在清朝前期的康雍乾三朝中，清朝皇帝曾經復興入關前的滿洲傳統文化。在本文中將這些措施整體稱之為滿洲文化復興運動（Manchu cultural revitalization movement）。大致上來說可以分為三個方面：1. 提倡國語振興騎射；2. 整理滿洲歷史與傳統；3. 維持八旗制度運作。康雍乾三朝所推行一系列的復興滿洲文化的措施，表現了清朝皇帝對於滿洲文化的重視。學界過去對於此一現象的詮釋，認為清朝皇帝的作法是擔心滿洲人被漢人所同化而失去統治的特權。然而更基本的問題是：為何政經特權的維持，需要透過文化的復興運動來達成？國語騎射、滿洲源流與八旗制度等代表滿洲文化的符號，對於清朝皇帝具有什麼樣的意義？而本文試圖從清朝入關前與入關後的滿漢關係，以及相關的滿洲身分與文化變遷過程來討論前述的問題。 首先，清朝以少數民族的征服王朝之姿，建立了廣土眾民的多民族帝國。為了爭取漢人以及滿洲人支持清朝的統治，清朝皇帝一方面透過宣示滿漢一體，尊崇儒家思想與傳統中國的官僚制度來建立其統治漢人的正當性；另一方面，出於對漢人反滿意識的防備，又必須崇滿抑漢，以維持本民族的優勢地位。因此，如何在首崇滿洲的原則下，又不至於激起漢人對清朝統治的反感，是清朝皇帝在統治上所面臨的重要課題之一。 然而，推行崇滿抑漢政策的前提在於區分滿漢。在清朝發展的歷史中，滿漢接觸的經驗形塑了滿洲與漢人的文化意義。而清朝皇帝對於滿漢的區分也受到這種文化意義的影響。而這種文化意義也隨著歷史事件的介入而有所改變。 在滿漢接觸的歷史中，滿漢之分主要是建立在身分與文化上的差異。入關前的滿洲文化對於清朝皇帝而言，是征服民族優勢的象徵。清朝皇帝透過復興滿語、騎射與八旗制度等滿洲文化符號，以及排斥漢習的做法，來重申（或重塑）滿洲性（Manchuness），藉此重新鞏固滿漢對立的二元意義結構，以及相應的滿洲統治地位。 滿洲文化復興運動的推行，必須透過在傳統中國文化與當時清朝的政治制度中所賦予皇帝的至高獨裁權力，才有可能達成。但由於官僚體制與基層旗人的不配合，而使得當時此一運動的成效不彰。在這個歷史事件中，可以看到在少數民族統治多數民族時，如何透過文化與身分的界定來團結本民族，並維護自身的統治與優勢地位。因此，此一事件同時具有身分、文化與統治上的意義。而歷史人類學與族群理論兩者之間，在這個課題上也出現了對話的空間。

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of History

La période qui s’étende de la fin du XVIIIe siècle à la première moitié du XIXe constitue un âge d’or de la numismatique chinoise. Suite à l’édition en 1751 du Qinding qianlu, nombreux sont les collectionneurs qui s’intéressent à la monnaie et qui s’engagent dans la publication de catalogues, de monographies ou d’études érudites. Ces publications qui s’inspirent des méthodes appliquées en littérature par le courant d’érudition appelé l’ « Ecole des vérifications et des preuves » (kaozhengxue), entraînent une révolution méthodologique dans les études numismatiques. L’œuvre la plus représentative de cette période est le Guquanhui de Li Zuoxian (1807-1876) publiée en 1864. Cet ouvrage rassemble les collections, ainsi que les idées d’une communauté de passionnés qui correspondaient régulièrement, s’échangeaient des monnaies, estampages ou encore manuscrits et se réunissaient parfois. Mettre en évidence la nature des correspondances entre membres de ce cercle et l’existence d’échanges marchands et amicaux entre passionnés à la capitale permet de comprendre dans quelle mesure les échanges informels ont contribué à l’élaboration de critères d’étude des monnaies et à faire faire un bond qualitatif sans précédent à la numismatique chinoise. Il s’agit de voir quand quelle mesure les réseaux de sociabilité existant entre collectionneurs ont contribué aux progrès significatifs de cette époque, c’est-à-dire de retracer l’apparition d’une exigence de scientificité dans le milieu des collectionneurs privés. Cette recherche questionne aussi l’articulation entre le goût de la collection et la réflexion historique savante. / The period from the late eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth constitutes a golden age for Chinese numismatics. Following the publication in 1751 of the Qinding qianlu (The Imperially Ordered Catalogue of Coins), many collectors became interested in coins and engaged themselves in publishing catalogues, monographs, or studies. These publications using the methods employed in littérature by the « Evidential studies » (kaozhengxue), created a révolution in methods in numismatics studies. The most représentative work of this period is the Guquanhui (Catalogue of Ancient Coins) published by Li Zuoxian (1807-1876) in 1864. This book brings together the collections and the ideas of a community of collectors that met regularly, exchanged coins, rubbings or unpublished documents. These informal exchanges have contributed to the invention of criteria for the study of coins and to the qualitative leap made in Chinese numismatics. An attempt will be made to understand how social networks between collectors have conrtbuted to the significant progress of that time, and to trace the emergence of a requirement of scientific approach among coin collectors. This reserch also questions the relation betwwen the taste for collection and historical thinking.

明末清初的散文發展，前人或以載道觀念論之，或以抒情觀念論之，又或以流派分梳論之，各有其理，亦各有其弊。本人認為，明末清初散文發展自有其一以貫之的內在邏輯，因而本文力圖探尋其內在邏輯，重建其發展軌跡。本文指出，文道關係正是影響明末清初散文發展的關鍵因素，時人對於文道關係的不同詮釋與理解，決定了當時散文發展的方向。 / 「古文傳統」與「小品傳統」，是理解明清之際散文發展的重要概念。特別是周作人等以抒情為宗旨建構的「小品傳統」，對理解這一段散文史，產生了深遠的影響。然而本文通過考察「小品傳統」的建構過程，以及其所反抗的「古文傳統」之內涵，並辨析二者關係，相比起「古文傳統」內部「載道、唐宋、法度」的體系，「小品傳統」自身存在局限，並不足以貫穿明清散文的發展。相反，考察晚明小品文家的古文觀，清初古文家的小品創作，本文以為小品儘管一度興盛，然而「古文傳統」才是其時古文發展的主軸。 / 「古文傳統」既是關鍵所在，則如何詮釋文道關係是其時文壇的重要問題。本文指出明清之際的文道論接續了唐宋以來古文家與理學家的討論，並面臨如何承繼二者而有所發展的問題。本文通過辨析各家對文道合一的詮釋，考索其時文道論與唐宋古文家、理學家的論述之關係，指出明清之際的文人一方面推崇理學家道的修養，一方面提倡古文家的文章造詣，來達到文道合一。並通過加強文與經之間的關係，強調文必本於經典，來彌合古文家與理學家的分歧。 / 本文同時以錢謙益、黃宗羲、侯方域、汪琬為中心，具體討論明清之際文道關係的發展過程。指出錢謙益通過批評復古派，推崇反經，提出性情、學問與世運的主張，以道決定文的思路，拉開重建古文傳統的序幕。黃宗羲則在錢謙益的基礎上，通過擴大性情的內涵，以及道在審美上的包容性，重新詮釋文道關係。然而明清之際對侯方域的評價之轉變，從肯定其古文主張，到批評其小說筆法，恰正體現道決定文的思路在重建古文傳統過程中遇到的困境。汪琬則從道的層面維護程朱理學，從文的層面肯定復古派，批評錢謙益，排斥小說筆法，試圖通過文道並重的方法來解決困境。可以說明清之際古文的發展，正是從道決定文走向文道並重的過程。 / Prose development in late Ming and early Qing periods is accounted for by scholars in terms of the theories of Confucianism, the concepts of lyricism or the summaries of different schools of classical prose. This study holds the belief that the prose development within this period of time has its consistent internal logic, and its aim is to establish a new theory to explain and restore the track of such development based on the existing theories by previous scholars. This study points out that the relationship between dao 道 and wen 文 is the major element influencing the prose development in late Ming and early Qing; the interpretation and comprehension of it dictates the direction of prose development. / The two different traditions of classical prose and familiar essay are key concepts in understanding the prose development in late Ming and early Qing, especially the latter, which was constructed by Zhou Zuo-ren under the principle of lyricism. Based on the examination of its establishment, the nature of classical prose tradition it defies, and the relationship between the two, this study reveals that the familiar essay tradition was bound by its limitations which rendered it insufficient in accounting for the entire prose development of the whole period, in contrast to the internal system of classical prose tradition. The review of the view on classical prose by familiar essay writers in late Ming and the familiar essay output of classical prose writers in early Qing indicate that the classical prose tradition was then the main pillar of prose development and familiar essay was its subsidiary, despite its once high popularity. / With classical prose tradition being the key to prose development in late Ming and early Qing, the interpretation of the relationship between dao and wen was a significant issue in the ancient literary society. This study points out that when the scholars in late Ming and early Qing discussed dao and wen, such discussion was a continuation of that contributed by the masters of prose writing and philosophers of Neo-Confucianism since Tang and Song Dynasties, which relates to the problem of finding ways to advance through inheriting the two notions. Literary society in the past upheld the idea of fusing dao and wen. By analyzing the different interpretations of such fusion by various parties, this study investigates the relationship between the discussion of dao and wen in late Ming and early Qing dynasties and also that in Tang and Song dynasties, pointing out that by strengthening the relationship between prose and classics and emphasizing the classical basis of prose, it bridges the gap between Neo-Confucian philosophers’ morality and classical prose writers’ literariness. / Lastly, this study discusses the specific development of the theory of dao and wen during late Ming and early Qing through four case studies, namely, Qian Qian-yi’s criticism on Revival Theory, Huang Zong-xi’s theory of qing 情, the changing reviews on Hou Fang-yu, and Wang Wan’s criticism on Qian Qian-yi and fictional prose. Qian’s criticism marked the beginning of the revival of classical prose tradition during late Ming and early Qing, where he promoted the returning to classic, proposing the concept of qing and knowledge being complementary and the idea of dao determining wen. Huang, based on Qian’s thoughts, reinterpreted the relationship between dao and wen by further expanding the pool of connotations of qing and the aesthetic comprehensiveness of dao. / However, the phenomenon of scholars agreeing on Hou Fang-yu’s stand on classical prose while excoriating his ‘fictional style of prose writing techniques’小說筆法 reflects the predicament faced by the idea of dao determining wen in the process of reconstructing the classical prose tradition. Wang tried to resolve such predicament through putting emphasis on both dao and wen, defending neo-confucianism from the aspect of dao and affirming Ming Classicalists from that of wen, while criticizing Qian and rejecting fictional style. All these illustrate that classical prose development during Late Ming and Early Qing is a process of the transition from dao determining wen to emphasizing both dao and wen. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李向昇. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 215-229). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Li Xiangsheng.

本文以清代宮廷演劇制度的完善與興替、宮廷大戲《昭代簫韶》的創作與演出為中心，探討其中帝王性情、意識形態的投射與帝國形象的建構；試圖對宮廷演劇繁盛與變遷的原因、《昭代簫韶》文本與演出的意涵、宮廷與民間演劇的交流與影響等問題，作出新的解釋。 / 現有研究強調清朝帝后喜好戲曲娛樂、宮廷舞臺壯麗輝煌，以及晚清宮廷演劇變革等等。本文認為，清代宮廷演劇實有更多豐富的內涵有待更深入的研討。帝后的倡導及參與，自是推動清代宮廷演劇繁盛的重要原因，但在滿足帝后娛樂的同時，宮廷演劇也用於朝廷儀典；戲曲教化與國家儀式的功能相互結合。 / 清代宮廷演劇，在元明清雜劇傳奇及亂彈之外，還有適應現實需要而奉旨編演的大戲與節戲。宮廷大戲，規模龐大，情節複雜，排場繁縟，在中國戲曲史上十分獨特。創作於乾嘉之際的《昭代簫韶》，取材於明代演義小說《北宋志傳》，鋪寫楊家將輔宋抗遼事。通過特定情節與人物穿戴，《昭代簫韶》參與了清代正統華夷的論述，並含有重評歷史與訓諭臣民的深意。此部大戲將褒忠誅奸的昇仙入地與軍陣鬥法的神道描寫，與觀劇現場的君臣秩序相結合，形成舞臺上、下戲曲與現實的呼應，道德教化寓意明顯。 / 本文對清代宮廷演劇制度變遷與宮廷大戲《昭代簫韶》演出史的考察，還特別關注戲曲在宮廷與民間的流動與影響。尤其是外學伶人進入與退出宮廷，使得宮廷伶人的規模與組成發生改變，這不僅影響到大戲的演出形式與藝術呈現，也使得宮廷演劇處於對外開放與吸收融合的狀態。清代戲劇便在宮廷、文人與民間三方面，均臻繁盛。 / Theatrical performance played an important role in the Qing court culture. This thesis discusses the evolution and change of the court theatre institution throughout the Qing Dynasty. In the contexts of court entertainment, political activities and cultural policy, the creation and performance history of the grand theatre piece, Zhaodai xiaoshao, or The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age, from the Qianlong-Jiaqing to the Guangxu period serve as an adequate example. In this case study, we can explore the nature of the Qing emperors and Empress Dowager Cixi, state ideology and the construction of the Empire’s image. / Most existing research in Qing court drama and theatre focuses on the Qing emperors’ great passion for theatre, the three-tiered grand stage in the imperial palace and the wealth of props and costumes, as well as the repertoire change in the late Qing, especially the formation and development of Jingju or Peking Opera. This thesis arguesthat given its rich contents and relevant contexts, the Qing court theatre deserves far more research both in breadth and in depth. The participation of the imperial power undoubtedly promoted court theatre. Theatrical performances at court became not only private entertainment for the imperial family; they also appeared in state ceremonies with special ritual significance. In addition, the grand plays like the 240-scened Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age projected the images and instructions of the emperorsto enlighten the subjects, for particular needs in political circumstances. / The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age was based on the story of the Yang Family Generals in the Northern Song Dynasty. Usingthe concept of destiny, the grand play established the plot in which Song defeated Liao and the Taizong of Song completed the unification of the Hans and non-Hans. This is not the real history. However, the play reflected the transition from the early Qing of the northern ethnic-group regime to the mid-Qing of the unified Chinese dynasty. It showed the Manchu emperors’ intent to construct a political orthodox position for their empire. Through the specific costumesof its characters, this history play revealed the ethnic and identity issues among the audience in the Qing court. It teaches the audience and later, readers to be loyal subjects. / In the performance history of The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age, it is also important to note the institutional evolution of the court theatre, especially the folk actors flowing inside and outside the court. These actors’ movement created opportunities for exchange between the court theatre and the public theatre. For instance, during the Hundred Days Reform, Zhaodai xiaoshao was adapted from its original Kun-Yi music to the Pihuang music under the command of the Empress Dowager Cixi to be performed by the eunuch actors and famous celebrities from the capital theatre. The adaptation and performances of this play, when closely examined, expressed the "ideal" parent-child and monarch-subject relationship which the Empress desired Emperor Guangxu to observe, given the reality of tension between the two at that time. In other words, the performances at court theatre often serve the political purpose of communication, indoctrination, as well as integration. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 胡光明. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-281). / Abstracts also in English. / Hu Guangming.

梁慧. / "2011年5月". / "2011 nian 5 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Liang Hui. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 史傳文學下的論述 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 「史傳」與「文學」 / Chapter 二、 --- 以劇寫「史」的意涵 / Chapter 三、 --- 黃燮清筆下的「史劇」 / Chapter 第二節 --- 研究目的 --- p.11 / Chapter 第三節 --- 文獻回顧 --- p.15 / Chapter 一、 --- 清末民初的迴響 / Chapter 二、 --- 近代評論的主題 / Chapter 三、 --- 既有研究的不足 / Chapter 四、 --- 小結 / Chapter 第四節 --- 研究方法 --- p.22 / Chapter 第二章 --- 黃燮清與《倚晴樓九種曲》 --- p.24 / Chapter 第一節 --- 黃燮清生平及其作品 --- p.24 / Chapter 第二節 --- 黃燮清戲曲的創作緣起 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三節 --- 結語 --- p.34 / Chapter 第三章 --- "「藉古人啼笑,今人悲喜」一為司馬相如翻案及自喻的《茂陵絃》" --- p.37 / Chapter 第一節 --- 前言 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二節 --- 翻案史劇的提出 --- p.37 / Chapter 一、 --- 「翻案劇」釋義 / Chapter 二、 --- 「司馬相如事」的討論熱潮 / Chapter 三、 --- 《史記》、《西京雜記》記載的「司馬相如事」 / Chapter 四、 --- 《茂陵絃》簡介 / Chapter 第三節 --- 「譜曲覓知音」一《茂陵絃》的旨趣 --- p.44 / Chapter 第四節 --- 「惜青史之傳誣」一一黃燮清「翻案」的筆法 --- p.47 / Chapter 一、 --- 《茂陵絃》與《琴心記》 / Chapter 二、 --- 翻案的特色 / Chapter 三、 --- 小結 / Chapter 第五節 --- "以曲作賦,借古喻今" --- p.52 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.59 / Chapter 第四章 --- 以劇寫史《帝女花》中的抒情與歷史 --- p.62 / Chapter 第一節 --- 前言 --- p.62 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《帝女花》簡介 --- p.63 / Chapter 第三節 --- "史家筆法:譜興亡之舊事,寫離合之情悰" --- p.64 / Chapter 第四節 --- 《帝女花》的藝術構思 --- p.72 / Chapter 一、 --- 腳色分派 / Chapter 二、 --- 服飾穿戴 / Chapter 三、 --- 時空安排 / Chapter 第五節 --- 《帝女花》中的母題與象徵 --- p.80 / Chapter 一、 --- 「帝女之花」與長平「兩起死」 / Chapter 二、 --- 天命與人事 / Chapter 第六節 --- 以劇寫史一一黃燮清的史心 --- p.91 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.95 / Chapter 第五章 --- 書寫「列女」內外的歷史一一女性入傳的《玉台秋》、《桃谿雪》 --- p.98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 前言 --- p.98 / Chapter 第二節 --- 為女性發聲的《玉台秋》及《桃谿雪》 --- p.101 / Chapter 一、 --- 前言 / Chapter 二、 --- 內容簡介 / Chapter 三、 --- 黃燮清筆下的張宜人不和吳絳雪 / Chapter 第三節 --- 典範女性的建立一一儼如私人「墓誌銘」 --- p.105 / Chapter 第四節 --- 「節烈」一一正史《列女傳》的規範 --- p.111 / Chapter 一、 --- 《桃谿雪》》與吳絳雪 / Chapter 二、 --- 從典範到規範一一黃燮清筆下的吳絡雪 / Chapter 第五節 --- 劇為史傳的筆法 --- p.123 / Chapter 一、 --- 列傳的意圖 / Chapter 二、 --- 「列女傳」的演變 / Chapter 三、 --- "傳人兼傳史,借傳以存史" / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.136 / Chapter 一、 --- 以劇傳人的意義 / Chapter 二、 --- 明清文人為女性寫墓誌銘的原因及情況 / Chapter 三、 --- 史學與性別的思考一一創作的意涵 / Chapter （一） --- 《玉台秋》的意圖 / Chapter （二） --- 《桃谿雪》的關懷 / Chapter 第六章 --- 清朝時事劇的復興一《絳稍記》和《居官鑑》 --- p.146 / Chapter 第一節 --- 前言 --- p.146 / Chapter 第二節 --- 影射時事的嘗試一一《絳稍記》 --- p.148 / Chapter 一、 --- 《絳稍記》簡介 / Chapter 二、 --- 影射時事的筆法 / Chapter 三、 --- 《絳稍記》的可觀性 / Chapter 四、 --- 小結 / Chapter 第三節 --- 直寫時事的創作一《居官鑑》 --- p.157 / Chapter 一、 --- 《居官鑑》簡介 / Chapter 二、 --- 國事家事天下事一黃燮清筆下的現實 / Chapter 三、 --- 黃燮清筆下的人物 / Chapter 四、 --- 以筆載史一詩歌與戲文 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.170 / Chapter 一、 --- 從《茂陵絃》到《居官鑑》一一黃燮清白喻形象的轉變 / Chapter 二、 --- 直刺史實的影響 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.174 / Chapter 第一節 --- 總結 --- p.174 / Chapter 一、 --- "戲曲詩化以「緣,情」 ,r言志」" / Chapter 二、 --- 黃燮清以「史」為劇的發展進程 / Chapter （一） --- 史劇中的人物與歷史的關係 / Chapter （二） --- 劇中的「黃燮清」 / Chapter （三） --- 巾幗不讓鬚眉的女性形象 / Chapter （四） --- 從「聊以自娛」到「直刺時事」 / Chapter 三、 --- 研究晚清戲曲的新進路 / Chapter 第二節 --- 餘論一一黃燮清筆下的歷史與虛構 --- p.185 / Chapter 一、 --- 從吳梅語「劇場惡套」說起 / Chapter 二、 --- 黃燮清歷史劇中的虛構情節 / Chapter 三、 --- 歷史與虛構的結合 / Chapter （一） --- 尚實風氣的形成和重現 / Chapter （二） --- 虛構情節一一文人作意好奇的意義 / Chapter 四、 --- 黃燮清歷史劇的結局與不朽的聯想 / 參考書目

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After the Opium War, China has entered a rapid transformation. At the later period of Qing Dynasty, fictions were put to excellent, it was emphasized the actual function of the social. It reflected social conditions and enlighten the people through advocacy fictions. Intellectuals deeply appreciate female issues tightly linked with the fate of the country, and carried out the large-scale feminist movement of the later period of Qing Dynasty. Through against foot-binding, build female schools , promote freedom of marriage, established the independent personality of female, and the liberated women totally. Fictions were written female lives and reflected women' issues at this time. "Huang Hsiu Chiu" reflected female lives and situations very well in many feminist fictions, it was centered foot-binding, female education, women' issues. Miao-Ru Wang had created a a group of new revolutionary female who be strong, be no fear of might by female writing in "Female Prison Flower". These females found themselves in the corresponding relationships of saving the nation, women's rights, and woman's education.

No description available.

My dissertation takes the social and symbolic location of women---the inner chambers [guige or gui]---as a point of departure to examine Ming-Qing women's unique approach to the writing of poetry. In Ming-Qing China, women continued to be assigned to the inner, domestic sphere by Confucian social and gender norms. The inner chambers were not only a physically and socially bounded space within which women were supposed to live, but also a discursive site for the construction of femininity in both ideological and literary discourses. The term gui embraces a nexus of meanings: the material frame of the women's chambers; a defining social boundary of women's roles and place; and a conventional topos evoking feminine beauty and pathos in literary imagination. Working with the literary context of boudoir poetics, yet also considering other indispensable levels of meanings epitomized in the cultural signifier guige, my dissertation demonstrates how Ming-Qing women poets re-conceive the boudoir as a distinctive textual territory encoded with their subjective perspectives and experiences. Compared with the poetic convention, the boudoir as inscribed in Ming-Qing women's texts is far more complex as its depiction is informed by nuances in their historical, social and individual experiences.