreign-aid giving of individual donors. This paper experimentally tests altruism over borders. We design a cross-country dictator game where the degree of identification of the recipient is varied in four treatments: (1) anonymity, (2) photo, (3) information and (4) photo and information. In addition, questionnaire data on donor characteristics is gathered. The mean donation is 55%, which is considerably higher than in standard dictator games. In contrast to previous within-country experiments, we find no significant effect of identification on donations. Furthermore, we find that women donate significantly more than men (64 compared to 50 percent) and that those who state that aid is too large donate significantly less than those who state that aid is too small (24 compared to 67 percent). / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2006 S. 5-7: Summary of Papers, S. 13-125: 4 papers